78-5920
SCHUSTER, Camille Passler, 1950- A CRITIQUE OF CANDIDATES’ STYLES IN THE 1976 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1977 Speech
University Microfilms International,Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106
@ 1977
CAM ILLE PASSLER SCHUSTER
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PLEASE NOTE:
Dissertation photographed without pages 180-18]. Not available for mi crofilmi ng.
UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS A CRITIQUE OP CANDIDATES* STYLES
IN THE 1976 PHESUENTIAL CAMPAIGN
DISSERTATION
Presented In I&rtial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of The Ohio State University
By
Camille Passler Schuster, B.S. in Ed., M. A.
*****
The Olio State University
1977
Reading Committeet Approved by Dr. James L. Golden Dr. John J. Mahay Dr, Victor D. Wall, Jr.
X j Adviser Department of Communication ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In the course of pursuing this study many people offered
their assistance and encouragement. Without their help, the
research never would have been completed. Some of these people
deserve special mention.
First, I would like to acknowledge and thank the press
secretaries working for the Democratic and Republican parties in
Ohio who provided me with press passes during the campaign. Without
their help, I might not have been able to obtain copies of Jimmy
Carter's and Gerald Ford's "set speeches."
Joseph Pilotta deserves recognition and thanks for assistance
above and beyond the call of duty. His help was most instrumental
in the completion of this study. I would also like to extend my
sincere appreciation to John Hakay and Vic Wall for offering their
unhesitating support and encouragement at a time when I most needed
it.
Next, I wish to extend a special note of thanks to James
Golden for the freedom to do this study. Without his trust and faith in me, I would not have been able to pursue my unorthodox ideas, develop an unusual methodology for rhetorical criticism, and answer questions about political communication which were important to me.
Inahk you for the confidence to allow me to follow my instincts. One other person played a significant role in this research process. Without his constant questioning, which was so frustrating, and. constant support, which was so comforting, I would never have met the challenge of being who I am. Thanks, Rich, my most difficult critic and most ardent supporter, a true friend.
iii VITA
March 29, 1 9 5 0 ...... Born, Milwaukee, Wisconsin
1971 . • . • ...... B.S. in Ed., University of Wisconson-Whitewater, Whitewater, Wisconsin Major: Elementary Education
1973~197^« « ...... Tbachlng Assistant, Department of Speech and Theatre, Arizona State University, Tbmpe, Arizona
197^ ...... M.A., Arizona State University, Tbmpe, Arizona Major: Speech-Communication
I974-I977. Teaching Associate, Department of Communication, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
PUBLICATIONS
Is That What You Meant? I Didn't Know That, with Gail T. Fhirhurst. Small Group Communication: Selected Readings, Victor D. Wall, Jr. (Ed.), Columbus, Ohio: Collegiate Publishing, Inc., 1976
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Political Communication
Studies In Rhetorical Theory: Professors James L. Golden, Robert Davis, John J. Makay
Studies in Political Communication: Professors Bruce Merrill, Katherine Meyer, Aage Clausen, James L. Golden, Goodwin Berquist, William E. Brown
iv Studies in Communication Theorys Professors Donald Cegala, Leonard C. Hawes, Virginia McDermott, Robert Nofsinger, William E. Arnold
Minor Fields Methodology
Studies in Rhetorical Criticisms Professors William E. Brown, James L. Golden, Robert Davis
Studies in Qualitative Methodologys Professors Leonard C. Hawes, Enrico Quarantelli
v TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... 11
VITA ...... iv
LIST OF TABLES...... viii
LIST OF FIGURES...... x
Chapter
I. THE COMMUNICATIVE DIMENSIONOF A POLITICAL CAMPAIGN...... 1
Introduction, ...... 1 Context of Campaign Speaking...... 3 Research Question for Studying the 1976 Presidential Campaign ...... 11
II. HE RI-ENSUTICAL-RHETORICAL CRITICISM...... 14
A Type of Hermeneutical-Rhetorical Criticism. . . . 18 Procedures...... 38
III. THE AUDIENCE...... 48
Ford's Style...... 48 Carter's Style...... 60 Comparison of Styles...... 71
IV. CANDIDATES...... 73
Ford' s Style...... 73 Carter's Style...... 98 Comparison of Styles...... 115
V. POLITICS...... 117
Ford’s Style...... 117 Carter's Style...... 138 Comparison of Styles...... 152
vi Page VI. THE ECONOMY ...... 154-
Fbrd's Style...... 154- . Carter's Style...... 167 Comparison of Styles...... 193
VII. VOTING...... 196
Fbrd's Style...... 196 Garter's Style...... 199 Comparison of Styles...... 224
VIII. DEFENSE AND A VISION...... 228
Fbrd's Style...... 229 Carter's Style...... 24-5
IX. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS...... 301
Style and Campaign Rhetoric...... 302 Hermeneutical-Rhetorical Criticism...... 313 Accountability...... 31& Serendipitous Findings. . 317 Summary ...... 324-
APPENDIX
A ...... 326
B ...... 342
BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 34-7
vii LIST OF TABLES
Page 1 Conceptions Grounded in Words of Speaker ...... 41 2 Assumption 15(f ) ...... 44 3 Assumption 2(f )...... 52 4 Assumption 6(f)...... 56 5 Assumption 17(f ) ...... 53 6 Assumption l(C)...... 6l 7 Assumption 3(c). • .••••••••••••.••• 65 8 Assumption 3(f )...... 75 9 Assumption 7 (f )...... 79 10 Assumption 20(f)...... 85 n Assumption 21 (f ) ...... 94 12 Assumption 2(c)...... 99 13 Assumption 5(c)...... 10 5 14 Assumption 6(c)...... 112 15 Assumption i (f ). • ...... 119 16 Assumption 5(f )...... 122 17 Assumption 8(f)...... 124 18 Assumption 13(f ) ...... 127 19 Assumption 14(f ) ...... 133 20 Assumption 4(c)...... 141 21 Assumption 7(C)...... 145 22 Assumption 8(c)...... 149 23 Assumption 9(f)...... 156 24 Assumption 10(f ) ...... 159 25 Assumption 11(f) ...... 162 26 Assumption 12(f )...... 164 27 Assumption 9(c)...... 169 28 Assumption 10(c)...... 175 29 Assumption 11(C) ...... 180 30 Assumption 19( c ) ...... I85 31 Assumption 4(f)...... 198 32 Assumption 1 6 ( C ) ...... 200 33 Assumption 17(C) ...... 204 34 Assumption 18(C) ...... 210 35 Assumption 25 (c) ...... 216 36 Assmption'i^rr / "...... , , „...... 230 37 Assumption 16(f ) ...... 233 38 Assumption 18(f) ...... 238 39 Assumption 1 9 ( F ) ...... 241 40 Assumption 1 2 (c)...... 247
viii Table Page 41 Assumption 13 ( c ) ...... 249 42 Assumption l^ ( c ) ...... 252 43 Assumption 15(C) ...... 258 44 Assumption 20(c) ...... 264 45 Assumption 21(C) ...... 268 46 Assumption 22(C) ...... 274 4? Assumption 2 .3( c ) ...... 285 48 Assumption 24 ( C ) ...... 294
ix LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page 1 Model for Understanding Style 3^
x CHAPTER ONE
THE COMMUNICATIVE DIMENSION OF A POLITICAL CAMPAIGN
Introduction
Every four years a group of individuals called Presidential candidates compete for votes among the citizens of the United States.
This process includes much fanfare, publicity and discussion, and culminates when the electorate chooses one person to become
President of the United States. Many people (citizens, journalists, pollsters, scholars) focus their attention on the campaign as well as the ensuing election results and study them from a variety of perspectives. For instance, political scientists examine voting patterns and voter turnout; journalists write frequent stories documenting the candidates’ actions; survey researchers identify the composition of the electorate.
Most of these endeavors examine events which occur during the campaign or attitudes of the electorate but not the relationship between the two. Within the context of particular campaign events, the candidates and voters discuss issues, ideas, and policies; this process provides a forum in which the electorate can form attitudes about the candidates and the candidates can adjust to the electorate. When talking with various groups of people, the
1 2
candidates not only acquire information about the electorate's
opinions, but also attempt to shape public opinion. When listening
to the candidates and discussing particular events among themselves,
the electorate acquires information about the candidates and makes
judgments about them. The vehicle for this process of learning and making judgments is communication and, according to Connolly (197^)»
this vehicle of interaction is a dimension of politics.
Since the discourse of politics helps to set the terms within which that politics proceeds, one who seeks to understand and to assess the structure of political life must deliberately probe the conventions governing those concepts, Tb examine and accept, or to examine and revise, the prevailing terms of political discourse is not a prelude to politics but a dimension of politics itself (p, 3 ),
Campaign communication, defined as the interaction between candidates and the electorate during a specified period of time prior to an election, is the subject of this study. The terms of this particular
type of political discourse will be examined to determine at least
some dimensions of the nature of political life during campaigns,
Ccunpaign communication is a broad topic and a vehicle for many activities? for example, media use during a campaign can
consist of paid advertisements, news coverage, or appearances on
talk-shows. Each of these uses embodies a different form of
communication and all of these activities can be viewed as vehicles for distributing information, entertaining the electorate, making a profit, and developing a national spirit. Not all types or purposes of communication will be examined in this study? rather "stump speaking” will be the focus of analysis.1 In this activity, communication becomes a vehicle through which the candidates present themselves to the electorate and the electorate makes judgments about the candidates. The focus of attention in this study will be on the stump speaking of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter in the 1976
Presidential campaign. The rest of this chapter will more clearly identify the context of stump speaking in campaigns and the particular research question used in this study.
Context of Campaign Speaking
In this research project the use of the terms campaign speaking and campaign will refer only to Presidential campaigns in the United States. The role of campaign speaking may vary in elections for offices of different levels (State Senator, Mayor,
Representatives in State Assemblies, President of the United States) and the documentation of these variations in the role of campaign speaking is not the subject of this study. Ikther, attention will focus on the role of candidates' campaign speaking during a
Presidential election.
The major reason for concentrating on campaign speaking in
Presidential elections is that these elections are an important activity through which voters in the United States can and do
Stump speaking” is a term used to identify the type of campaign speaking which occurs when the candidates travel across the country and speak before a wide variety of audiences. This term Is used in a generic sense and relates to a variety of campaign techniques employed throughout history. 4 participate in the political system. Verba and Nie (1972, p. 31) found that a majority of people participate in politics by voting in Presidential elections. The significance of this finding is not
that a majority of people in this country vote in elections, but
that they are more likely to vote in Presidential elections than in any other election (Campbell, 1970, p. 471), In analyzing voter responses over time, Erikson and Luttbeg (1973) drew conclusions which support the findings of Verba and Nie (1972)» "campaigns for office below presidential level attract little voter interest" (p. 217).
Since most of the electorate notices and participates in Presidential elections, they provide a useful source of information for examining the relationship between candidates and the electorate.
Some clarifications about the nature of campaigns will be useful in establishing a framework within which the relationship between candidates and citizens can be examined. Hess (1974) studied the 1972 Presidential campaign and offers a perspective from which elections can be viewed.
Voters in a democratic society are expected to partake in this quadrennial exercise, tedious and even degrading as it may be, so as to gather clues about the acceptability of the contestantsj if the clues are not forthcoming or if the clues are misleading, then the system fails in its primary obligation. If, on the other hand, the voters are presented with sufficient information and are able to register their decision, then the system meets one criterion of success even if it may be aesthetically unpleasing or If subsequent events prove that the electorate was not attentive enough (pp. 1 and 2 ).
Where do the clues come from in a Presidential campaign? What is their nature and do they provide enough information for voters to 5 make a decision? Traditionally, party identification is the major source of clues used "by the electorate to make a choice among candidates.
The most constant long-term variable used to predict voter decisions is party identification. People belong to a particular political, party and use this affiliation to help them sort through information about candidates and choose among them. As such, party identification has been an important source of clues and, at one time, "accounted for 60 percent of voter preference in presidential elections" (Hess, 1974, P# 40). However, the context of campaigns is changing and party identification is losing some of its importance as a source of clues in Presidential campaigns.
In general, the short-term factors or those elements connected with a particular campaign are becoming more influential in the decision-making process of the electorate (Hreyer, 1974, p. 66; Hess,
1974, P» 40 ). Stokes* (1970, p. 329) analysis of voter attitudes during the elections of 1952 through i960 not only supports the claim of the increased influence of short-term factors, but also identifies the candidates as important factors in the voters* decision-making process. In their discussions of contemporary politics, Agranoff (1972, p. 4) and Alexander (1972, p. 368) identify the candidates rather than political party as the focal-point of campaigns. If the candidates are becoming an increasingly important factor for decision-making, the candidates* presentations of them selves to the electorate should be examined: In what ways do the 6 candidates provide clues about themselves and how can the electorate use these clues to make a choice? The following discussion will first examine the voters' role in this process and then the candidates' roles.
When analyzing data which had been gathered over a long period of time and which revealed information about the electorate, Key
(197*0 concluded that the electorate is responsible when voting during elections.
In short, the data make it appear sensible to regard the voter as a person who is concerned with what governments have done or not done and what they propose to do rather than one guided, perhaps unaware, by the imperatives of economic status or the tricks of Madisr.i Avenue (p. 76).
Erikson and Luttbeg (1973* P« 227) also describe the American voters as "concerned” and not "straightjacketed" during campaigns} they not only seek out information but are able to secure it. Given this perspective— that voters are interested in what politicians propose to do, pay attention to campaigns, and are not tricked or propagan dized into choosing a particular candidate— how do they choose?
What kind of information do voters use to make choices among candidates?
Agranoff (1972, p. 15) identified two key factors used by voters when making a decisionj the personal attributes of a candidate and i3sue-related identification. The role of issues in campaigns is a controversial topic because, traditionally, the electorate has not appeared to be very knowledgeable about them.
As a result, many researchers conclude that candidate image is the single best predictor of voting behavior (Natchez and Bupp, 1970, 7 p. ^29)• However, Natchez and Bupp (1970, p. U46) also argue that a candidate's position on an issue partially determines his/her image.
While voters may not have much information on a particular issue, they can Identify the candidate's relationship to the issue and that information is used by the voters in developing an image of a particular candidate. During a Presidential campaign, then, the majority of citizens who do vote and are concerned will be seeking
information about the personal attributes of candidates as well as their positions on issues.
Barber (1972, p. 6 ) contends that differences among candidates can be detected by examining their character, world view, and style.
Historical analysis will reveal information about the candidates' 2 character and world view j however, resources for this kind of analysis are not easily accessible to the electorate during a campaign. The element most visible to the voters and a common source of information is style as defined by Barber (1972, p. 7)i "Style is the President's habitual way of performing his three political rolest rhetoric, personal relations, and homework." Knowledge of those activities performed by the President while in office are of limited use during a campaign because usually not all the candidates have been President at some time in the past. However, during the campaign the candidates do talk about what they intend to do as President, what their
2 Barber defines these terms in the following wayi "A President's world view consists of. his primary, politically relevant beliefs, particularly his conceptions of social causality, human nature, and the central moral conflicts of the time. . . . character is the way the President orients himself toward life (1972, pp. 7,8). 8 positions on issues are, and why they feel people should vote for
them thereby revealing how they will act as President (style).
Therefore, campaign rhetoric becomes an important resource when eliciting information about candidates* styles from which predictions and/or judgments can be made about how they will act as President.
The term style as used in this study needs some clarification.
In traditional rhetorical theory style is the canon which refers to
the process of assessing the appropriateness of language (Aristotle,
1926), Chapter Two of this study includes a description of this
canon and identifies its basic component 1 speakers* use of language reveals how they think. In this research the concept of style will be adapted for campaign speaking similarly to the way in which
Devlin (1971, P. 13) adapts it when discussing political speaking in general1 style is the image a politician conveys. As discussed earlier in this chapter, character traits and issue positions
combine to form candidates* Images. The rhetorical and political
science perspectives are interdependent and relate to a particular adaptation of the canon style as it relates to campaign speaking.
During a campaign candidates choose to address certain issues and particular ways of revealing their positions on these issuesj what they say (issue positions) and how they say it (use of language) reveal how they think (character traits). After identifying this
information for the candidates, the voters can predict and make
judgments about how these people will act as President. Thus, revelation of character traits and issue positions through the use 9 of language are the "basic components of style which will "be used as a "basis for comparison in this study. Since the use of language is an important element in revealing style, candidates' communicative activities and their effectiveness in performing these activities are important factors in Presidential campaigns (Agranoff, 1972, p. ?66),
Communication during a Presidential campaign takes many forms1 billboard posters, advertisements on radio and television, speech- making, newsletters, articles in newspapers and magazines, discussion with friends, and many others. Even though the mass media can carry a message to many more people at any one time than any other form of communication, in his study of the 1972 Presidential campaign,
Hess (1974, P» 48) found that the candidates continue to use stump speaking in what he calls a "jet age whistlestop," Speaking directly to voters continues to "be an important element in campaigns for the candidates as well as the voters. On one hand, Hess (1974-) found this interaction to be important to a candidate as a means of developing issue positions and presenting an image.
A Presidential candidate on the campaign trail is engaged in a process of pulse-taking, seeking the voters' tolerance level, saying the same things over and over again, gauging reactions, dropping ideas, adding others, sharpening lines until the traveling press corps is able to chant them in unison (p, 48).
While engaged in this process of stump speaking, the candidates use 10
3 a "set speech." As they deliver their speech, the candidates learn about the voters by noting how they respond and this interaction helps
the candidates refine their own ideas. As a result, the set speech
can also change during the course of a campaign as the candidate
takes reactions from various audiences into account. In this way,
the candidates learn about the voters and refine their own linage or
style presentations.
This kind of interaction, whereby the candidates develop a
set speech and use it over and over again, is also useful for the
voters. According to Hess, the set speech
may provide the most useful substantive basis on which a voter can make a decision. Ibr here, in the potential President's own words, is what he thinks the campaign is all about, the issues that he thinks are most important, the failures of the opposition that he thinks are most serious (197^» p. ty?).
By attending to the set speech during a Presidential campaign, voters
can have a substantive source of clues for determining the style of various candidates (their image or how they will approach the duties
of President of the United States). Since candidates do spend time
^The "set speech" includes all the Issues the candidate plans to discuss as well as the examples and appeals the candidate plans to use during the campaign. The speeehwrlting staff works with the candidate to create this speech and, in the process, words and phrases are chosen with care because any changes will affect the meaning of the message. The product of this planning and interaction, the set speech, is usually not delivered In its entirety; the candidate adapts it to particular audiences by using only one or two issues in each speech, by using different examples for different audiences, or by changing the order or length of presentation for a particular issue. This is one way of keeping the speech fresh without changing positions on issues (Bormann, 1961; Devlin, 1971; Granum, 1976; Hess, 197^; Newell and King, 1970. 11 developing a set speech and use it as an important tool for conveying their ideas to the electorate, and since the set speech reveals candidates’ images or styles and is a useful resource for the electorate as they choose among candidates, this kind of campaign speaking is an important link "between candidates and voters during campaigns. Thus far, the discussion addresses the context of campaign speaking in general and provides a justification for examining the set speeches of candidates. However, what was the specific context of the 1976 Presidential election which calls for a comparison of the styles of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Garter?
Research Question for Studying the 1976 Presidential Campaign
One unusual factor in the 1976 Presidential campaign was that a large number of people remained undecided very late in the race.
According to R. W. Apple, Jr., of The New York limes (10“24-76,
Section 4, p. l), one of the biggest questions in this campaign was whether the “swing voters would ever make up their minds," Composing as much as 15 percent of the vote, they could have a significant impact on the election. On the 31st of October, two days before the election, an article in The New York Times declared the election still too close to call because of all the undecideds (10-31-76,
Section 4, p. l).
Why were these people unable to make a choice? A few of the possible answers are as followst The election generated little interest and people were not concerned; the voters did not have 12
enough information to be able to learn about the candidates; the
candidates were so similar that people felt like they had no choice;
or the candidates kept changing positions and the voters did not know where any of the candidates stood. The reasons for so many voters remaining undecided so late in the campaign are probably many and no one reason is sufficient for explaining why thi3
situation occurred. However, some clues exist which indicate the
Importance of one reason in particular.
ffeuny writers felt the candidates offered no choice to the
American people in this election. Charles Mohr contended that the
candidates began to sound very much alike by the end of the campaign
(The New York Times. 10-21-76, p. U4), Without any realistic differences among the candidates, the voters had difficulty making a decision. John Chancellor's criticism was much stronger! he had never seen such an empty campaign and felt that people were denied
the right to a decent election (The New York Times, 10-25-76, p. 31)•
According to these two critics, either the candidates provided little
or no clues to the electorate or the clues identified very few, if any, differences among candidates. Consequently, the voters felt they had little or no choice. If this situation existed, the high number of undecided voters would be understandable and the campaign could be attacked for not meeting its primary obligation of providing sufficient clues to the electorate.
Since many voters had difficulty choosing, and since some critics contend that the electorate received insufficient clues, an examination of the 1976 Presidential campaign is in order. Did the candidates present the electorate with a choice and sufficient clues with which to make that choice? As established earlier, a candidate's style (image or personal characteristics and issue Identification) is the most visible and most used information for decision-making.
Therefore, the research question used in this study is as followsi
How do the styles of the 1976 Presidential candidates compare?
Since the most substantive source of this Information is a candidate's set speech, an example of each candidate's set speech will be analyzed in an attempt to describe and compare each candidate's style. The results of this analysis will answer the question of whether or not the candidates presented the electorate with a choice and if so, what the nature of the choice was. The next chapter will describe the methodological/theoretical perspective used for analyzing the set speech of each candidate. CHAPTER W O
HERMENEUTICAL-RHETORICAL CRITICISM
When choosing an appropriate methodology for a particular study, the research question is an important criterion because it focuses the researcher's attention on certain topics and implies a particular perspective from which they will be viewed. The research question in this study evolved from a discussion of campaign speaking in Chapter One» How do the styles of the 1976 Presidential candidates compare? This question focuses on three topicsj 1976
Presidential candidates, comparison, and 3tyle,
The 1976 Presidential candidates discussed in this study are
Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter. The question of why they were the only candidates chosen for analysis will be answered in the
Procedures' section of this chapter. Comparing the styles of Ford and Carter is the final phase of analysis used to determine similarities and differences between the candidates. The procedure of identifying the degree and nature of choice presented to the electorate in this election implies the use of categories with which to compare the candidates! as such, one criterion for an appropriate methodology is that it either employs or creates cate gories useful for comparing style. As discussed in Chapter One, style relates to perceptions of candidates' character and issue
lb 15 positions which combine in the minds of voters to form candidates*
images and a substantive source of this information Is their set speeches. Another criterion for an appropriate methodology is that it provides sufficient directions for identifying procedures to be used in assessing and comparing style.
These three topics are the focus of attention for this study and require a methodology which allows the researcher to examine the
texts of particular speeches in a manner which identifies a
candidate's style and which can group this information into categories useful for the purpose of comparison. With these criteria in mind, the author chose the methodology of hermeneutical-rhetorical criticism.
Hermeneutics and rhetoric are not identical schools of thought and do not necessarily approach the task of criticism from the same perspective. However, they are interdependent and can be closely aligned in specific approaches to criticism as will be demonstrated, Tb identify the points of convergence in the method of criticism used in this study, hermeneutics and rhetoric will be discussed in a general way first and then in more detail.
According to Scott and Brock (1972), rhetoric is "the human effort to induce cooperation through the use of symbols (p. 6 )".
This perspective indicates that the process of communication, which uses symbols (language/words, pictures, gestures, music, mathematics) to coordinate activities (persuasion, information exchange, learning) which enable people to work together, is both human and rhetorical. 16
Ttoo primary activities of rhetoric, then, are using a symbol system and adopting the goal of understanding as a prelude for a particular
type of cooperation.
Working from the perspective that "language Is the 'medium'
in which we live, and move, and have our being (p. 9 )>” Calmer (19&9 ) defines hermeneutics as the "process of deciphering which goes from manifest content and meaning to latent or hidden meaning (p. 43).“
This perspective indicates that hermeneutics involves the process
of assigning meaning or Interpreting language to understand what is being communicated. Again, the use of language and the goal of
understanding are important, but the process of interpretation by which understanding is achieved surfaces as an important characteristic of hermeneutics.
language, as a type of symbol system employed to promote understanding, is the link between hermeneutics and rhetoric and
this perspective emphasizes their interdependency or interpenetration according to Gadamer (1976),
Rhetorical and hermeneutical aspects of human lingulsticallty completely interpenetrate each other. There would be no speaker and no art of speaking if understanding and consent were not in question, were not underlying elements; there would be no hermeneutical task if there were no mutual understanding that has been disturbed and that those involved in a conversation must search for and find together again (p. 25).
While both rhetoric and hermeneutics examine language and under
standing, their purposes are not necessarily identical. The study
of rhetoric often concentrates on how language, through the process
of understanding, produces certain effects or induces cooperation. 17
Hermeneutics, on the other hand, focuses directly on the process of interpretation which leads to understanding or the process of k reflection. Ihe rhetorical perspective most similar to this type of endeavor is criticism which attempts to describe, interpret, and evaluate discourse (Campbell, 1972? Hillbruner, 1966? Scott and
Brock, 1972). While rhetoric and hermeneutics are interdependent in their focus on language and the goal of understanding, rhetorical criticism and hermeneutics are interdependent in their focus on the process of reflection.
This study uses a hermeneutical-rhetorical perspective by adopting a particular type of reflection for the examination of language used in set speeches to identify or understand the styles of Presidential candidates. While hermeneutics, rhetoric, and criticism are interdependent, they can be aligned in different ways to produce a variety of critical perspectives and, for the purpose of clarifying the perspective used in this study, this chapter will be divided into two sections? one will identify the particular type of hermeneutical-rhetorical criticism which forms the framework for analysis? the other will describe specific procedures used in the study.
According to Gadamer (1976), "reflection on a given preunderstanding brings before me something that otherwise happens behind my back (p. 38)". Examining how language works to achieve the goal of understanding is a type of reflection. 18
A Type of Hermeneutical-Rhetorical Criticism
lb describe the particular type of hermeneutical-rhetorical
criticism used in this study, four topics will be discussedi
rhetorical criticism, hermeneutics and a theory of reflection, the
concept of style, and a language perspective. By specifying the
traditions of each area and their relationship to one another, the
theoretical and methodological assumptions utilized in this analysis
will be delineated. A figure at the end of this section will
visually represent the relationships among concepts.
Rhetorical Criticism
The definition of rhetorical criticism used earlier (the
process of describing, interpreting, and evaluating discourse)
encompasses many critical perspectives. This study employs a
particular perspective which has its grounding in the traditions
of experiential and intrinsic criticism.
Intrinsic criticism characteristically focuses on elements
embodied in the text of the speech (Campbell, 1972j Hillbruner, 1966).
More specifically, the critic concentrates on the tone, purpose,
structure, and/or strategy evident in the speech itself (Campbell,
1972, p. 15), Since the resource data In this study are texts of
set speeches, and since the examination of the texts will focus on analyzing the use of language in the speeches to identify candidates*
styles, the analysis is intrinsic. While this orientation toward
criticism identifies the parameters of the analysis— elements In the
texts of speeches— it does not identify the critic's role in the 19 process.
In this study the author, as critic, also operates from within the experiential tradition of criticism, A major charac teristic of the experiential approach is that the critics use their own perceptions as a "basis for analysis (Scott and Brock, 1972, p. 125)•
Using this perspective, the critics are aware of how they act as interpreters (how they are understanding or reflecting) and develop a greater concern for the context and process of criticism (Scott and Brock, 1972, p. 124), As such, critics using this perspective are more conscious of identifying and documenting how they come to understand what a speaker meant. Critical analyses using this orientation not only identify what the critic understood the speaker to mean, "but also how the process of identifying the meaning worked.
As such, critics, as individual interpreters, ask readers to share in their vision of reality when presenting conclusions (Wander and
Jenkins, 1972, p. 450). Whereas the tradition of intrinsic criticism identifies the parameters of the study (texts of speeches), that of experiential criticism identifies the role of the critic (individual interpreter). A philosophical orientation toward criticism identifies the purpose of the perspective used in this study.
Chthcart (1957) stated that a vital function of speech criticism should be the interpretation of the "meaning of speeches, not in the sense of clarifying what the speaker directly intends but in the sense of what the speech indirectly implies, for man and the society in which he lives (pp. 70-1)." Blau (1957) described a type 20 of criticism which would identify the indirectly implied meaning of a speechi
Philosophic criticism must unearth the presuppositions and assumptions on which the public address is based by a reconstruction of the system of general propositions, acknowledged or not, that justifies the speaker's text (P. 78).
These statements are similar to one made by Ewbank and Ewbank (1976)
In which they call for a type of rhetorical assessment which would identify "the initial presuppositions and assumptions, the ground, from which and on which the rhetor builds his argument (p. 288),"
All of these authors suggest that critics should engage in criticism for the purpose of identifying the speaker's assumptions because, by identifying assumptions about candidates' characters and positions on issues, the critic would be able to identify what the speech means for voters and how it reveals choice among candidates. Using thi«s orientation toward criticism, the author will adopt a particular purpose for the analysis.
While many other kinds of rhetorical criticism are possible, this study follows from the perspective presented here in an attempt to compare candidates' styles. As such, the author will examine an example of each candidate's set speech for the purpose of identifying the assumptions of each person. The procedures will include a careful examination of the texts using my own interpretive process to make the assessment, Richards (1928) cautions those critics who rely upon their own perceptions as a basis for analysisi
"Before his Insight can greatly benefit, however, a very clear demarcation between the object, with its features, and his 21 experience, which is the effect of contemplating it, is necessary
(p. 23)," In other words, the critics must be able to answer clearly the questions of what is the resource data, what are the critic's perceptions, and how were the judgments made. Hermeneutics and its approach of reflecting on how understanding is achieved revolves around this problem, Pbr that reason, the use of hermeneutics will complement the perspective of rhetorical criticism adopted in this study by providing a framework in which the process of understanding can be clearly stated. The next section will discuss criticism from a hermeneutical perspective.
Hermeneutics and a Theory of Reflection
Hermeneutics, in its most moderate sense, centers on the concept of self-interpretation and, according to Pllotta, ’’any version of interpretation which does not assign the canons of m o d e m science, such as attributing causal laws or reducing all speaking to psychological laws, falls within the genre of hermeneutics (1977)." Since many theories of reflection fall within this genre, critics have the responsibility of identifying the particular way of reflecting used in a given study. This section will describe the way of reflection which emanates from
Kant's philosophical perspective In the Critique of Judgment and which was adopted in this study.
The previous section, which discussed rhetorical criticism, identified the parameters and purpose of criticism used in this study as well as the critic's role. However, the description of 22 the process of understanding was still unclear. In an article on
Kant’s episteraology of judgment, Douglas (1973) presented a useful orientation for the discussion of hermeneutical criticism. F!rom the
Kantian perspective, "the art of criticism is not concerned with the object per se hut with the representation and impression it produces in the subject’s mind (p. 108)." The speech Itself is not the major concern in hermeneutical criticism, but rather the critic’s interpretation or understanding of the meaning of the speech. The question arises as to how the critic reflects or accomplishes this understanding. Douglas (1973) establishes a criterion«
The rhetorician holding a neo-Kantian philosophy of criticism recognizes that the understanding of speech acts Is not accomplished by an "arbitrary imposition of a formula complete with static equations to judge a work of art" but by an active creative process of discovering and understanding the inducement to attitude and action (p. 113).
Knowing that a critic should not employ a set formula for the analysis is useful information, but what is "an active creative process"? A closer examination of Kant's eplstemology of judgment gives some clarification.
According to Kant (l95l)» "judgment in general is the faculty of thinking the particular as contained under the universal (p. 15)."
Sometimes the universal Is known and the judgment proceeds from It to examine the particular; if, however, the particular is given and the universal is unknown, then the type of judgment utilized is reflective (Kant, 1951* P* 15). The criticism In this study employs reflective judgment because the use of language in two specific speeches will be examined as examples of Presidential campaign 23 speaking. These particular speeches are not thought of as two isolated speeches, but as part of a unified whole, the genre of campaign speaking which is one section of the larger category of political communication. Kant (1951) identifies this orientation as an important principle of reflective judgment.
As universal laws of nature have their ground in our understanding, which prescribes them to nature (although only according to the universal concept of it as nature), so particular empirical laws, in respect of what is in them left undetermined by these universal laws, must be considered in accordance with such a unity as they would have if an understanding (although not our understanding) had furnished them to our cognitive faculties, so as to make possible a system of experience according to particular laws of nature (p. 16),
As each item is analyzed in isolation, the critic assumes that at some level of understanding all empirical laws are unified, even if the unity is not comprehended (Kant, 1951» P» 20). However, if unity is assumed, if the critic may not be able to comprehend the unity, and if only a particular item is analyzed, where and how does the critic begin the process of reflective judgment? What are the grounds for interpretation? Where does the critic begin the process of self-interpretation when trying to understand a particular speech?
Tb begin with, the author used a particular type of judgment described by Kant (1951)» teleological judgment.
The teleological judgment is not a special faculty, but only the reflective judgment in general, so far as it proceeds, as it always does in theoretical cognition, according to concepts, but in respect of certain objects of nature, according to special principles, viz. of a merely reflective judgment, and not of a judgment that determines objects (p. 31 )• 2h
In answer to the above questions, this perspective suggests that
the critic identify a particular concept which will be used when
thinking about or judging an object and describe Its theoretical grounding because this concept will guide the critic's process of self-interpretation, The goal of reflection, then, is the “presen
tation” of the correspondence between understanding or intuition and the concept (Kant, 1951, p. 29). The critic's task Is to use
the concept to give direction to the process of reflection, display
the conclusions arrived at, and illustrate the correspondence between the conclusions and the concept.
The concept employed in this study Is style and the author's task is to interpret the set speeches of candidates according to this concept and then present the relationship between her intuition or understanding of the meaning of the speeches and the concept of style. The following section will focus on the concept of style and identify Its theoretical grounding. The question of how the correspondence between understanding speeches and identifying style can be presented remains. What tools should the critic use while reflecting on speeches and trying to understand style? The parameters of intrinsic rhetorical criticism suggest that elements within the speech are to be used for analysis. The most obvious element to use for understanding and presenting and the one which links hermeneutics and rhetoric, according to Gadamer (1976)1 Is language.
Language, then, Is not the finally found anonymous subject of all social-historical processes and action, which presents the whole of its activities as objectivations to our observing gazej rather, it is by itself the game of 25
Interpretation that we all are engaged In every day. In this game nobody is above and before all the othersj everybody Is at the center, is "it" in this game. Thus it Is always his turn to be interpreting. This process of interpretation takes place whenever we "understand," especially when we see through prejudices or tear away the pretenses that hide reality. There, indeed, understanding comes into its own. This idea recalls what we said about the atopon, the strange, for In it we have "seen through" something that appeared odd and unintelligiblei we have brought it into our linguistic world (p. 32).
The use of language is central to the task of self-interpretation and will be the medium through which the style of candidates is understood; however, the study of language can be viewed from many perspectives. The section following the one which traces the
theoretical background of style will identify the principles of language which develop from Kant's philosophical perspective and suggest how these principles will be employed as a medium for understanding or a means of reflection.
Style
The discussion in Chapter One Identified the particular adaptation of the canon style relevant for examining campaign speaking in this study. However, this canon has a long rhetorical tradition, a description of which will provide a theoretical grounding for the concept.
In the I&tionalist tradition of rhetoric, style refers to an examination of the "language of rhetorical discourse to determine whether it is clear and simple, correct and precise, and appropriate to the Issue, speaker, and audience (Chmpbell, 1972, pp. 27-8)."
From this perspective, an analysis of style would concentrate on 2 6 word choice, sentence construction, and those elements which could be used to identify discourse as "appropriate." According to
Aristotle (1926), inferences about a speaker's character can be drawn from determinations of appropriate discourse.
Character also may be expressed by the proof from signs, because to each class and habit there is an appropriate style. . . . If then anyone uses the language appropriate to each habit, he will represent the character; for the uneducated man will not say the same things in the same way as the educated (ill 7 .6-7 .7 , p. 379).
Using this perspective of style, tie critic would need to identify those elements of language which indicate appropriateness, determine which styles are appropriate for which classes of people, and then make assumptions about the speaker's character. This orientation
Is the beginning of a tradition which examines a speaker's words to
Identify character traits.
l&ny rhetoricians discussed the relationship among style, language, and character. One such rhetorician Is Weaver who was committed to the idea that "as a man speaks, so is he (Johannesen,
1966, p, 140; see also Weaver, 1953p P» 56)." Ihe idea that what people say and how they say It reveals something of their character remains an important element of the concept style. Ihe most changeable part of the concept Is how language is analyzed. Jbr instance, Gathcart (1957) suggests a more specific view of language which the critic should use to evaluate a speaker's character.
The rhetorical techniques, the means of persuasion, are the speaker's response to the rhetorical needs of a particular situation, but as such they are also a reflection of the speaker's concept of man, in what he asks him to do and how; his concept of ideas, in what he presents and the manner in 27
which he develops it; his concept of society, in what he implies about the relationship of man to man (p. 72).
This perspective suggests that the critic examine not the "appro priateness" of the discourse, but the strategies employedi how the speakers ask people to act, how they develop ideas, and what they imply about relationships. This information will allow the critic
to make judgments about the speaker’s character. While language is analyzed from a different perspective, the analysis is still for the purpose of assessing the speaker's character.
This orientation toward style continues through the
Dramatistic tradition of rhetoric. However, within this tradition,
the critic adopts a different perspective toward verbal behavior as described by Campbell (1972)i
The critic can best describe the rhetorician's purpose by specifying the changes that the rhetorician seeks in his verbal behavior and that of the audience— in the naming, defining, structuring, and interpreting of persons, acts, events, relationships, conditions, and issues. The critic must attempt to recreate the "universe of discourse" or the system of thought that the rhetorician tries to create through his action (p. 3&).
Again language is the tool for analysis, and the critic's goal is
to understand and identify what the speaker seeks to accomplish and how because this analysis of a speaker's use of language will reveal how that person thinks. The critic can then make a judgment about the speaker's character.
While the approach toward analyzing language differs in these perspectives, they all use some kind of language analysis to identify a speaker's character. As such, examining speakers' uses of 28
language to Identify how they think and using that information to assess speakers' characters is a "basic component of the concept of
style in its long tradition as a canon of rhetoric. Ihis orientation
provides the theoretical grounding for the use of style as a concept within Kant's framework of teleological judgment.
In Chapter One, the discussion of campaign speaking identified
two elements for determining how candidates think or, more
specifically, how they will act as Presidenti candidates' character
traits and issue positions. Ihe discussion of the rhetorical
tradition of style establishes that language will he the tool for analysis, that perspectives toward language are many and, that this
tool can he used to examine different aspects of speeches (e.g., word
choice, strategies). Since Kant's philosophical perspective toward
criticism forms the framework for analysis in this study, the perspective toward language used to analyze style should he consis
tent with this perspective. The next section will describe the
particular orientation toward language used when presenting the
correspondence between the critic's intuitions and the concept of
style.
Language
Before describing how language will be used as a tool in this study, the assumptions of language, according to Langer and
Richards who follow in the Kantian tradition, will be discussed.
The underlying assumption of this perspective Is that one of man's basic needs is that of "symbolization"j one of the most common 29
terminations for the process call "symbolic transformation of
experiences" is speech (Langer, 1957, pp. ^1» ^ ) . What does it
mean to view language as a symbolic transformation of experiences?
How does language work as a symbol?
Through their senses people receive messages from the world
around them and, from these impressions, ideas are conceived (Langer,
1957* p. ^2). At this point, experiences have been transformed into
ideas which need to be put in a symbolic form to be expressed;
language is a common form of symbolization according to langer (1953).
But expression of an idea, even in ordinary usage, where the "idea” has no capital I, does not refer to some signific function, i.e. the indication of a fact by some natural symptom or invented signal. It usually refers to the prime purpose of language, which is discourse, the presentation of mere ideas. . • . Such "expression" Is the function of symbols» articulation and presentation of concepts (p. 26).
The ideas formed by the Impressions of experiences are expressed
by means of concepts in language and "words are certainly our most
important instruments of expression (p. ^5 )»" but one must always
remember that a word is a symbol (Langer, 1957)»
Symbols are not proxy for their objects, but are vehicles for the conception of objects .... In talking about things we have conceptions of them, not the things themselves, and it is the conceptions, not the things, that symbols directly "mean" (p. 6l).
Symbols express concepts; however, a word does not stand for a
concept but rather means conceptions. This statement seems confusing and contradictory, but, with some clarification, the relationships
become more clear. First, the relationship between a symbol (word) and a concept, as established by Langer (1957), needs explanation. 30
A concept is all that a symbol really conveys. But just as quickly as the concept is symbolized to us, our own imagination dresses it up in a private, personal conception, which we can distinguish from the communicable public concept only by a process of abstraction. Whenever we deal with a concept we must have some particular presentation of it, through which we grasp it (p. 72).
The core of a symbol is the concept which is being expressed.
However, the symbol (word) embodies more than the core and, as people
use words to communicate with one another, these words do not have
identical meanings. However, the concept, which the conceptions
have in common if people understand one another, could be ascertained
through a process of abstraction. langer (1957) uses an example which might help clarify the relationship, Think of pictures of houses.
Hie things shown in the simplest picture, the diagram, are all contained in the more elaborate renderings. More over, they are contained in your conception of the house; so the pictures all answer, in their several ways, to your conception, although the latter may contain further items that are not pictured at all. Likewise, another person's conception of that same house will agree in its essential pattern with the pictures and with your conception, however many private aspects it may have.
It is by virtue of such a fundamental pattern, which all correct conceptions of the house have in common, that we can talk together about the "same" house despite our private differences of sense-experience, feeling, and purely personal associations. That which all adequate conceptions of an object must have in common, is the concept of the object. The same concept is embodied in a multitude of conceptions. . . . Probably no two people see anything just alike. Their sense organs differ, their attention and imagery and feelings differ so that they cannot be supposed to have identical impressions. But if their respective conceptions of a thing (or event, or person, etc.) embody the same concept, they will understand each other (p. 7l).
People have different experiences from which they form ideas. These
ideas take shape as particular concepts which are expressed through 31
the use of symbols (of which words are only one type). These symbols, however, mean conceptions (the particular way in which people dress up concepts according to their own experiences). If the concepts are the same, people can understand one another even though the conceptions or specific words used are different. This description illustrates how words have meaning in isolation— they give names to
ideas. Outside the framework of a sentence (which can also operate as a symbol), the words do not really say anything (Langer, 1957>
P. 6?).
One of the most significant aspects of words is that they can enter into combinations, connect conceptions, and make a whole new meaning (Langer, 1957, p. 76: Richards, 1928, pp. 178-9)* Words, however, can not be used all at once to convey these new meanings because of the property of discursiveness.
As it is, language has a form which requires us to string out our ideas even though their objects rest one within the other , . . , This property of verbal symbolism is known as discursiveness; by reason of it, only thoughts which can be arranged in the peculiar order can be spoken at all; any idea which does not lend itself to this "projection" is ineffable, incommunicable by means of words (Langer, 1957, pp. 81-2),
Words must be used one after another, in a string, combining particular conceptions to create new meaning. The form which language uses to connect ideas and establish relationships is grammar, according to Langer (1957)*
Grammatical structure, then, is a further source of significance. We cannot call it a symbol, since it is not even a term; but it has a syrabolific mission. It ties together several symbols, each with at least a fragmentary connotation of its own, to make one complex term, whose meaning is a special constellation of all the connotations involved (pp. 67-8), 32
The structure of a language (grammar) provides a form for combining words in a particular way and for making relationships among ideas understandable to other people; this form indicates how the conceptions should be combined to produce a larger meaning. In combination, words not only name things, they say something. By presenting strings of conceptions through words and signposts for combining these meanings through grammatical structure, new meanings can be created and understood. So far, this discussion of language has described how words (alone and in combination) function to produce meaning. An important question which remains is how do critics present their process of understanding using this orientation toward language? More specifically, how does a critic display the process of self-interpretation which resulted in a judgment of candidates' styles?
The implications of using this view of language as a means of criticism will be explicated and applied to the analysis of candidates' set speeches by means of langer's (195?) discussion of meaning.
'Die meanings given through language are successively understood, and gathered into a whole by the process called discourse; the meanings of all other symbolic elements that compose a larger, articulate symbol are understood only through the meaning of the whole, through their relations within the total structure. Their very functioning as symbols depends on the fact that they are involved in a simultaneous, integral presentation. This kind of semantic may be called "presentational symbolism," to characterise its essential distinction from discursive symbolism, or "language" proper (p. 97)*
The candidates give speeches which can be called presentational symbols; people hear the presentation as a succession of words and 33 combine conceptions to understand what was said and how. Ihe critic, as an audience member, perceives this succession of words, gathers it into a whole, and identifies the candidates' styles which can then be compared. Style is one concept (avoiding to Kant's perspective of teleological judgment) through which the meaning of the speech can be understood and interpreted for society as a whole.
Ihis relationship of presentation and interpretive understanding can be seen in Figure 1.
The description of the figure will begin with the box on the left labelled "Candidate.” The candidates, with or without speech- wri ters, choose which issues they will include in their set speech.
They have a variety of assumptions (ideas) which relate to these issues; they also have a certain repertoire of words, with relevant conceptions, at their disposal. The candidates and speechwriters work together choosing those words which will best present the candidates* issue positions. Richards (1928) indicates that this last item is of concern to the critic.
What concerns criticism is not the avowed or unavowed motives of the artist, however interesting these may be to psychology, but the fact that his procedure does, in the majority of instances, make the communicative efficacy of his work correspond with his own satisfaction and sense of its rightness (p. 29).
When the candidates deliver their set speeches, the words used satisfactorily reveal specific positions on issues.
The Audience Member/Critic orientation works from the bottom up. In the first place, the critic presupposes him/herself to be a member of the community; inasmuch as audience members* conceptions CANDIDATE AUDIENCE MEMHEfy'CRITTC
In ten- ;ion to present a posi .tion on an Style Comparison issue (schema)
\ 7 7 " Assumj)tions / / Representation of Assumptions / / Conceptions
Conceptions Choose words to present a position Perceives words uttered
Figure 1
Model for Understanding Style 35 of particular words contain the same concept, everyone's understanding will "be similar. The task of the hermeneutical-rhetorical critic
(as defined in this study) is to examine the process of understanding using the concept of style. As the audience member/critic perceives particular words in combination, concepts are identified but imme diately put within the framework of conceptions. Conceptions of words which are part of sentences, paragraphs, or sections combine to form meaning or an identification of the candidates’ assumptions.
Plow are the conceptions combined? Langer (1953) suggests one criterion!
Appreciation— being impressed or left cold— comes first, but the recognition of how the illusion was made and organized and how the sense of import is Immediately given by a strong piece, even though the critic himself may be nonplussed by its strange feeling-— that recognition is a product of analysis, reached by discursive reasoning about the work and its effects (p. ^0 6 ).
An examination of the conceptions associated with the particular words as they combine to form new meaning leads the critic to identify candidates' assumptions.
Assumptions operate at many levels of abstraction and the attempt to Identify a speaker's assumptions could lead easily to a process of infinite regression. Ib avoid that situation, the author chose to work at a particular level of abstration in which speakers' assumptions are roughly analogous to Ibulmin's concept of warrants.
Tbulmin (1958) defines warrants as those "statements, which can act as bridges, and authorise the sort of step to which our particular argument commits us (p. 98)." These are the kinds of statements which are most relevant to this examination of campaign speaking because by analyzing them the critic can identify not only how the 3 6 candidates are thinking now, but also how they will act in the future as President. When explaining the nature of warrants, Brockrelde and Ehninger (1971) emphasize the importance of assumptions.
So far as rhetorical proofs are concerned, as men have for centuries recognized, these routes [for warrantsj are three in number i (lj an arguer may carry data to claim by means of an assumption concerning the relationship existing among phenomena in the external world? (2 ) by means of an assumption concerning the quality of the source from which the data are derived? and (3) by means of an assumption concerning the inner drives, values, or aspirations which impel the behavior of those persons to whom the argument is addressed (p. 2^7 ).
Regardless of the particular argumentative route, these assumptions reveal how the speaker views the world— that is the part of a candidate’s thinking process which Indicates how that person will act at a later time. Since this study is not concerned with the identification, description, or analysis of particular arguments, the term "warrant" is not used here and no attempt will be made to identify to which of three "routes" of argument a particular assumption relates. However, candidates* assumptions will be identified and analyzed at this level of abstraction.
In this analysis, the critic will first be concerned with identifying the candidates' assumptions or statements which reveal how they view the world, lb accomplish this, the critic will interpret words in combination using her sense of appreciation to determine which words belong in which combinations and to identify candidates' assumptions. The critic also needs to describe her reasoning process when identifying particular assumptions. 37
According to Douglas (1973)* the next step is to group assumptions according to the particular concept as a means of achieving unity.
The schema of the imagination is the way various representations of an object are brought into unity in the inner sense through transcendental synthesis and thus fitted to be received into unity of apperception (p. 112).
Ihe aspects of style employed in this study, as noted earlier, are a candidate’s character and issue positions. Issues are easily grouped into topics so these topics became the schema used for unifying assumptions as the critic identified each candidate’s style. The sense of appreciation was also important in determining' which assumptions should be grouped together and, again, the critic needs to be able to explain the reasoning process used to make these decisions.
Ihe process of grouping assumptions into a particular schema not only enables the critic to identify the styles of each candidate, but also to compare them, Ihe comparison will focus on the following questions! Did the electorate have a realistic choice between candidates? Were the candidates' styles similar or different? If different, what was the nature of that difference?
Answering these questions will compose the final part of the criticism. Ib prepare the reader for understanding the analysis contained in Chapters Ihree through Eight, the next section will describe the specific procedures used to implement this type of hermeneutical-rhetorical criticsm. 3 8
Procedures
This section will describe each procedure used in the critical analysis of candidates* styles. These procedures incorporate the principles of hermeneutical-rhetorical criticism, the concept of style as adapted for campaign speaking, and the perspective of language discussed in this chapter.
Data Gathering
During the summer of 1976 Gerald Fbrd and Jimmy Carter accepted the nominations of their parties and became the Republican and Democratic candidates for President. Ronald Reagan and George
Wallace refused to run as third party candidates and the two major parties continued their dominance in the political arena. As such, the speaking of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter became the focus of attention in this study, Tb analyze and compare their styles a copy of each candidate*s "set speech" was necessary. The procedures employed for identifying and acquiring set speeches began with each candidate's acceptance speech at his convention and continued through election day and were as follows 1 (l) reading The New York
Times daily and (2) attending speeches delivered by the candidates
in Ohio. Each approach will be explained in more detail.
The author received a copy of The New York Times daily from
July 12th through November 5'th and all articles relating to the
Presidential campaign were clipped. Notes were taken on each article before filing it in one of four foldersi (l) articles relating to Ford's speaking; (2) articles relating to Carter’s speaking; (3) articles regarding "background material on Ford's campaign; or (4) articles regarding "background material on Chrter's campaign. The purpose of this procedure was to "become familiar with the candidates and their campaigns as well as to identify elements of each candidate's "set speech." Watching and recording the televised debates also helped identify each candidate's set speech.
The second procedure was to attend speeches delivered in
Cfciio by each of the candidates. After the first of October received a press pass each time Gerald Fbrd or Jimmy Garter appeared in Cleveland or Columbus, Ohio. By election day I had attended and recorded ten speeches delivered by Garter and five delivered by
Fbrd. From this number, an example of each candidate's "set speech" was chosen. Since the speeches tend to evolve and become refined over time, I chose one delivered near the end of the campaign by each candidate; since the candidates modify the content of the speeches for particular audiences, I chose speeches delivered to similar audiences; since certain topics were tailored to particular audiences, I chose a mass audience so the candidates would be making their basic appeal to the electorate.
With these criteria in mind I chose a speech delivered by
Carter in Cleveland on October 28, 1978, and a speech delivered by
Fbrd in Columbus on November 1, 1976. Copies of these speeches
^When describing activities performed by the author in the role of critic, the pronoun "I" will be used to be consistent with the concept of self-interpretation. 40 appear in Appendix A. At this point in time the last debate was over and the election would be held within a short time; by this time each candidate had evolved a standard speech. Each speech was delivered to a noontime crowd in the downtown area of a major city; both audiences contained a mixed group of people (e.g., ideologies, party affiliations, ages, occupations) to which the candidates gave their final appeals. Upon hearing these appeals the audience members could identify each candidate's issue positions and character traits and evaluate how each candidate would act as President.
The recordings of these two speeches were transcribed and these transcriptions became the resource data for this study. The next section describes the procedures used to analyze each speech, identify each candidate's style and compare them.
Criticism of ibxts
lb explain the process of self-interpreation used to under stand the candidates* styles, this section will discuss each procedure separately! Conceptions, Representation of Assumptions, Style, and
Comparison, Ihe steps of the reasoning process used in each step will be delineated.
Conceptions. Prom the transcripts of the speeches, I extracted individual words (often within the context of phrases) and noted all the related words (conceptions) which flashed through my mind, Th.ble 1 is an example of the process of making explicit the conceptions triggered by particular words in the candidates' speeches.
Using this procedure I was able to identify the conceptions related TABLE 1
Conceptions Grounded in Words of Speaker
Ifext Conceptions
In the first In the first debate - television performance #1, people know about the debate debate my my opponent said - challenger's words; game; opponent said win-lose; his position from his own mouth that we could we could anticipate - part of a group; country anticipate a members; something likely to happen in the future; probable even to think $60 ‘billion about; expect surplus in the $60 billion surplus in Federal Treasury - dollar figure; specifics; extra money; more Federal Treasury. in than out; national bank or holding place or account He said in that he said In that debate - the other guy, unnamed, debate that he impersonal; his own words in that public appearance that you know about would spend that he would spend that $60 billion - unnamed; $60 billion for individual decision; use money, put it out; pay for something; use for something more programs specific amount lodging one for more programs - use of money; additional plans, services, ideas, bureaucracies on top of lodging one on top of another - more and more; another. building like blocks; not linking together to words in the complete texts of the candidates' speeches.
While this process was completed for both speeches in a format such as that displayed in 'Jhble 1, these displays are not included
In the dissertation. Since the next step of analysis incorporated this information in another format, I chose to use only the more inclusive format for presenting this information in the dissertation.
Representation of Assumptions. When the documentation of conceptions was complete I reread the text of each speech pausing each time the subject changed. At this point I focused my attention on the previous section in which the relevant conceptions combined 6 in my mind to form the candidate's assumption, The feeling of pleasure (Kant, 19511 P» 23) or the feeling of appreciation (Langer,
1953, P* **06) was the criterion for identifying which words combined and the assumptions. The reasoning behind this process is displayed in the body of the dissertation in two formst visual and verbal.
Kant (1951) comments on how the critic arrives at the formt
Hence, in the figure which I draw in conformity with a concept, i.e. my own mode of representing that which is given to me extemaxly, whatever it may be in itself, it is I that introduce the purposiveness1 I get no empirical instruction from the object about the purposiveness, and so I require in it no particular purpose external to myself (p. 211).
My interpretation of the concept of the candidate's assumption is the framework for the ensuing table with its accompanying verbal
^At this point each assumption was numbered. As a result, the numbers for each candidate's assumptions follow a sequence relating to their order of appearance in the speech text. After each number an "F" or "C" will appear in parentheses to identify the assumption as one of Fbrd’s or Carter's, Appendix B lists the Representations of Assumptions in order for each candidate. ^ 3 description. Th.ble 2 Is an example of the visual form and I shall explain how it works.
The reader should first read through the Excerpt from Ttext; this is the resource data. The rest of the figure works from left
to right. On the left-hand side I listed words from the text; directly to the right of each word or phrase I listed my conceptions which were triggered by these words; on the far right-hand side I listed the candidate's assumption (my representation of it) inferred from the relevant words and conceptions. The black lines form brackets to illustrate which words and conceptions I grouped together when identifying the assumptions. This process visually displays the relationship between words in the text and candidate's assumptions.
A verbal description accompanies each visual display; beginning with the first idea in the representation of an assumption
I went back to the relevant words and phrases in the text and verbally described how these words and their accompanying conceptions combined in my mind, I-Jy presentation of the assumption in the form of a sentence becomes a representation for the reader.
The visual and verbal descriptions which depict the progression from text to assumption are included for all assumptions identified in both speeches. When readers inspect these tables, the relationship between the excerpt from the text and the assumption should be obvious if the critic has effectively analyzed the excerpt because the critic is acting as an audience member and merely identifying those assumptions which the candidates are presenting. Given the HU
TABLE 2
Assumption 15(f )
Excerpt from Tbxtt
Now let's talk about defense. lbday the United States with our Army, Ifevy, Air Force, and Karines, He're No. 1 and, under President Ford, we're gonna keep them No. 1 (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumptions
United States country nation The United formal States today at this time in the present gonna keep continue to support them services will continue help them stay in same position Army, Navy, Air Fbrce, Narines
No. 1 first the best on top its No, 1 the winner position the leader
Army, Ifevy, Air our protective Force, and forces in defense Marines groups major services under President with his leadership Ford with his decision making ability under President 3rd person Fbrd. power and prestige of office k5 assumptions of language used in this study, all audience members who understand one another are using the same concepts. If the readers see the assumption in the third column as an obvious conclusion, they have an understanding similar to that of the critic and are validating the critic's analysis. A relevant question is why should this analysis be done if it is obvious?
During a campaign, the electorate receives information about the candidates from a variety of sourcesi television advertisements, news shows, pamphlets, and discussions. Identification of candidates' assumptions is often done by and through second-, third-, or fourth-hand sources. Very few people (relatively speaking) are present when candidates deliver these speeches. Those people may well go through the process described in this dissertation in an unconscious manner and arrive at similar conclusions, but they are also distracted by other aspects of the eventi bands, weather, placards, or the crowd. Those who hear the candidates' speeches, excerpts from them, or see portions of the speeches on television and concentrate on the words of the candidates will unconsciously and obviously arrive at the conclusions identified in this study.
The purpose of detailing this procedure, however, is to document clearly the relationship between assumptions identified by audience members and the candidates’ speeches.
Some of the assumptions relate to a short excerpt from the text and are quite obvious. In these instances, the candidates spent little time developing an idea, but explicitly stated their k6 assumptions. At other times, the candidates elaborated on an idea
either by explaining it or by giving examples and, in these instances, a long excerpt from the text embodies one assumption. By choosing what to say and how to say it, the candidates reveal how they think
or their assumptions. The procedures used in this analysis will
identify candidates' assumptions which can be used to make judgments
about the candidates. The next section will describe how individual assumptions were used when evaluating the candidates' styles.
Style. All the representations of assumptions for each
speech were listed in order of appearance in the texts. I then
inspected each list trying to develop some type of schema which would illustrate the relevant dimensions of the concept style. I needed a procedure for grouping the assumptions in a way which would
enable me to identify and combine information about character traits and issue positions. Topicality of issues became the primary
criterion because, when using it, I was able to create a manageable way of discussing groups of assumptions and develop a category
system or schema which would be useful when comparing the candidates.
The following narrative is an example of how topicality worked as a criterion. When inspecting Tbrd's list of assumptions,
I identified one group which related to the topic of being a candidate. One assumption in particular (referring to voting) was only indirectly related to the topic of being a candidate, but was included here because it was more compatible with this group of
Fbrd's assumptions than with any other. 47
When analysing Garter's assumptions I identified one group which centered around being a candidate and one group which centered around elections. Upon inspecting the issues and their related assumptions for both candidates, I realized that the topics of being a candidate and the election could be combined in a general sense or be separated for both candidates. Because the groups of assumptions seemed to be related to somewhat different topics (being a candidate and the process of voting), I chose to separate them for both candidates. As a result, each candidate has a group of assumptions which relates to the topic of being a candidate and another group which relates to the topic of elections.
Identifying the issue positions and character traits of the candidates on each topic conformed to the following process:
(l) grouping the relevant assumptions) (2 ) reading through the explication of each assumption; and (3 ) describing how these Ideas fit together and Identifying the relevant issue positions and character traits of each candidate. In the process of doing this description I found that the candidates discussed parallel topics
(Audience, Candidates, Elections, Politics, and Economy), with one exception: Fbrd discussed Defense while Garter did not and Chrter discussed his Vision of the Country while Ford did not. As a result, I used these topics as organising factors (schema) for comparison and divided the chapters of the dissertation accordingly:
Chapter Three is about the Audience, Fbur Is about Candidates; Five is about Elections, Six is about Politics, Seven is about the <-■! 1
Economy, and Eight is about Defense (Fbrd) and a Vision of the
Country (Carter).
Comparison. The first comparisons of candidates’ styles occur in the chapters which report on individual topics; other comparisons occur in the final chapter. In the chapters each candidate's assumptions relating to a particular topic are identified and, taking one candidate at a time, I describe the process of identifying assumptions, and how positions on issues and any relevant character traits combine to reveal that person's style. The ensuing comparison addresses the following questions; (l) Given a particular style, what kinds of decisions could I expect this person to make as President, and (2 ) Would I expect both candidates to approach decisions on this issue in a similar manner. The comparison of candidates' styles is limited since only one issue was explored in any given chapter.
In the final chapter, the comparison will use information from the individual analyses, will more broadly cover the concept of style, and will address the following question; Do the voters have a choice between candidates and, if so, what is the nature of that choice. This section will include a discussion of similarities and differences In approaches to problem-solving based upon style and will result in a description of what to expect from each candidate If elected President. Accordingly, each of the next six chapters will contain the analysis of the candidates' styles regarding individual issues; the final chapter will Include a more ^7 global comparison as well as a discussion of ‘the implications of
this study. CHAPTER THREE
THE AUDIENCE
The topic for this chapter is the audience and the analysis will focus on the candidates* assumptions which reveal issue-related information and/or character traits relating to this topic. The discussion will progress in the following manner: (l) description of each candidate's assumptions in a visual and verbal format?
(2 ) identification of each candidate's style regarding this topic; and (3 ) comparison of the candidates' styles. In this way, the author, as audience member/critic, will present her understanding of the speeches, illustrate the link between her representations of assumptions and the speeches, and explain how the relevant information combines to reveal each candidate's style.
The progression from specific words to conclusions about style will be delineated so the reader* can identify the author's perceptions and follow along with her thinking process as she specifies elements of the candidates' styles. After completing this description for each candidate, the comparison will highlight the similarities and differences between Gerald Pbrd and Jimmy Chrter.
Ftard's Style
Three of Fbrd's assumptions most closely relate to the topic of the audience 1 (l) Pbrd identifies with audience members,,;
^ 8 (2) Fbrd is of the audienceg; and (3 ) Fbrd feels audience members 7 h e l p ^ » The author's Identification of each assumption will he described verbally followed by a visual display.
Assumption 2(f ): Fbrd identifies with the audience members.
Fbrd talks about himself as a private individual without the trappings of the office of President. He refers to himself and to his wife in a personal way ("I," "me," "my," "Betty") trying to get the audience to see him as Gerald Fbrd, an everyday person who views the world as they do.
lb identify further with the audience, Fbrd tries to develop a close, personal bond with them. He talks about Columbus as his home and refers to the many times he has "visited" here or "gone through" the state. He refers to members of the community as persons who "represent excellence" and are good "friends" and "supporters" whose help he has "greatly appreciated." Hot only has Fbrd come to
Ohio often, and not only does he have many personal friends here, but he has some strong feelings for the community also. By stating that he had the "honor and the great privilege of speaking at a commencement at Ohio State," Fbrd displays his pride and gratefulness at being part of a great event in the community. To extend further his personal relationship with the audience, Ford presents an invitation to the audience members to attend the Inauguration
7 'In the initial analysis, representations of assumptions were assigned numbers according to their chronological appearance in the speech. The subscript numbers refer to this chronological ordering. 50 ceremonies in Washington and, as though the audience members are personal friends, Fbrd extends the invitation in the name of himself and his wife, Betty,
In developing this relationship, Ford talks to the audience members as individuals or as persons by addressing them as "you."
He furthers the process of identification by establishing his relationship with places, people, and events in the community that are familiar to the audience members, Fbr instance, Fbrd names
Columbus, Cleveland, Akron, Chnton, Ohio, the Buckeye state, and. the
Maztalan area, which are special to the audience members, as favorite and familiar places of his. References to these places identify
Fbrd not as an alienated outsider, but as a person knowledgeable about the audience members' territory. Fbrd also establishes a close relationship with famous local figures. The audience members know
Jack Nicklaus as a "local person made good"; Woody Hayes is the successful, controversial, football coach; Henry Meyers is a local
Cleveland figure whom some audience members will be more familiar with than others; Frank Lausche was a former governor and senator and is a prominent Democratic politician from the state. These people are friends and supporters of Fbrd and his mention of them also helps to tie him to the everyday world of the audience. When referring to his commencement speech at The Ohio State University,
Ford ties himself with the prominent learning institution of the area and to an event which was well publicized at the time. By establishing a close relationship (personal friends and supporters) between himself and several prominent figures and events in the area, by discussing various communities and areas of the state with respect and familiarity, and by talking to the people in front of him as friends, Pbrd identified himself with the audience members. 52
TABLE 3
Assumption 2(f )
Excerpt from Textt
It's great to Be In Columbus, the home of two of my good friends; they represent excellence. First, Jack Nicklaus, Jack a great supporter of mine, I thank you for that hour of assistance .... Thank you very much, Woody Hayes (applause). You know, I come from that state up north (laughter). And since 19&3 ^ visited the Buckeye state 5^ times and I love you (cheers). I had the honor and the great privilege of speaking at a commencement at Ohio State in the fall of 19?^. It was a great experience, but I've also gone through Columbus and all the other places . . . ,a First, we have on this platform one of the three greatest governors in the state of Ohio, John^ (applause). And may I say , . ,G and from the wonderful welcome we had in the Akron, Chnton, . . . Maztalan area earlier this morning I'm going to issue all of you an invitation. Betty and I want all of you to come down for that Inauguration on January 20th when Jerry Fbrd and Bob Dole are sworn in (applause). And now, let me introduce to you, Henry Meyers, a person well known to you, who was a judge here, in the state of Ohio in Cleveland, who was your Governor and one of the three great governors in the history of Ohio, who was a United States Senator. And now it is my privilege to introduce a close personal friend whose support I greatly appreciate, your former Senator, your former Governor, Frank Lauabe (applause and the bands begin to play).
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption
I refers to himself me, my personal Ford Betty and I mentions wife informally Ihble 3 continued 53
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption home belonging where came from good friends not acquaintances special persons close personal intimate friend knew each other well as people not as politicians someone Fbrd likes great supporter praise as a backer identifies of Fbrd appreciates help love strong affection honor and privilege special, proud, of speaking grateful for opportunity addressing, talking great experience special activity unusual time my privilege to Ford's own introduce honor, lucky time ackowledge, present/ to you visited 56 times familiarity gone through stopped by came for a short time many times passed by with the invitation asking audience to attend come down for that go south to D.C. Inauguration on reason January 20th when swearing in as Jerry Fbrd and Bob President Dole are sworn In gave date and names Ihble 3 continued 5^-
Words from Author's Representation Ifext Conceptions of Assumption
Buckeye state state, Ohio \ Ohio nickname \
Columbus identify specific \ Cleveland cities \
Jack Nicklaus personages \ Woody Hayes famous local figures \ Henry Meyers use nicknames \ Frank Lausche local politicians \ you individual people \ listening \ people present \ everyone a3 persons \ commencement at graduation speech \ Ohio State solemn and dignified \ occasion \ university \ nickname, familiarity audience other places include cities members, and towns wonderful welcome special, beautiful we had in the reception Akron, Chnton, group (Fbrd and . , . Maztalan travelers, Ford area and staff, Fbrd and supporters) cities visited in Chio region in Ohio
Judge titles Senator official jobs Governor way of relating to community they represent two good friends j excellence stand for, symbol of / highest quality, / the best / Ihble 3 continued 55
Words from Author's Representation Itext Conceptions of Assumption
I thank you for Fbrd that hour of appreciates, assistance acknowledges Nlcklaus \ time, amount, measure help, support audience whose support Lausche members. I greatly help, aid, backing appreciate Ford ^ much, a lot am thankful for
a Ihe next two sentences relate to another assumption and are included in Ihble 8.
^*1 was unable to understand this person's surname when trans cribing the tape recording,
cSomeone standing next to me was talking loudly and drown out Ford's words,
^Vfhen transcribing the tape, I was unable to understand this word.
Assumption 6 (f )> Ford is of the audience.
Fbrd identifies himself in a personal way rather than as
President of the United States or as a powerful figure and furthers this personal identification with the phrase "from your ranks I come." "I&nks" conveys the idea of a certain class of people. In looking out over the crowd of 10,000 people, Fbrd says "your ranks" as though the audience is a whole and consists of one class or level.
Whatever this class or level is, Fbrd "comes" from it and will
"stand" with the audience members. He does not identify himself as an outsider, but rather as part of the mass. Whoever this audience 56
Is and whatever It stands for, Fbrd will also stand "with'’ it. He is of the audience.
TABLE *4-
Assumption 6(f)
Excerpt from Ttext;
F^rom your ranks I come and with you I stand (applause).
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
personal Ford refers to himself come one of you was in your midst is of stand my positions are yours still part of you your ranks part of you those listening of your level the audience. with you part of those listening on your side
Assumption 17(f )i Ford feels audience members help.
Fbrd refers to himself with the phrase, "let me say," indicating that he wants the audience's permission or approval to speak and that he plans to give a personal opinion^ The comment
Ford wants permission to make is about the audience. By addressing 57 his comments to this specific audience, "you in this city of
Columbus," Ford talks directly to the individuals in this community and comments that they "make a great contribution." At the moment these people were giving something good or desirable.
The excerpt is ambiguous because Fbrd merely declares that the people are making a great contribution but does not say how or why. In some vague way, Fbrd feels the audience members help. 58
table; 5
Assumption 17(f )
Excerpt from Tbxt»
But let me say, you make a great contribution in this, this city of Columbus . . » *a
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption let me say person consider this wait a minute Ford feelr give permission allow to speak you individuals audience members audience members in this, this here, this place city of name city Columbus in own locality make a great in present, do contribution wonderful addition give something help. extra that is good
a The rest of this excerpt relates more directly to another assumption and can be found in Table 17.
Style
As Fbrd explicitly attempts to identify himself with the audience in these three excerpts, he refers to himself in a personal way and not as President of the United States. This familiarity carries through many of Fbrd's references such as when he names particular places in Ohio as favorite places to visit, or when he 59 extends a personal invitation to the audience members to attend his inauguration. Fbrd tries to extend the identification further when stating that he comes from the ranks of and stands with the audience members. While Fbrd is of the audience, his idea of what the audience consists of is relatively vague; a few examples will help clarify Fbrd’s conception of the audience.
When Fbrd is specific and names his friends and supporters, they turn out to be famous persons (e.g., Woody Hayes, Jack Nicklaus).
These people are successful in their work and prominent citizens in the community; these are the people Fbrd has as firends. When identifying events which should be familiar to the audience, Fbrd reminisces about his public appearance at the commencement ceremonies at The Ohio State University, an event peculiar to persons involved in graduation at a particular time and place, not peculiar to persons in everyday work situations. These concrete examples describe public events and persons, not ordinary, everyday events and persons; state office workers, factory workers, or housewives are not the people mentioned as friends and supporters of Fbrd.
Fbrd overtly tried to establish a personal relationship with the audience in the way he addressed them (directly addressing them and naming familiar places). When giving concrete examples Fbrd more clearly identifies who the audience is (those associated with public events and successful people). As such, Fbrd is familiar with public events and personages in the area, not private life situations. He identifies with people who have taken advantage of 60 life's opportunities and become successful.
Chrter's Style
TVo of Garter's assumptions most closely relate to the topic of the audience« (l) Carter appreciates support-^; and (2 ) Carter appreciates Ohio's past suoport and needs it again0, The following section will describe how these assumptions were arrived at and how they combine to present a certain dimension of Carter's style.
Assumption l(c)> Carter appreciates support.
Chrter alludes to himself by using the personal pronoun "me" and establishes the above sentiment as a personal, individual feeling, ihe assumption does not reflect a formal, official state ment, but rather a more intimate feeling toward the audience.
Garter expresses his appreciation or gratefulness to parti cular individuals and to the audience in general by using the ritualized phrase of "thank you very much." Appreciation is in order because prominent politicians (Senator Glenn, Bob Garafoli, Bob Sweeney) as well as "all the wonderful people of Ohio" are supporting him as indicated by their presence and enthusiastic applause when Carter stepped up to speak, Ihe first few words of Carter's speech express his appreciation for this support. 6l
TABLE 6
Assumption l(c)
Excerpt from Tfext:
Thank you very much Senator Glenn, Bob Garafoll . . ,a Bob Sweeney and all the other wonderful people of Chio.
Words from Author's Representation Text Conception of Assumption me personal reference Chrter individual thank you very expire ssion of much appreciation, ' -— . gratitude appreciates formality refer to audience
Senator Glenn, prominent Bob Garafoli Democratic . . . Bob politicians Sweeney support. all the other in total wonderful people as a group of Ohio great persons particular state
a I was unable to understand all of the names.
Assumption 3(d)i Chrter appreciates Chip's past support and needs it again.
Carter establishes the personal nature of this assumption by- using the pronouns "I" and "me1*} the sentiments expressed here are his own. He uses his own name to emphasize the fact that just a short time ago most people did not recognize the name, Jimmy Chrter. 62
While Carter conveys his personal appreciation, he also
identifies himself as part of a group thereby indicating that this public declaration of appreciation comes from more than just Jimmy
Chrter. Precisely who composes this group is unknown? however, in my mind the group could be composed of a variety of people« Carter and Rosalynn, Carter and his staff, Chrter and the Democratic Ihrty,
Carter and his supporters. In any event the group included people who were committed to the candidacy of Carter and had been working for him.
On one hand Carter expresses appreciation by again using the ritual of "thank you" which conveys to the audience members the sentiment that Carter is happy they helped him win. However, he also expresses his appreciation in a less ritualized manner (e.g., it is "really a great pleasure to be back in Ohio") and Indicates that he has good feelings about Ohio, that he is happy to be back
in this specific state again, and that he derives some pleasure from
Ohio. One way to say thank you to people is to say you like them and this is what Carter does. Ohio is a "state in all fifty that has meant most to us," Speaking for himself and all those who supported him, Chrter characterizes Ohio as a most significant and most important state, one that stands in a category by itself. Chrter conveys his appreciation of Ohio by describing his high regard for the state.
The description of Ohio's past support falls into two categories: the primary election and the Democratic Ifetional Convention, Chrter 63
"begins his story of Ohio's support in the primaries by putting it within the framework of the audience's common knowledge} "As you all know," the primaries this year numbered "thirty," the most of any presidential election in our history and, as a result, the "primary campaign" or the political contest to determine which candidate becomes the party's nominee covered a long time span. Determining the winner went down to the wire and the "last day" was in Ohio.
"When the returns came in that night," or as the votes were tallied and made public, or as the information was received, not only important people like "Mayor Dhley" but everyone in "the whole nation" knew that Jimmy Carter would be the Democratic candidate for
President, The election in the state of Ohio was the turning point in the primaries and, with the support Chrter received from Ohio, everyone knew he would be the candidate of the Democratic Fhrty,
Carter also describes the other instance of Ohio's support for him, the Democratic Jktional Convention, The scene this time was Garter's hotel room in one of the expensive hotels in New York
City near the big convention center where the representatives from all fifty states were meeting to cast their ballots and decide upon the party's candidate. As Charter "sat on the couch at the Americana
Hotel near Madison Square Garden at the Convention, they called the roll of states" and the representatives began casting their ballots.
In this situation Chrter hoped "that one certain state would put me over the top and it did and it was your state of Ohio." Chrter identifies Ohio again as a very special place because it was the 64- state which ensured Carter's victory by giving him enough votes to win the nomination. This state, which is very special to Carter, belongs to the people in the audience. It is their state and their support is what enabled Carter to win the nomination at the convention,
"Now," at this particular time, Chrter wants the help of the audience members again. He needs the support of the audience "one more time" and that particular time is "next Tuesday," election day.
On November 2nd, the audience members will "help put" Chrter "over the top next January." With their votes on election day now, the audience will be directing their representatives in the Electoral
College to vote for Carter in January.
With this long description of past events, Carter emphasizes the importance of Ohio to himself and his campaign supporters. On behalf of these people and himself, Chrter expresses his appreciation for Ohio's past support and his need for it again. 65
TABL5 7
Assumption 3(c)
Excerpt from Text:
It is really a great pleasure for me to be back in Ohio, a state that in all $ 0 has meant most to us. As you know at the end of a long primary campaign, JO primaries, nobody has ever entered JO primaries before, we went to the last day in Ohio and when the returns came in that night, we knew, . . ,a knew, . , ,a knew, Ifoyor Lhley knew, the whole nation knew that Jimmy Chrter was going to be the nominee of our party and I thank you all (applause). And then as I sat on the couch at the Americana Hotel, near Hadison Square Garden at the Convention, and they called the roll of states I was hoping that one certain state would put me over the top and it did and it was your state of Ohio and I thank you for that'5 (applause). Now I need you one more time, next Tuesday, when you help put me over the top next January*3 (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Ibxt Conceptions of Assumption me personal reference I individual us part of a group we (he and Rosalynn, he and staff, he and Democratic Chrter Pdrty, he and supporters?)
Jimmy Carter personal reference individual name of unknown candidate 'Ih.ble 7 continued 66
Words from Author's Representation Ibxt Conceptions of Assumption really a great indeed, in reality pleasure to be big, happiness back in Ohio source of many good feelings return, be here again in specific place, state a state in all 50 single Ohio out that has meant place that stands most to us alone in past appreciates more important than any others more significant than any others part of a group thank you all express appreciation, gratitude to all audience members thank you for express appreciation, that gratitude happy that you made me win TSible 7 continued 67
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption as you know common knowledge basic information at the end of a completion, finish long primary over, much time, campaign long time span race for the party nomination political contest early in the year with lots of candidates
30 primaries specific number large number series of elections to identify the support Ohio *s nominee of the in \ past party for primary/ support President nobody has ever no other person, no entered 30 one else primaries before at any time, at no other time been involved in campaigned in been put to a test in large number of elections at a previous time or date we went to the part of a group last day in Ohio final election final tally at the very end specific place, state Thble 7 continued 68
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption when the returns results, tallies' came in that of votes night at that time, identifies a time, were recorded, were added up on that day, the end of that day we knew, . . . part of a group knew, . . . specific people support knew, Mayor and/or groups in Ealey knew, the political boss of primary whole nation Chicago knew big Democratic figure all the people in the country all the citizens had information, had knowledge, assurances; certainty, good Ohio's probability past support as I sat on the personal reference couch rested, reclined, waited, chair piece of furniture at the Americana specific place Hotel near big hotel in New Madison Square York City support Garden at the expensive place at Convention close to, not far Convention away specific place, big meeting place in New York City convention hall meeting of party delegates representatives decide on nominees of party official delegation Thble 7 continued 69
Words from Author’s Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption they called the officials of the roll of states party delegates cast ballots asked for decisions' and support from all states or units
I was hoping that individual reference one certain state waiting with a would put me over thought in mind the top counting on some thing but not sure one place out of all 50 special state, Ohio support Ohio’s be the deciding at ►past factor Convention. support give me enough votes to win make my tally go over the magic mark it did and it was expectations were your state of fulfilled Ohio hopes were met over the top special place was Ohio specific place belongs to you in the audience Thble 7 continued 70
Words from Author's Rapresentation Text Conceptions of Assumption now at this time v\ need you can't do it alone \ have to have help \ one more time again last time again and again and needs it next Tuesday November 2nd again. when election day day of decision at which time you help put me personal reference over the top aid, assist next January direct to audience / win / get enough votes / take office as / President /
a I was unable to understand the names used here.
The applause cut off the rest of the sentence.
Style
Rather than describe who composes the audience, Chrter just speaks directly to the people in front of him; they are the audience.
Carter spends most of his time thanking them for their past support and, in so doing, makes the assumption that these people have voted for him in the primaries.
The long descriptions of the primaries and the convention serve to recapture the excitement of the moment and to emphasize the importance of the audience members' role in making the decision. 71
Ohio and these people who supported Carter put him over the top and made him the Democratic nominee for President.
Ohio is the state that means "most" to Chrter; he realizes what Ohio's past support meant to him. Carter assumes the audience members supported him in the past and, while appreciative, he is not afraid to ask for their help "one more time." By noticing tills past support and appreciating it Carter lets it he known that he will he grateful for future support and then asks for more support in the election.
Comparison of Styles
The two candidates develop a relationship with the audience in very different ways. By identifying with places, events, and certain people Fbrd tries to show how much he knows about the audience and is like them. Chrter does not even try to show that he is like the audience, hut rather expresses his gratitude to them.
Ford tries to show that he is one of the audience by using examples of public events, public places, and public persons. Ihe identification is only skin deep, however, and the implication of this position is that Ford is not really familiar with the day-to- day workings of life in Ohio (e.g., policemen, teachers, factory workers). From Ford we could expect an understanding of successful businessmen or sports figures (Woody Ifeyes and Jack Nicklaus) or politicians (Henry Meyers). Ford's decisions as President would reflect an understanding of public events and successful people, not of the person who works from eight to five and brings home a 72 paycheck every two weeks. We could expect these sympathies to be reflected i.n decisions involving quality of life, welfare, taxes, and most domestic issues,
Chrter does not try to identify with the audience, rather he publicly acknowledges their past support. He assumes that every one in the audience supports him and makes no promises based upon
that support, Ohio holds a special place in Carter's mind and ho appreciates the people there. However, rather than reward them for their past support, Chrter requests more help from the audience in the coming election. From Carter we could expect considerate arrogance as opposed to slavish devotion. Carter would acknowledge effort expended but would not reward it with gifts. Ihther, he will ask for more from those he assumes are supporters. If elected,
Chrter as President would not be busy paying gifts, he would be asking for more help.
Chrter and Fbrd both spoke directly to the audience members and, as such, expressed their positions toward the audience. The
two men have very different orientations toward the audience and this leads one to believe Carter and Fbrd would treat their
constituencies differently if elected President of the United States. CHAPTER FOUR
CANDIDATES
This chapter will include a description of Fbrd's style
regarding the topic of himself as a candidate, a description of
Carter’s style regarding the topic of himself as a candidate, and a comparison of their styles, Fbur of Fbrd's assumptions and
three of Carter's clustered around this topic. After verbally and visually describing the relationship between the speech text and
each assumption, I shall explain how this information fits together
to form an understanding of the candidates' styles which will then
be compared.
Ford*s Style
Fbur of Fbrd's assumptions group together on this topici
(l) Fbrd wants audience members to continue supporting a winning
team-jf (2) Fbrd, like the country, will win against great odds^}
(3) Fbrd's term in office helped the countrygQ? and (k) Fbrd feels
the audience should choose to continue the progress Fbrd began2^.
Visual figures accompany the verbal description of each assumption.
Assumption 3(F) t Fbrd wants the audience to continue supporting a winning team.
Fbrd refers to himself in a personal way and as part of a group rather than as President by using the pronoun "we." He 7b
Identifies the audience as those people in front of him, the citizens
of "Columbus," as well as those people in the area, the citizens
of the "great state of Ohio." These are the people to whom Fbrd is
appealing.
These audience members like to be "on the side of a winner."
In using a sports analogy Fbrd implies that the people of Columbus
and Chio like to be on the right side, the best side, and backing the
team that beats all others. Fbrd is optimistic and forceful when
saying that the audience is "going" to continue in this tradition and further specifies what winning means in terms of the sports analogy— a "touchdown, a homerun." Fbrd describes the past orien
tation toward winning in Columbus and Ohio communities; he says
this perspective will continue; and he specifies that it will continue
in the form of success for Ford and Dole at the polls the next day.
Describing Woody Hayes, the winning coach and a close friend,
helps characterize what Fbrd means by a winning team. For instance,
excellence is the key word for success— "excellence in character" and "excellence in coaching." Qualities such as those epitomized
by Woody Ifeyes (drive, determination, work ethic, superior results,
clean living, and a desire to win) are the prime requisites of
success.
The people in Columbus and Ohio have long been proponents of
success and Fbrd wants the audience to continue supporting a winning
team, Tb accomplish this task the audience members need to vote for
the Republican ticket of Fbrd and Dole, 75
TABLE 8
Assumption 3(f )
Excerpt from Jbxtt
And then, also one of my best friends, the kind of a person who represents excellence, not only in coaching but excellence in character. He believes in winning and that's what we're going to do. 'Blank you very much. Woody Hayes (applause). I come from that state up north (laughter). . . • you know what, Columbus likes to be, along with the great state of Ohio, on the side of a winner, so let's make it a horaerun, a touchdown tomorrow for the winning team, Jerry Ford and Bob Dole (applause).
Words from Author's Representa tlon Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption m y personal reference we're team (president and vice-president, or F o r d all named candidates, or both) Ford, together with audience
Columbus city, specific place wants great state of important place audience Ohio larger entity let's make it work together on the side of backing team that a winner beats the other team on the best side to continue going to do will do in the support future about to accomplish homerun, touchdown winning, scoring, beating, being on top Thble 8 continued. 76
Words from Author's Representation Itext Conceptions of Assumption
excellence in superior work or \ coaching quality \ excellence in directing efforts \ character of football team \ stamina, fortitude, \ personhood \
believes in winning committed to achieving goal being first or beating others
Woody Hayes name of winning football coach controversial character working on a winning team lost to Missouri for a one of my best single out wiiming team. friends part of a group highly regarded, special person
state up north Michigan football rival winning team, the best two, the / Jerry Fbrd and right side / Bob Dole beat Carter and / Mondale '
Assumption 7 (f )* Fbrd, like *e country, will win against great odds.
As Fbrd directs the audience's attention to statements he made at an earlier date, the image aroused is not of Fbrd as
President or of his power, but rather of a particular individual and his opinions. 77
Fbrd juxtaposes a statement about the country with a statement about his own campaign and lets the similarities link the two ideas.
In one sentence Fbrd mentions the "incredible comeback" of the country against "adversity" and in the next sentence mentions how he is behind in the polls in this campaign. By juxtaposing the situation of "adversity" in the country and being an underdog in the campaign, Ford establishes an association between the country and Fbrd's campaign regarding this particular attribute.
Fbrd sets up his discussion of the country in an historical context by placing it within the "last two hundred years" in which the country "faced with adversity" made an "incredible comeback" and creates a picture of a country that can stand up to problems and difficult situations, face them squarely, and be able not only to survive, but come back in good shape. As this picture forms, Fbrd switches the topic to talk about his campaign.
Fbrd reminds the audience of his underdog situation by recalling a statement he made at the Bepublican convention! "I said
I would not concede a single vote. I would not concede a single state," Knowing he may be behind in some areas of the country or that people do not necessarily support him, Ford decided to carry the campaign to every state and every voter In the hope of making a "comeback."
He reinforces the "game" analogy of the introduction by referring to the "Buckeye state" and talking about being on the
"right side" and asking for a "hole in one." In so doing, Fbrd 78 reminds the audience members that they are usually on the winning side, that they like being on the winning side, and that they could be part of an exciting a ausual event. Naturally, these audience members would like to be on the side of someone who could make an incredible comeback and win the election.
Ford then asks the audience to be "with us tomorrow with our momentum." Ford has been the underdog but thinks the situation is changing and that he is gaining more support. Thus, he did not choose to concede a single state or vote and, after his recent campaigning, more and more people are committing themselves to Fbrd.
The polls indicate that the margin between Ford and Chrter is closing and that the possibility of a Fbrd victory has increased. Since the people of Ohio like to be on the winning side, Ford feels they should vote for him. If they do, Fbrd, like the country, will win against great odds. 79
TABLE 9
Assumption 7 (f )
Excerpt from Text:
In the last two hundred years, our great country, faced with adversity has made an incredible cometack, When I, when I spoke to you and to the United States from Kansas City I said, "I would not concede a single vote} I would not concede a single state." Ohio Is gonna be on the right side; we're counting on that Buckeye state to be with us tomorrow with our momentum. Let's do it, a hole In one (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I said I his own words Fbrd I personal reference last two hundred beginning of country years refer to bicentennial historical perspective our great country nation greatness pride like the country faced with adversity trouble has come in the past straightforward approach acknowledge problems head on, don't dodge problems incredible comeback bounced back in good shape did in past superhuman effort Thble 9 continued 80
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption
right side not wrong \ the winning team \ heat opponents \ with us tomorrow on side of Jbrd and Dole on side of all candi dates named earlier1 on election day with our momentum campaign is picking up gaining support recently support is growing margins getting narrower in the polls a hole in one best golf shot very unusual event exciting will win \ against great not concede a not give up odds. , single state campaign all over country not relinquish South or any other place will fight not concede a not admit defeat single vote not comfortable without support of everyone keep working for support not give up
Let's do it Ohio a cheer by cheer leader work together identification energize support f whole state / 81
Assumption 20(f )i Ford/s term In office has helped the country.
In this instance, Ford refers to himself "both in a personal
way and as President of the United States. Ihe ideas expressed here
are Ford's personal attitudes as well as part of his role disposition
as President.
In describing the day he took the oath of office as President,
Ford identifies the specific place, "in the East Room of the White
House," and recalls the solemnity, dignity, and formality of the
occasion. He describes how he put his "hand on the Bible" and
"took the oath of office," Indicating a physical action which
symbolized the formal, legal proceeding of being sworn in as President.
So far, the reference to the inauguration is very formal. By
referring to himself and his wife in a conversational manner Ford adds an informal, personal dimension to the proceeding. When Ford
says that the Bible was "held by my wife Betty," he gives the
inauguration a personal touch. In this section of the text, Ford
emphasizes the inauguration! he did take office, he did become
President. In his decription of the country, Ford clearly separates
events which happened before he took office from those events which
occurred "after having taken" office.
Ihe significance of Ford's term in office is that he helped
the country and this point receives much attention. Ford describes
his perceptions of the situation as a "feeling" thereby indicating
that his assessments are personal opinions. First of all, "we
have reunited as a people." Ford conveys the idea that the country 82 was once united or held together by a common "bond, that the country
somehow split apart, and that now the citizens have come hack
together again. Tb support this "feeling" Fbrd spends time talking about what the country was like before he became President, what the situation was like when he took office, and what the situation is like now after he has been in office.
Before Fbrd took office the "people were angry, divided and disillusioned"; "America was in trouble"; "inflation was 1Z%"; “we were still involved in Vietnam"; "we were given a loss of confidence
in the White House itself"; and "we were on the brink of the worst recession." Before Fbrd became President, the citizens of the
country were upset, unhappy, separated from one another, let down, disappointed, and had lost faith and trust in the government. Fbrd
indicates that the people had good reason to feel this wayj the
country seemed to be in trouble; Nixon had just resigned in disgrace;
the Watergate affair was still on people's minds; prices were rising
fast; we had double-digit inflation; people were having to spend more and more money for products; the nation was still committed in
Vietnam and not at peace; people tended to believe less in the highest authority and office of the country; the economy was in a dangerous position and might fall apart, Fbr all of these reasons,
the people were "angry, divided, and disillusioned" when Fbrd took
office.
Fbrd again refers to his inauguration by reminding the audience members that the people had not legally chosen Ford for 83
President, The audience members had not supported Fbrd by voting for him, but Fbrd reminds them of how they did express their support,
"Since you have not elected me by your votes, I ask you to confirm me with your prayers" was the request Ford made as he was sworn into office, Fbrd reminds the audience members of how he had asked for an expression of support and approval by having them ask God to give him strength and guidance and tells the audience that "viith those prayers" he was able to succeed. Because of the strength, support, and encouragement received from those prayers, he was able to get a "firm, commonsense hand on the tiller," Fbrd describes his response as he took over the guidance of the country; he was not weak and not afraid, but strong and determined. As a result, his decisions were level-headed, responsible, and not risky.
After Ford had been President and after he had been making commonsense decisions, the country began to emerge from troubled times. Ford says, "We put the ship of state on a steady keel," As part of a group (whether that group was Fbrd and the cabinet, or
Fbrd and the Republican party, or Fbrd and the people who prayed for him is not clear), Fbrd did settle the country. The government became more balanced; the problems in the White House were smoothed out; and order was restored to the government. Not only did the situation level out, but we "made incredible gains"; the country began to make huge strides forward and improve; Fbrd mentions the
"incredible progress in the last two years"— he has been in office for a short time and refers to the progress that has taken place 8 4 during his term. The steps forward in the country have “been amazing and the country has improved much. Ib support this claim, Fbrd gives more specific examples.
We have "added four million jobs." Employment has increased a good deal; the number of jobs added is a significant number, "the most in the history of the United States." Specifically, "we have
88 million people working today," We have the highest number of people holding down jobs, being productive, and earning incomes now than at any previous time since the country began. However, since we have more citizens in the United States than ever before, we should have more people working now.
Another example of progress is that we are now "at peace,"
The country is not fighting or engaged in combat. Ford does not really indicate whether or not world problems are being discussed; he just indicates that we are not fighting and, therefore, are at peace, Fbrd also states that he "restored that confidence in the
White House," Ford rebuilt the people's trust and faith in the country so that they can be at ease about depending upon the
President, the President's staff, high elected officials, and govern ment, These are Fbrd's accomplishments since he has taken the office of President,
In looking at these accomplishments Fbrd expressed his "pride" in them. He was pleased with himself and thought that these accomplishments were worthwhile and good. He also Indicates that this was his goal by saying he achieved those things which he "had 85 hoped to." The situation in the country was not pleasant when Fbrd became President; upon assuming the office Fbrd received the support of the people through their prayers; and, as a result of those prayers, was able to achieve his goals and create a better situation for the country. Fbrd's term in office helped the country.
TABLE 10
Assumption 20(F)
Excerpt from Tbxt:
And now, as this great campaign comes to a conclusion, I have the feeling that we have reunited as a people. When I became President, the people were angry, divided, disillusioned. I'll never forget that day in the East Room of the White House when I put my hand on the Bible, held by my wife, Betty, and took the oath of office when America was in trouble. Yes, we were in trouble; Inflation was over 1 Z % ‘, we were still involved in Vietnam; we were given a loss of confidence in the White House itself; we were on the brink of the worst recession in four years. After having taken the oath of office to be your President I said, "Since you have not elected me by your ballots, I ask you to confirm me with your prayers." With those prayers, we put the ship of state on a steady keel. I had a firm, commonsense hand on the tiller and we have made incredible gains, incredible progress in the last two years (applause). We have . , ,a the budget y>%; we have added four million jobs, we have 88 million people working today, the most in the history of the United States, We are at peace and we're gonna keep it (applause). And I can say with pride, to all of you and to my former colleagues in the Congress, Bob Tkft, Sam Devine, Chalmers Wylie, . , ,a that we have restored that confidence in the White House I had hoped tO' . . , o Thble 10 continued 86
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I person
President Identify with power role Ford's leadership role decision-maker in chief never forget that always remember \ day always in back of \ mind \ will not lose memory\ certain time, \ highlight \ Inauguration \ in the East Ho ora specify place \ of the White recall occasion to \ House people's minds \ official place \ dignified and formal \ occasion term in when I put ray person hand on the picture of an action I Bible swearing in, taking / oath formal proceeding legal proceeding / held hy my wife, personal touch / Betty part of family, spouse did not do it alone and took the oath also / of office was sworn in / past / became President / swore to do his duty for the country / after having taken when it was over I did it and then . . . Thble 10 continued 87
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
the oath of office swore in to be your promised to fulfill President responsibilities and to work for audience office accountable to and responsible for audience agreed to do this (before) people were angry, citizens divided, and nation disillusioned residents upset, unhappy not one disparate, separated dreams crushed let down lost faith and trust
America was in certain time, past trouble country, nation not a good time had trouble Nixon resigning in disgrace Watergate has inflation was 12% rising prices, fast double-digit figure lots of rising prices we were still involved country in Vietnam part of a group part of the situation committed not at peace foreign country not necessarily at war but still there in some way Ikble 10 continued 88
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
(before) we were given a loss country, part of a \ of confidence in group \ the White House put upon us in past \ itself not our doing \ trust in government \ went down \ faith in President, \ highest official, and \ law of the land went \ down \ believed less in highest \ authority and office \ of the country ' has we were on the country, part of a brink of the group worst recession in past near the edge of a cliff, dangerous position most serious, bad flow of money halts, bottom drops out of stock market Thble 10 continued 89
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption since you have not as a consequence (took office) elected me by audience, your ballots individuals not voted into office have not legally chosen Fbrd have not expressed support, not voted
I ask you to personal request of confirm me with audience members your prayers individuals approve Pbrd shovi he's O.K. support ask God to help Pbrd and give him strength with those using requests to prayers God for strength because of them helmed using that support and encouragement firm, commonsense not weak, not afraid hand on the strength, determination tiller not risky, responsible level-headed in making decisions in leadership position have the feeling opinion, not factual Internal state emotion we have reunited part of a group as a people audience country come back together again were together, then split, and now coming back as a country family, people having a common thread Thble 10 continued 90
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption we put the ship Ford and people \ (after) of state on a together? \ steady keel part of a group \ balanced the \ government \ smoothed out \ problems in the \ White House \ restored order to \ the government \ made incredible huge strides forward gains much improvement incredible progress amazing steps in the last two forward years since became President since Nixon resigned specified amount of time short time period to do so much the , . . the budget 50^
added k- million jobs specified large number work force opportunity
88 million people working today
the most in the history of the United States
200 years Thble 10 continued 91
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption at peace not fighting \ not in combat \ doing talking and \ discussing \ at present \ can say with will tell you pride make statement happy about pleased with himself something good country. restored that put trust back confidence in rebuilt faith the White House put people at ease about depending upon President President*s staff high elected officials high level politics / government /
I had hoped to personal goal /
a I was unable to understand a few words here when transcribing the tape.
^The applause drown out Fbrd’s words here.
Assumption 21(F): Pbrd feels the audience should choose to continue the progress Ford be,gan.
By using the personal pronoun "I," Ford indicates that the idea expressed above is a personal opinion. In this instance he does not necessarily bring all the power and prestige of the office of the President to bear. 92
By referring directly to the audience as "you," Fbrd suggests that he is talking to the audience as individual persons. He seeks or requests a particular response from the individual members— that they act on the assumption stated above. Ford reinforces the idea of talking to the audience members as individuals by telling the audience they "have a personal decision to make tomorrow." The next day was November 2nd, election day, and, on that day, the audience members would have to decide for whom to vote.
By mentioning going "to the polls tomorrow" Ford clearly lets the audience know that the next day is election day and they should go vote. Not only does he want the audience members to vote because it is election day, but Ford makes a further request of them.
When Fbrd first took office, he made an appeal for the support of the American people} he again makes such an appeal, but requests another demonstration of support— that the audience members "not only confirm me with your prayers, but you also confirm me with your ballots." Again, Fbrd wants the audience members to pray to God asking Him to give Fbrd strength, help, and encouragement. This time Fbrd also wants approval in a formal, official way; he asks for the votes of the audience members.
Ford gives the audience members a reason for choosing him: continuing the progress he began. He alludes to the progress already begun, the "firm foundation," and his pride in being President during
"troubled times," Ford reminds us again of how bad the situation was when he took over as President of the country and indicates 93 that he was happy and pleased to be the leader, chief of state or highest official decision-maker at this particular time. Because of the sound decisions he made as chief of state, the country is now stable.
Having steadied the country and worked on building a steady base, Fbrd requests the "opportunity to build on that firm foundation,"
He would desire or seek the chance to start from these good beginnings and go further. Ford wants to "keep America moving." He desires to continue the progress or forward motion he started. At the end of the speech, Fbrd makes a promise to the audience; "I won’t let you down"; he will not disappoint, frustrate or fall short of the expectations of the audience members. Fbrd began to get the country moving; he would like to continue this process and do more of the same; and he promises to not disappoint the audience members. As such, Fbrd feels the audience should choose to continue the progress
Fbrd began. 9^
TABLE 11
Assumption 21(F)
Excerpt from Tgxti
And now we come to the final part, In fact, the final minutes of this great campaign. You have a personal decision to make tomorrow, between . • ,a but let me add I've been proud to be your President during troubled times. I want the opportunity to build on that firm foundation, to keep America moving. Therefore, I ask you to go to the polls tomorrow as you not only confirm me with your prayers, but you also confirm me with your ballots, I won't let you down (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assunrotion
person Individual Fbrd feels ask you request seek you personal Individuals the audience audience have a personal possess the oppor decision to tunity to make make tomorrow an individual choice make your own commitment should when you vote next day, soon, election day to go to the polls travel, arrive at tomorrow voting places register your vote election day vote on November 2nd Thble 11 continued 95
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption not only confirm do more than this me with your give approval prayers O.K. person by means of requesting strength from God asking God for help and encouragement choose but you also in addition, do confirm me with more your ballots audience individuals approve, O.K. encourage person by doing, by means of votes, elect officially register approval or support Thble 11 continued 96
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption want the oppor desire, seek, \ tunity to build chance \ on that firm would like \ foundation possibility, time \ add on to, increase, \ add more \ start from good \ beginnings sound decisions in past to get things going now wants to work with sound decisions and stable country to keep America continue, maintain moving country, nation improving, progress going forward to continue won't let you will not disappoint progress down audience members Fbrd began. will not frustrate individuals will not fall short of your expectations been proud to be pleased, happy your President with himself during troubled audience, times individuals, constituents leader, chief of / state / highest official / and decision- / maker / firm foundation sound decisions / stable country /
a Someone talked loudly while I was recording the speech and, as a result, I could not hear Fbrd at this point when transcribing the tape. 97
Style
In a general way Fbrd depicts himself as an underdog and parallels his situation with that of the country. The United States faced great adversity in the past and has made incredible progress.
Like the country, Fbrd is facing adversity in this election but he will not concede a single state or vote. Now Fbrd has momentum; he will come from behind, and win. Since this audience usually supports winners, they need to support the Fbrd-Dole ticket if they wish to continue their tradition.
The audience members supported Fbrd in the past by praying for him and, with that help, Fbrd assumed the office of President in bad times and steadied the country. Fbrd’s major accomplishments as President are stabilizing the country, restoring confidence, and binding divisive wounds. Although we were still "Involved in
Vietnam" when Fbrd took office, the majority of fighting had stopped and Kissinger was Involved In executing the peace negotiations begun under Nixon’s direction. While the number of jobs rose during Fbrd’s term in office so did the population in the United States and the percentage of people who were unemployed. Fbrd’s success as President in keeping the country "moving" is much weaker in these last two areas than in the first three.
Fbrd believes the audience should vote for him because he has established a "firm foundation" by restoring order and confidence during troubled times as well as making progress in the areas of jobs and peace. With a now firm foundation Fbrd wants to continue 98
this progress. He is also a strong candidate and is coining up from
behind quickly. The audience should vote for Ford because he will
be the winner and will not disappoint them.
Charter's Style
Three assumptions most closely relate to the topic of Chrter as a candidate: (l) Carter makes competent choiceSg* (2) Carter's
campaign strategies developed over time and reveal the strength of his candidacy^; and (3) Chrter became familiar with hard times
confronting citizen^. An explanation of each assumption will lay
the foundation for the description of Girter's style.
Assumption 2(C): Carter makes competent choices.
Chrter establishes himself as the person making the competent
choices by using the personal pronoun "I." Jimmy Chrter, as an
individual, is the person responsible for this particular action.
Charter declares this ability to be one of his personal attributes.
In the two examples mentioned, Carter assumed the responsi bility to choose people for particular positions. Carter's assertion of competency in decision-making in these examples takes the form
of questions. Charter first asks the audience whether or not they approve of the person he chose to be his wife. Rosalynn had just
finished her introduction of Carter* she was physically present, and
Carter knew the audience would be familiar with her. The audience applauded loudly indicating -their approval of his choice thereby acknowledging Chrter's competency. 99
"Another big choice" or the second important decision facing
Chrter was having to choose a "Vice-Presidential running mate."
Chrter needed to choose a right-hand man or someone who would work very closely with him running the country. Again he asked the audience for their approval and, again, the audience responded with much applause and cheers thereby acknowledging their belief in
Chrter's competency as a decision-maker.
By using these two examples of situations in which choosing the right person was important and by allowing the audience to show their approval in an enthusiastic manner, Chrter established the idea that he makes competent choices,
TABLE 12
Assumption 2(c)
Excerpt from Tbxtt
How do you like the way that I chose my wife (applause)? Another big choice that I made recently was to choose a Vice-Presidential running mate. How do you like the way I (cheers)?
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I personal reference Chrter individual Thble 12 continued 100
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption chose make decision picked in past
I made recently personal reference makes decision / in past but not long ago commitment of near past / choose a Vice- decide upon, pick,' Presldentlal select running mate someone to work with campaign with, govern with right-hand man how do you like question the way request for approval (2 times) from audience personal reference course of action series of steps applause positive answers to cheers questions competent my wife personal reference choices,, belonging individual spouse Rosalynn another big more than one choice important significant decision preference
a Carter,s words were drown out by the cheers of the crowd. 101
Assumption 5(c) s Carter’s campaign strategies developed over time and reveal the strength of his candidacy.
Carter is not the only person who carried out the campaign strategies and identifies ''my wife and I and children and a few volunteers" as the group of people who did implement them. Fhmily members, some unpaid and dedicated friends, volunteers, and some local townspeople employed certain strategies for the purpose of trying to get Chrter elected President,
Chrter describes a variety of the campaign strategies used by these people. Jbr instance, one basic strategy was to have Chrter do "an awful lot of talking." Chrter himself traveled around the country doing a great amount of speaking to groups of people in a variety of situations. Fbr example, "We would meet in the living room and we'd invite the whole community and maybe three or four people would show up." Chrter and his campaign workers would choose an informal setting and would ask everyone in the area to come; usually only a few people appeared. Chrter would speak to these people but he did not get an opportunity to meet many people using this strategy.
Chrter described another situations "We'd go to the labor halls which hold several hundred people and maybe a dozen would come." In this instance the campaign workers and Chrter would choose a place which had the capacity of holding many people; often they would choose a gathering place for blue-collar workers.
Unfortunately, a small number of people would show up. Chrter would speak to these people but again, he did not get an opportunity to 102 meet many people using this strategy.
The third situation was as followsj "We'd go into coffee shops, beauty parlors, restaurants, . . . farmers' markets, court houses, shopping centers to talk a little and to listen a lot." In this Instance the campaign workers would, enter all kinds of establish ments where people already were ‘and meet them; they were not waiting for the people to come to them. Places chosen by the campaign workers were ones in which people congregate, whether for business reasons or personal reasons. Fbr instance, people doing errands would congregate In shopping’ centers and farmers' markets; families and workers would congregate in courthouses, farmers* markets, and shopping centers; people eating and enjoying themselves would congre gate in coffee shops, restaurants, and beauty parlors.
In all of these situations the campaign workers would "talk a little" and "listen a lot." Sharing ideas and relaying information was important; however, that was only a small part of their visit to each of these sites. The major thrust of the visit would be to receive information, hear ideas, and soak up knowledge from the people who were there.
The situations and kinds of campaign strategies described above developed over time. In a period of "twenty-two months" campaign strategies changed in an attempt to find those which would best fulfill the needs of the Carter campaign. Carter recreated the circumstances in which his campaign began twenty-two months ago:
"When I began my campaign I didn't have much money; I didn't have a nationwide campaign organization; not many people knew who I was." 103
When Carter embarked upon his bid for election, he had very little financial assistance at his disposal, he did not have a group of workers or staff across the country, and just a few persons could identify or had information about Carter, In these circumstances
Carter began to run for the office of President of the United States,
The first campaign strategy or attempt was just "going to communities." At this time Carter had very few campaign workers, so he and his family would visit cities and towns across the country.
They would "invite the whole community" or ask everyone in the area to come. That strategy did not work well, as explained above, because not very many people responded. Because of the limited success of previous strategies, Chrter and his campaign workers started a new strategyi "So, we began to walk the streets," They would go up and down the thoroughfares where the traffic was; Instead of waiting for people to come to them, they went to the people.
The development of these strategies revealed the strength of
Chrter's bid for election and he feels that his "success should give you an idea of why I'm a candidate," The realization that Chrter did well (won the primaries and the nomination of the Democratic
Party) ought to suggest a clue for the success of Carter's candidacy.
This reference 'is vague, but becomes clearer if understood in conjunction with another statement by Carter! "I had a chance to travel around this country, perhaps more than any candidate has ever done in the history of our nation." Chrter had the opportunity and means to move about and see many parts of the nation and, as described above, he used that opportunity to talk with people and to learn from them about their lives. No other person running for office has traveled more or gone to such great lengths in the campaigns since the country began or in any past elections. Chrter creates a picture of a person traveling to many parts of this nation, talking with people, meeting with people, and listening to people, ibis was his campaign strategy and with it Chrter won the primaries and was nominated to be the party's candidate. Why?
Possibly, because he had a chance to get to know the people, their problems, and their needs; possibly, because the people saw in
Chrter a politician who cared enough to talk with them in person; possibly, because Chrter listened; possibly, because Chrter wasn't a regular politician. All of these answers have one element in common« a direct relationship with the people of this country. This was the source of Chrter's strength.
The kinds of strategies used by Chrter were oriented toward meeting, talking with, and listening to people. Money, as well as the unfamiliarity of Chrter as a person and politician, dictated decisions about the strategies. The decisions, based upon both of these considerations, focused on meeting people personally. Tb achieve this goal Chrter's campaign strategies developed over time and then revealed the strength of his candidacy. 105
TABLE 13
Assumption 5(c)
Excerpt from Textt
At large, my success should give you an idea of why I'm a candidate. In the last twenty-two months I had a chance to travel around this country, perhaps more than any candidate has ever done in the history of our nation. When I "began my campaign I didn't have much money; I didn't have a nationwide campaign organization; not many people knew who I was; I did an awful lot of talking. But my wife and I and my children and a few volunteers began going to communities. We would meet in the living room and we'd invite the whole community and maybe three or four people would show up. We'd go to the labor halls which hold several hundred people and maybe a dozah would come. So we began to walk the streets. We’d go into coffee shops, beauty parlors, restaurants, . . ,a farmers' markets, courthouses, shopping centers to talk a little and to listen a lot.
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption my individual I personal reference my wife and I personal references and children family members close-knit group Chrter's a few volunteers not many people unpaid friends dedicated we Carter and family Carter and volunteers Chrter and local townspeople Ihble 13 continued 106
Words from Author's Representation Itext Conceptions of Assumption
I did an awful personal reference \ lot of talking individual \ accomplished, \ performed \ great amount, much ' speaking, addressing, communicating with we would meet in Carter and family, the living room Chrter and and we’d invite volunteers, the whole Carter and community and townspeople maybe three or part of a group four people get together would show up informal setting like Kennedy teas ask, want to come everyone living in the area perhaps, sometimes specific number not many, few campaign persons strategies come, be present we'd go to the Chrter and family, labor halls Carter and volun which hold teers , Chrter and several hundred townspeople people and be there maybe a dozen meeting places for would come workers union buildings get-together places for blue-collar workers capacity or capability of holding many people or having lots of people show up perhaps, sometimes / twelve persons, a few / people, not many / actually show / Thble 13 continued 107
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption we'd go into Chrter and family, \ coffee shops, Carter and volun-\ beauty parlors, teers, Chrter \ restaurants, and townspeople \ . . . farmers' enter, be present \ markets, court little diners, \ house s, shopping small restaurants, \ centers to talk not fancy, \ a little and to gathering places \ listen a lot meeting place for \ women, housewives, \ hair dressing \ places \ eating places, groups \ of people would be \ there campaign busy, shopping places, strategies produce, growers, customers, noise, lots of people officials, arrested people, families, attorneys, busy during working hours people doing errands, lots of people, busy during working hours share ideas, relate information, not a lot, just a bit receive information, hear ideas, soak up knowledge and perceptions, a great deal Thble 13 continued 108
Words from Author's Representation Ifext Conceptions of Assumption in the last time period twenty-two recent past months almost two years long for a campaign when I began my at which time campaign I didn* t personal reference, have much money? individual I didn’t have a started, embarked nationwide cam upon paign organization? running for office, not many people bid for election, knew who I was try at becoming President was not in possession or had at disposal, little financial assistance developed over did not possess or have at disposal, across the country, group of people, staff, workers for election, running for office just a few persons could identify Carter, had infor mation about Carter began going to started, first communities attempted visiting cities and towns invite the whole ask, want to community everyone living in the area Ihble 13 continued 109
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption so, we began to at this time, as \ walk the streets a result Carter and family, \. Chrter and \. volunteers, Chrter and \ townspeople time started, new tactic / be present / g o up and down / thoroughfares / be where traffic / was / ray success should personal, individual give you an idea doing well, achieve of why I'm a ment candidate ought, would suggest audience, individuals hint, clue and revealed reason, explanation individual campaigning, running for office Thble 13 continued 110
Words from Author's flepresentation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I had a chance to individual, personal \ travel around opportunity, means \ this country, move about, go from perhaps more place to place, than any see many parts of candidate has nation ever done in the may be, could be history of our greater amount, more nation places, greater time the strength running for office, of his contenders candidacy. no others have traveled more, no others have gone to such great lengths > since the country / began, in past elections /
3 . When transcribing the speech I was not able to understand this word.
Assumption 6(c) t Chrter became familiar with hard tines confronting citizens.
Chrter establishes the idea that the information acquired
during his campaign was personal knoviledge by referring to himself
only with the pronoun "I" in this excerpt. During this period
Garter soaked up information and acquired a great deal more knowledge
than he had before the campaign began. In so doing, he became
familiar with the citizens in this country and the problems they
face. Ill
lb illustrate what he knows, Carter gave two examples. The first one concerned "college graduates who still don’t have a chance to have a job after three or four years"; individuals who have worked hard to become educated either do not have opportunities or are not able to take advantage of opportunities for employment. As a result, after going to school for a specific time and getting a degree, they are not able to get a job; their investment of time and money is not presently paying off.
The other example concerns "families that have been employed for fifteen or twenty years for the last few months have been laid off from work and for awhile they draw unemployment compensation and, then, for the first time in their lives, their families have to live on a welfare check." Certain groups of people who have had jobs and have been earning money for most of their lives have had a drastic change in their situation recently. After working for such a long time, they are suddenly asked to stop being productive, give up their jobs, and are no longer being paid, Fbr a short time the families receive money in return for being laid off; however, this money supply does not last long. Then a new experience comes; these groups of workers have to survive on handouts, lhe government supports their families because they no longer can; these people feel like failures.
In his travels and conversations with citizens, Chrter acquired a great deal of knowledge and became familiar with the hard times confronting citizens. 112
TABLE 14
Assumption 6(c)
Excerpt from Texti
And I've learned a lot about this country. I've known college graduates who still don't have a chance to have a job after three or four years. And I've known families that have been employed for fifteen or twenty years for the last few months have been laid off from work and for awhile they draw unemployment compensation and, then, for the first time in their lives, their families have to live on a welfare check.
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption
I've personal reference individual Carter in past learned a lot acquired knowledge soaked up infor mation and feelings became familiar a great deal with much more than before
I know personal knowledge acquired college graduates educated individuals, who still don't not bums, people have a chance to who worked hard have a job after opportunity is not three or four present, can't years take advantage of choices hard times get employment, do what they've learned after getting a degree, specific time, going to school Thble 14 continued 113
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption families that have groups of people, been, employed for father-son, fifteen or twenty husband-wife, years for the parents-children last few months in past have been laid had jobs, earning off from work and money for awhile they specific length of draw unemployment time, long time, compensation and, most productive then, for the first years time in their lives, recently, lately, their families have not years, near to live on a past welfare check have no jobs, asked confronting to stop being citizens. productive, are no longer being paid, not gainful a time, not a long time families receive, get, are given, money in return for being laid off, money from government or union because business can't pay them next new experience, hasn’t happened before, in history of the family, since been born, in past workers' close-knit groups, people depen dent on the workers exist, eat and stay alive forced, required handout, government supporting families, not by themselves, failure 114-
Style
In identifying himself as a candidate Garter concentrates on establishing a strong link with the private lives and concerns of people in this country. When Garter began campaigning, these people did not know him; he had little financial backing and no nationwide organization. Therefore, he had to do a great deal of personal campaigning. Over time, Chrter developed a strategy of going to where people were, talking with people, and listening "a lot" and, as a result of these interactions, acquired a good deal of knowledge about these people and the hard times they face
(college graduates not finding jobs and people losing jobs after twenty years). Carter attributes his success in the campaign to the ability to meet people, talk with them, and learn about their problems; more than that, he derives his strength from this situation.
He knows the people and their needs; for this reason people should vote for him.
Chrter sees his other attribute as competency in making decisions. In two instances Chrter chose people to fulfill particular roles; the audience enthusiastically approved of his choices. People should also vote for Carter because he can make sound decisions. In this excerpt Garter establishes two of his qualifications for the Presidencyi ability to make good decisions and knowledge of the citizens in this country. 115
Comparison of Styles
Both Carter and Ford give the audience reasons why they should "be elected President. The reasons given reveal different orientations to the people and problems of this country. While both men suggest they can be trusted, the attribute of trust relates to different issues.
Ford's orientation to the people and problems of the country is that he steadied the country, reunited the people, restored faith, increased jobs, and achieved peace. These accomplishments form a firm foundation and reveal great progress; Ford promises to continue this plan of action. The implications of this position are that since the country is steady, has confidence, has jobs, has peace, and is reunited, all Ford needs to do is continue in a holding pattern. Nothing will change; policies will remain as they are. The continued progress which Ford promises will only be more of the same; he will not rock the boat. For example, if more jobs a ire necessary, they will be obtained by using the same policies he used during the last two years to increase jobs. Since we have peace, Ford need only maintain the relationship of power we have in the world today. Ford promises not to let us down; we can trust that he will maintain the status quo.
On the other hand, Carter had a great deal of personal contact with citizens throughout the campaign and sees their problems, particularly in the area of jobs. The implications of this position are that Carter is interested in the everyday lives of the people, 116 recognizes their problems, and will seek to make changes. While Ford, offers stability, Chrter offers change. However, while Carter learns about problems from the people and asks for approval from the people, he assumes personal responsibility for making decisions. The implication of this position is that when Chrter sees problems he will be aggressive and make decisions on his ovrn. This is where the element of trust enters; Carter wants the audience to trust the competency of the decisions he will make. As Carter becomes aware of situations which need attention, he will respond by making decisions to change the situation. These decisions are the personal responsibility of Chrter and the people need to trust that he will continue to make competent ones. Chrter will play the role of benevolent administrator.
Ford's position is that the audience can trust that he will maintain the status quo. Carter’s position is that (l) he will be familiar with the people and their problems and will respond by making decisions in their best interest, and (2) the people need to have faith in Carter’s ability to make competent decisions. Chrter and Fbrd will approach the role of decision-maker from very different positions and the audience can choose which direction it prefers. CHAPTER FIVE
POLITICS
This chapter viill Include verbal and visual descriptions of each assumption, an identification of each candidate's style, and a comparison of the two candidates' styles. Five of Fbrd’s assumptions and three of Carter's cluster around the topic of politics. The first section of this chapter will discuss Fbrd's style.
Fbrd's Style
Five of Ford's assumptions most closely relate to the topic, of politicsi (l) Fbrd requests support for certain politicians as a help to the country-^; (2) Fbrd follows in the tradition of
Republican philosophy^; (3) Ford disagrees with Girter on some issuesg; (h) Fbrd feels Congress did not fulfill the people's needs and gave them less than he would have-^J and (5) Fbrd feels Congress should be made responsible-^. An explanation of the relationship between each assumption and Fbrd's speech will form the basis for a description of his style.
117 118
Assumption 1 (f ): Ford requests support for certain politicians as a help to the country.
President Fbrd uses first person pronouns to establish a human, close, and personal contact with the audience. lhis excerpt does not in any way indicate that Ford is President or that he occupies a position of power. Ihe above request is made by an individual, not necessarily by the President of the United States.
Ihe suggestion to support the candidates is a personal appeal, not an order, demand, threat, or ultimatum.
Ihe request is that the audience members "elect" and "reelect" certain individuals; voting for these individuals is the kind of support Fbrd would like from the audience. He specifically names the politicians he favors and would like to have work with him in
Washington; thus, the audience knows whom to support. Ford's rationale for requesting support for these candidates is that we should "elect them and reelect them for the benefit of Ohio and the
United States." Fbrd does not suggest that we should vote for these people because they are the most qualified candidates, or because they would perform the duties of the office better, or because they have better ideas. Rither, he uses the ambiguous term "benefit" as a justification. Apparently, these people would be good for the country and serve it well in some way.
In some manner, the state and national levels of government would be better if these individuals were elected to office. Fbr that reason alone— the benefit of the country— Fbrd requests support for certain politicians. 119
TABLE 15
Assumption l(F)
Excerpt from Ibxti
Let me express my deep appreciation to Congressman Sam Devine, Congressman Chalmers Wylie, Congressman Clarence Brown, John Ashbrook, , . . ,a I want you to make sure that you elect them and reelect them for the benefit of Ohio and the United States (applause). And I want, also, for the benefit of this great Buckeye state and for the benefit of our great country, you send Bob Thft back to Washington as your (applause) . . . and so I urge that you elect Bill Brownfield to the State Senate (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I presonal appeal Ford me refer to himself want you to do something make sure for certain send put him on his way urge direct put pressure requests encourage support elect vote for people reelect put or keep them back to Uhshington in office send, put on his way
Sam Devine those mentioned in for Chalmers Wylie opening statement certain Clarence Brown specific names politicians John Ashbrook Bob Tift benefit of good for be worthwhile as a help serve country well Tbble 15 continued 120
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
Ohio and United state and nation to the country. States local and federal Buckeye state country
3. When transcribing the tape I was unable to understand the names of the other politicians cited by Fbrd.
The rest of Fbrd's sentence was drown out by the applause.
Assumption 5(f ): Fbrd. follows in the tradition of Republican philosophy.
By using the personal pronoun "I" Ford indicates that the
stated sentiments are personal and not necessarily an official declaration of the President. In making his position explicit, Fbrd places himself within the framework of a larger political system because the particular beliefs identified typify a traditional
O Republican philosophy. By taking this stand, Fbrd places himself within a particular political tradition as well as indicating a personal belief.
Ford mentions a variety of issues which, when taken as a group, reflect a traditional Republican philosophy. Fbr example,
O The description of Republican philosophy used above reflects the personal belief of the author. Traditional Republican philosophy declares a belief in the free enterprise system and that government should not play a large role in the lives of the citizens. If the business sector of society is left alone, the spirit of competition will result In low prices for goods. At the same time, people should be allowed the freedom to do what they want with their lives. Oppor tunities are available and in a free enterprise system the hard working individuals will succeed. The government should not have to take care of those people who are not willing to work hard. 121 when referring to "liberty" Fbrd cites personal freedom as a virtue of this country which could refer to the idea of individuals having the opportunity to make what they can of themselves through their own hard work, Ihe economic references also clearly follow this philosophy— the federal government should spend less money; people have the opportunity to care for themselves and should do so without having the federal government impose restrictions on their lives and infringe upon their liberty; people should pay "lower taxes" as well. Since the government should not be interfering in people's lives, they ought not to have to pay the government large sums of money to make decisions for them or about them. If they are to pay less money to the federal government and if a "balanced budget" is
Important, then the government is going to have to pay less money for federal programs. "More jobs" are necessary but apparently these jobs will come from the private sector, not from the government, because the government will be spending less money. Inflation is a serious problem which needs correcting, but not in such a way that people's liberty will be infringed upon and not in a way which would cause the federal government to spend more money. Therefore,
"beating inflation" becomes a major problem of the private sector.
With competition in the free enterprise system, the businesses will lower prices anyway.
However, the citizens are not being totally abandoned because there is a certain area of health and well-being that Ford wants to protect— "a clean environment," Some sort of healthful surroundings 122 should be maintained for the individuals in this country. A solution will probably be coming from the private sector of society since the federal government should not be spending money for more programs.
By drawing attention to the concept of peace, Fbrd also places himself in the tradition of Republican Presidents. Wars are often associated with the Democratic Presidents; most of the fighting in World War II, the Korean War and the Vietnam War was done under Democratic Administrations. Under Republican Adminis trations, each of these wars was brought to a close. Fbrd identifies himself as part of this Republican tradition.
By putting this particular combination of issues and stands together, Fbrd presents himself as someone following in the tradition of Republican philosophy.
TABLE 16
Assumption 5 (f )
Excerpt from Textt
And so I want you to know where I stand— I stand for lower taxes, more jobs, a balanced budget, lower federal spending, beating inflation, a clean environment, peace and liberty for the United States of America (applause).
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I person "— Fbrd refer to himself — Tkble l6 continued 122
Words from Author’s Representation Ifext Conceptions of Assumption stand give position firm declaration follows give information for lower taxes people paying less to government people being assessed less for more jobs increase in work opportunities for balanced budget spending and receiving money is equal not operating in the red lower federal spending giving out on a national level is reduced programs and/or in the services be tradition reduced of beating inflation conquering, overcoming (like in a war or a game), rising prices (make rises stop or bring them down is not clear— most likely just stop the rise) for clean environment no pollution "safe" place to live— not harmful t to health / peace not fighting / working together / harmony f liberty freedom / autonomy / Thble l6 continued 123
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption for United States recipient is the of America country not personal, not Republican for the people philosophy for a whole or conglomerate
Assumption 8(f ): Ford disagrees with Chrter on some issues.
ihe opinion expressed here reflects Ford's personal conviction not his conviction as President of the United States. In this instance, Fbrd does not name Carter but mentions "my opponent."
This reference follows from the game aralogy and places Charter on the other side of the issues in the role of challenger, ihe opponents
"strongly differ" in their positions which indicates a significant departure in the way they view solutions to problems. While the positions of the candidates may be close on some issues, there are at "least two or three" others on which the differences are significant. However, Fbrd disagrees with Carter on some issues. 124-
TABLE 17
Assumption 8(f )
Excerpt from Tbxti
There are at least two or three issues where I strongly differ from my opponent.
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
individual Fbrd person
strongly differ disagree heartily different positions disagrees differences are significant my opponent Carter individual challenger with Chrter on other team sports image win-lose situation
two or three a few areas of issues concern on some Issues, topics at least minimally there are probably more
Assumption 13(f ) > Ford feels that Congress did not fulfill the people’s needs and gave them less than he would have.
Fbrd adopted a personal, teacher-like role when he used the pronouns ''I” or "me" or said, "Let me tell you what that means" and
"Let me illustrate." Without using the power and prestige of his 125 role as President, Fbrd attempts to explain ideas and situations and, in this way, clarify the situation for the audience members so they can understand what certain actions or decisions mean.
The culprit in this instance is "Congress," The elected officials, national decision-makers, policymakers and lawmakers as a group have responded to the citizens' needs in an inferior way.
Ford identifies the needs of "income taxpayers" or citizens as wanting more money "to spend" and not wanting that same money to end up in the "Federal Treasury." The ordinary taxpayers are assessed by the federal government and support the government by giving a great deal of their income ("50^") to the government. Ford's perception of the people's needs is that these people would rather have the money to spend than put it in a governmental bank. Congress responded to these needs by giving the people "half a loaf"; the audience members or income taxpayers only got half of what they needed or half of what would have been useful for them from the
Congress.
Fbrd compares Congress' response to his own proposal by describing a contingency situation. If the audience members had five people in their families and if Congress "had acted responsibly last April when we made up that income tax return," their personal exemptions would have increased by "$1^250.00," Congress reacted to the people's need of more spending money by not increasing the personal exemption amount on income tax returns. This example characterizes Fbrd's appraisal of Congress' responsivenessi the 126 officials had not done their duty, were not acting like responsible adults, and had not looked out for the citizens' welfare.
Ford characterizes his responsiveness by illustrating how and why his tax reduction program would have been more beneficial for the average wage-earner, Fbrd planned to give people a bigger deduction for dependents on their income tax forms. Specifically, each individual in the family would have a deduction of $1,000,00 instead of $750.00, To illustrate or interpret this plan, Fbrd gave an example of an average citizen who worked in a factory— the man was married and had three children. Under President Fbrd's proposal
(in this instance Ford refers to himself as President and conveys all the ideas of power, prestige and awe of the chief decision-maker in the United States) this person would have load $1,250.00 more in deductions for dependents in his family, Fbrd uses a specific dollar amount for an average family to illustrate just how much his proposal would have benefited everyone. The proposal follows Fbrd's philosophy of tax reduction for ordinary citizens and responds to their need for more spending money.
Tie illustration of Fbrd's proposal contrasts with the irresponsible action of Congress. As such, Fbrd feels that Congress did not fulfill the needs of the people and gave them less than
Ford would have. 127
TABLE 18
Assumption 13(f )
Excerpt from Text:
The Congress gave you half a loaf. They didn't go along with my proposal to increase the personal exemption from $750*00 to $1,000.00. Now let me tell you what that means— it means that the typical income taxpayer, 50^ goes to pay our taxes. And let me illustrate 'with a few things that happened. I was in a factory the other day, down on a production line and then a ran said to me, "President Fbrd, where do you stand on taxes?" And I told him how I vranted to increase the personal exemption. I said, "How many children do you have?" He said, "I got three." I said, "If you had a wife, three children and yourself, if Congress had acted responsibly last April when we made up that income tax return, you would have had, out of President Fbrd's tax reduction program, $1,250.00 more in personal exemption for you to spend and not have in the Federal Treasury (applause).
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I personal my person referring to himse! let me tell you individual what that means knowledgeable informed will explain Fbrd feels Ford's perspective for the audience interpret, decipher let me illustrate personal give example elucidate, instruct
Congress elected officials lawmakers national decision- Congress makers and policy makers Thble 18 continued 128
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
gave you half a audience members loaf citizens of country half of what is useful and necessary part of mainstay
typical income average, usual, taxpayer ordinary wage earner who is assessed not corporate income not real rich average supporter of government
50% goes to pay half of something our taxes used for fulfilling assessment did not fulfill the people's you would have individuals needs had likely that something else would have happened for you to spend individuals more money to use buying power not have in the not go to national Federal Treasury government bank not in storage not part of country’s 'Bible 18 continued 129
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
if you had a wife, as a group \ three children 5 dependents \ and yourself contingency \ 2 adults and 3 kids \
if Congress had contingency \ acted responsibly lawmakers, officials \ last April done their duty \ lived up to \ expectations \ acted like adults \ looked out for \ citizen's welfare ^ specific time and gave them after Jbrd had read less his letter when we made up elected officials / that income tax put together / return worked together / form for documenting / earnings, / spendings, and / owings / assessment of money / you owe /
$1 ,250.00 more specific amount increase Thble 18 continued 130
Words from Author* s Representation Ibxt Conceptions of Assumption ray proposal individual idea his plan or suggestion
Increase personal enlarge, bigger exemption from return $750.00 to deduction for living $1 ,000,00 or maintaining or supporting someone each person in the family
I was in a factory story, example the other day, down Fbrd's position on on a production line increased exemption and then a man said in another context to me, "President from ordinary citizen's Fbrd, where do you perspective stand on taxes?" And I told him how than he I wanted to would have. increase the personal exemption. I said, "How many children do you have?" He said, "I got three." out of President from, as a result of Fbrd's tax leader, official, 3rd reduction program person, prestige of office pay less money proposal, idea, plan, suggestion
$1,250.00 more in specific amount, in personal exemption addition to $250 times 5 amount deleted from taxable income for Individual maintenance 131
Assumption l4(F)t Fbrd feels Congress should bo made responsible.
Employing the personal pronoun "I" Fbrd indicates that his position is a personal one; he makes no reference to his role as
President and does not necessarily respond to the issue at hand with
the force, power, and prestige of that role. Ihe above statement alludes to Congress or a body of elected representatives or lawmakers who will convene in January to oversee the welfare of the country.
Fbrd suggests that the Congress needs to pass "that kind of decent, equitable 'ax reduction" to be responsible. While Fbrd would prefer to have Congress approve his plan, he feels that
Congress at least needs to adopt a program characterized by a certain
nature— assessing people for less money. Whatever the solution is
it should be fair, just, equal, right, and good. If the solution is fair and equitable, and if people will be paying less money, Congress will have made a responsible decision,
Fbrd's proposal fits the criteria of being just or equitable and of paying less money by Including some kind of "tax reduction."
Fbrd Indicates that people should have to pay less money to the federal government and that taxes should be "fair" which indicates some kind of an equitable assessment plan. One part of such a plan
is the inclusion of an "increase in the personal exemption." Ihe amount of money deducted from taxable income in terms of dependents should be increased across the board. In this way all citizens of the United States would benefit from the tax reduction making it equitable (assuming that equitable means all people are treated 132 precisely the same no matter what their station In life is).
Another part of the Fbrd proposal would he to "Increase jobs
In cities of this nation"; more work opportunities should be made available and the proposal indicates where these job opportunities should be— in cities. Industries and businesses are usually found
In the populated sections of the country and, in some manner, they will benefit from this tax reduction plan so they can create more jobs.
The last part of Fbrd's plan relates specifically to the expansion of industry. The fair and equitable tax reduction will give a break to the business sector of our society so that the free enterprise system can expand. Through expansion of the business sector more jobs can be created.
Fbrd not only describes what he thinks a "responsible" position for Congress Is, but also what should be done to "make" them responsible. First of all, Fbrd wants "all of this group of
Ohio delegates to back there to help me"; apparently, all of the candidates for office in Ohio introduced by Fbrd would be supportive of his proposal and he would like to have these people returning or going to Washington so they could work with, support, and push these plans through Congress. That would be one way to make Congress responsible or at least to get them to vote for Fbrd's proposal.
Fbrd discusses contingency situations as ways of exerting pressure on Congress, The first contingency is that if the Congress convening in January does not pass Fbrd's proposal, "they'll have 133 it on their desks in January of 1978." The thrust of this condition is that if Congress does not do something with the proposal this time, they will see it again} the proposal will not die hy a veto from Congress. The second contingency is that if Congress does not pass it the second time, Fbrd will "join every one of you in trying to defeat them in that election in 1978." First, Fbrd will try to get Congress to pass his proposal or some version of it. If that does not work, he will actively campaign to get new members in
Congress during the election of 1978 so that Congress will be composed of members who support this position. In other words, if Fbrd can not persuade the present members of Congress, he will work with all the citizens in campaigning so new members who will vote for this proposal can be elected. One way or another, Fbrd feels that Congress should be made responsible.
TABLE 19
Assumption 1^(f )
Excerpt from Tbxti
January 3rd» when that next Congress convenes and I want all of this group of Ohio delegates to back there to help me. I'll have fair taxes, a tax reduction for those . . .a that includes the increase in the personal exemption. It'll increase jobs in the cities of this nation to help the industries expand to our . . ,a and if that Congress doesn't pass it in 1977, they'll have it on their desks in January of 1978 and if they don't give that kind of decent, equitable tax reduction in 1978, I'll join every one of you in trying to defeat them in that election in 1978 (applause;. Thble 19 continued 134
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I personal refers to himself 5brd feels I'll join person be part of group that next elected officials Congress convening on January 3rd most recent one in future they elected represen tatives want all of this desire, wish group of Ohio people, introduced delegates at the beginning candidates for offices whole bunch as one back there to returning to help rae Washington back in Congress work with, support, push through my should be bills, programs, or proposals
If that Congress contingency doesn't pass it elected officials in 1977 convening on January 3rd vron't approve, condone, enact, put in business next year for 1977 returns Ihble 19 continued 135
Words from Author* s Representation Itext Conceptions of Assumption they'll have it on Congress \ their desks in see bill again \ January of 1978 proposal will be \ part of the \ business items \ again officially \ if contingency \
1978 2 years from now \ specific tine \ election time \
I'll join every person \ one of you each individual In \ audience and Fbrd \ will be part of a \ group \ unified force made in trying to working to make losers , defeat them in working to get other / that election winners or represen- / in 1978 tatives / the candidates for / Congress / every 2 years some / members of Congress / are elected / some members of / Congress would be / up for reelectlon / that kind of this one, of a / decent, certain nature equitable not just Ford's / tax reduction proposal / fair, just, equal, / right, good, / integrity less assessment / pay less to / government / Ihble 19 continued 136
Words from Author's Representation Ifext Conceptions of Assumption fair taxes equitable \ just assessment \ just payment \ tax reduction pay less money to \ for those . . . government \ everyone? vague \ includes the has as part of it \ increase in the oversees or is broad \ personal exemption enough to cover it \ add on to amount \ deducted from taxable income Ford*s — - respon- position - sible. increase jobs in add work oppor- . the cities of tonities / this nation number of people / working will be / more / where increase will take place / groups of people across the country not isolated, unpopu- / lated areas / to help the give aid to business industries expand sector j to our . . , aid free enterprise system, get larger Increase, fill out /
aWhen transcribing the tape I was unable to understand some of the words here.
Style
Fbrd clearly places himself within the realm of the Republican philosophy, as I understand it, by advocating a laissez-faire attitude on behalf of government, by believing in the individual's 137 freedom to take advantage of opportunities, by advocating the ability of the private sector to work for the citizens (e.g., create jobs and protect the environment), and by believing in peace. Fl'om this ideology Fbrd perceives both problems and solutions. While mentioning that he disagrees politically with Carter on some issues,
Fbrd spends most of his time criticizing Congress.
Fbrd presented Congress with a tax reduction proposal which stemmed from his Republican orientation of wanting to give the people more money to spend rather than using the money to institute more federal programs. The proposal sought to increase personal exemptions and, since everyone would be able to deduct more money on their income tax form, Fbrd felt he was responding to the citizens in a fair and equitable manner. Fbrd planned to do even mores (l) he proposed tax reductions which were advantageous to business so more jobs could be created, and (2) he would help the free enterprise system expand. Since Congress did not include the Increased tax exemption in their income tax proposal, Fbrd feels they did not live up to their duties or respond well to the citizens’ needs and he intends to make them responsible by forcing them to reconsider the proposal or by trying to defeat them in their bid for reelection, lb benefit the country further the audience members can vote for the candidates who were on the platform with Fbrd because these people would be responsible members of Congress and work for Fbrd’s proposals. 138
Carter* s Style
Three of Carter’s assumptions clustered around the topic of politicsi (l) Carter "believes that many activities of the last
Republican Administration have hurt the citizens in this country^;
(2) Under President Pbrd unemployment is risingr,; and (3) Nixon and Ford were less adept at managing the budget than anyone elseg.
Each assumption will be described and used to identify Carter's style.
Assumption fr-(c): Carter believes that many activities of the last Republican Administration have hurt the citizens in this country.
Because Chrter uses only the personal pronoun "I" in this excerpt, this assumption is an indication of his personal feelings.
The manner of presentation reveals the seriousness of these feelings!
"I want to talk to you in a kind of quiet and a sober way." The information to come is important to Chrter and he will talk about it in a calm, steady, and serious manner.
Carter names a variety of activities and events, all of which have negative connotations. The "bombing of Cambodia" represents the aggressive military action in Asia and problems of the Nixon
Administration; the "aftermath" of the bombing refers to the effects and ramifications of that event in this country, namely the demonstrations. This event perpetrated a great deal of controversy and was not a popular time during the Nixon Administration. 139
The "Watergate scandals" represent the beginning of the end of the Nixon Administrationj the corruption of officials, disruption of government, the hearings, and the pardon. These activities were part of the most serious and well-known scandal in the executive branch of our government since the Tteapot Dome
Scandal.
The "CIA revelations" describe the spying done by employees of the government in foreign countries, in our own country on our own citizens, and the plots to overthrow foreign governments.
These activities became public knowledge and put the last admini strations in a tad light.
The "resignation in disgrace of a President and Vice-
President" was the result of corruption and the Watergate scandals.
The two highest elected public officials in this country had to give up their positions in humiliation} this event also casts the last administration in bad light.
The "unprecedented unemployment" is a state of affairs that is seriously worrying many people in the country. The number of people out of jobs has grown to proportions that have never been experienced before and this situation is not desirable for the citizens or the country.
"Inflation" is another economic problem that has grown worse during the last administration. Prices of goods continue to rise higher and higher. IkO
The "unbalanced budget" worries a good many people because deficit spending can be a very precarious situation. When the country is in debt, or is spending more money than it has, the economy is not stable.
The last event identified by Chrter is the "breakdown in the relationship that ought to exist between the President and Congress and the federal, state, and local levels of government." Whatever the association among all these people or within this network is supposed to be, it does not exist. The elected representatives and governmental officials in counties, cities, states, or across the nation do not seem to be able to work together the way they should; something has gone wrong in this association.
All of these events and activities with negative connotations took place "in the last eight years," which covers the period when
Republicans were President and Vice-President, The effects of decisions made by these Republicans were not favorable and, as a result, the "American people" and the "nation" have "been deeply wounded." People who live in this country, people who are of the heritage in this country, were seriously hurt and scarred.
In his serious or sober tone Chrter stated his belief that many activities of the last Republican Administration have hurt the citizens of this country. 141
TABLE 20
Assumption 4(c)
Excerpt from Ttexti
Ibday I want to talk to you in a kind of quiet and a so"ber way. In the last eight years our nation has been deeply wounded. In the aftermath of the bombing of Cambodia and the YJatergate scandals, the CIA revelations, the resignation in disgrace of a President and a Vice-President, with unprecedented unemployment, inflation, unbalanced budget, with a breakdown in the relationship that ought to exist between the President and Congress and the federal, state, and local levels of government, the American people have been deeply wounded.
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
personal reference Carter individual want to talk to desire, would like you in a kind discuss of quiet and a share ideas sober way relate my ideas audience members believes individuals type, manner calm, unexcited, steady, serious
aftermath of the effects, what bombing of happened later, Chmbodia ramifications bombing in Asia that problems of Nixon Administration aggressive military action in Asia Ihble 20 continued 14-2
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
Watergate scandals Nixon and his men resigning corruption disruption of government pardon, hearings wrongdoing
CIA revelations spying overthrow foreign government spying on our own citizens activities made public resignation in give up office disgrace of a lose face, failure President and a humiliation many Vice-President first and second in command two highest officials in the country unprecedented never happened unemployment before, new people out of jobs inflation rising prices higher and higher unbalanced budget spending and accruing of money do not match in debt Thble 20 continued
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption breakdown in the something gone wrong relationship something broken that ought to way of getting along exist between way of dealing with the President manner of association and Congress should be and the federal, association among state, and local all these people levels of network government leader, highest official elected represen activities tatives for nation, federal level nationwide medium units different groups (all) city- or countywide from closer to farther from home ruling, decision making in the last eight past years specific period of of the last time Republican Republicans as Administration President and Vice-President has been deeply in past wounded serious, severe, (2 times) not light have hurt hurt, punctured, scarred Thble 20 continued
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
our nation your country and mine the citizens American people citizens in this in this country country. persons of this heritage
Assumption 7(c): Under President Ford unemployment is rising;.
The chief decision-maker at this time is Gerald Fbrdf he is
the President of the United States, The situation described in this assumption came about during Gerald Ford’s term as President,
Carter gives Ford responsibility for this situation in an oblique manner by referring to the "last two years alone," "the last two
full months," and "since Mr, Nixon left the White House," Chrter
uses the citizen title of "Mr," to designate the new role and
position of Richard Nixon since he resigned from the office of
President two years ago. At that time Gerald Fbrd was Vice-President and acceeded to the position of President, which position he has
held for two years. The "last two years" designates Fbrd's term in
office as President and the "last two full months" pinpoints a
specific period of time (the sixty days since the campaign began).
The event which occurred during this time period is the rise
of unemployment in this country. Carter describes the situation
in graphic termsi "We’ve had two-and-a-half million American who’ve lost their jobs," A large number of people in this country 1*4-5 are no longer working; opportunities for supporting their families were pulled away from a great number of people. The other illus tration is as followsi "500,000 American families have become unemployed.” This number is not nearly as large as two-and-a-half million; however, 500,000 refers only to the last two months. This large number of citizens, given the time period, are no longer earning a living or have a job.
Through the use of these two examples, which emphasize the large number of people involved in the current situation, Carter establishes that under President Jbrd unemployment is rising.
TABLE 21
Assumption 7(c)
Excerpt from Tbxt:
In the last two years alone, since Mr, Nixon left the White House, we've had two-and-a-half million Americans who've lost their jobs. In the last two full months 500.000 American families have become unemployed.
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption in the last two years alone specific time just this time and no other Under Fbrd's term in office — • ' Thble 21 continued
Words from Author’s Representation Tfext Conceptions of Assumption
since Mr. Nixon after which left the White citizen House not as a former President Watergate conno tations was gone didn't say how or why President no longer President Fbrd or highest official
in the last two specific time full months short time 60 days during the campaign we’ve had two- part of a group, and-a-half whole country? million specific, large Americans viho've number lost their jobs many people, citizens, countrymen are no longer working, had opportunities unemployment pulled away is rising. from them
500,000 American large, specific families have number become countrymen, citizens, unemployed groups no longer working, not earning a living or being productive w
Assumption 8(c): Nixon and Fbrd were less adopt at managing the budget than anyone else.
Carter identified Ford and Nixon as the two Presidents who
badly managed the budget by using vague references and their names.
The vague references are as followsi "in the last eight years," and "last year." Both phrases encompass time periods of a Republican
Administration, a specific time in the recent past when Nixon and
Ford were President and leading a Republican Administration, Later
Garter names "Nixon and Ford" as the two who held the highest office in the country during this time, although he does not use the title
of President when naming them.
Managing the budget relates to money matters. First, "we've had three times the inflation rate in the last eight years"; prices for goods have risen a great deal in a short period of time.
Inflation is a key economic problem in this election and Carter charges that Nixon and Ford have not been able to control it.
"Last year we had the highest budget deficit in the history of our nation"; this occurred while Ferd was in charge of the country. As a nation, we owed more money or were in the hole for a larger amount of money than ever before since the beginning of our country. Lately, we have been in debt more than ever before; "in fact, since Nixon and Ford were in office our deficit has been greater," In reality, the amount of our nation’s debt Increased while these two particular individuals were making decisions for the country. Carter's perception of the situation is that rising prices and owing a large amount of money are not good positions 3A8
for the country to be in and, as far as these two areas are concerned,
the situation grew worse under Nixon and Fbrd.
Chrter compares the budget situation under Nixon and Fbrd to
the kind of management which occurred under the previous Democratic
Administration and all previous administrations in the country.
The budget deficit was more under Nixon and Fbrd than it was "when
President Kennedy and President Johnson were in office.” Kennedy
and Johnson were the two Democrats who held the office of President
and were the chief decision-makers for the country before Nixon
became President in 19&8, Carter also refers to this time period
when he talks about the "eight years combined under the Democrats
before." ihe implication is that inflation and the nation's debt were in better shape during the period from i960 to 1968 than they
were from 1968 to 1976. Carter goes even further and claims that
inflation and the nation's debt are in worse shape now "than all
192 years before in the 200 year history of our country." Apparently,
he perceives that the only really bad times regarding these issues
are occurring now or during the past eight years while Nixon and
Fbrd have been in office.
Carter implies that not only the Democrats did a better job
handling the budget, but also that every other administration did
a better job. Only Nixon and Fbrd were less adept at handling the
budget than anyone else. TABLE 22
Assumption 8(c)
Excerpt from Text:
We've had three times the inflation rate in the last eight years than we had when President Kennedy and President Johnson were in office. Last year we had the highest "budget deficit in the history of our nation, more than all eight years combined under the Democrats before. In fact, since Nixon and Fbrd were in office, our deficit has been greater than all 192 years before in the 200 year history of our country.
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption we’ve had three part of a group, times the whole country? inflation rate been given, existed in the last percentage of rising eight years prices, given, much more, increased greatly specific time, short time period, Republican Admini stration, Nixon- Fbrd Nixon and Fbrd were less adept last year we had short period of time, the highest budget in past deficit in the part of a group history of our existed, most, nation highest, in debt, spent more money than we had since the beginning of our country Thble 22 continued 150
Words from Author’s Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption in fact, since really, in truth Nixon and Ford after were in office no titles, names our deficit has two men, only been greater last names, not personal, Presidents, at managing highest officials the budget country’s debt, amount of money nation owes uses, in past more than we had when rate as given President Kennedy whole country and President existed Johnson were in at which time office Democrats, head of country, making decisions past, highest officials, decision-makers, leaders of the country than anyone more than all greater eight years specific time period combined under all put together, the Democrats deficits added up before with decisions of Kennedy and Johnson Thble 22 continued 151
Words from Author* s Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption
than all 192 years all the time before v before in the from beginning of 200 year history country to the of our country administrations of Nixon and Fbrd link Nixon and Fbrd else. years together age of nation, bicentennial from beginning to now /
Style
Carter names certain events which occurred during the Nixon-
Fbrd years and uses them to create a particular image of the last
two Republican Administrations. Every event named has strong negative connotations (e.g., Cambodia— killing and demonstrations; resignation of Agnew and Nixon— corruption and Illegality; Inflation—
rising prices and lower purchasing power; unemployment— hungry
families; unbalanced budget— mismanagement). By pointing to these
negatively-valued events, Chrter attempts to destroy the credibility of Republican Administrations in general and of Fbrd*s specifically.
In pinpointing certain problems and identifying them as reasons why the Americans are hurt and wounded, Chrter blames the
Republicans, Nixon, and Fbrd for causing the American people to be hurt and wounded. 152
Comparison of Styles
Both candidates direct their remarks toward, the Republicans; however, the orientations of .Fbrd and Carter are signficantly different. While Fbrd demands that Congress be responsive to the people by passing programs which emanate from the Republican
ideology, Chrter believes that events which occurred during this last Republican Administration wounded the American people.
The implication of Fbrd following in the tradition of
Republican philosophy is that his decisions as President will adhere to certain criteria. Fbr instance, Fbrd will not approve of many government-sponsored programs because he would rather give tax breaks to businesses and let the free enterprise system solve the nation's problems. When members of Congress do not adhere to these criteria they are unresponsive and irresponsible. The implication of this position is that Ford has not been and will not be able to work effectively with Congress because, rather than work with
Congress, Fbrd will try to force them to approve his programs. Not only does Fbrd make decisions from a Republican ideological perspective and not only does he see people's needs from this perspective, but he also expects other people to use this perspective and make the same decisions he does. This implies that Ford not only works within a particular framework but is relatively closed to using any other framework for making decisions.
Carter, on the other hand, tries to destroy the Republican's credibility by claiming that they hurt the American people. By 153
naming a vihole variety of events which sorely troubled the nation and which occurred during the last eight years under a Republican
Administration, Carter creates a picture of an unsuccessful, badly managed, corrupt administration. The implication of this position
is that Republicans in general and Fbrd in particular are bad for
the American people. As such, people should not vote for Ford and more mismanagement.
Carter's position toward Fbrd is negative implying that the country would be in more trouble and that the people would be hurt more if they voted for Fbrd. Ford's position is that he is more responsive to the people's needs when working from his Republican ideological perspective than Congress is. As a result, Ford will try to force Congress to take a hands-off attitude toward business, to not develop more federal programs, and to institute a tax reduction plan which gives a bigger income tax exemption to all
Americans and institutes tax reductions for businesses. Then, the private sector will solve problems like creating jobs and protecting the environment. Carter's orientation is that these decisions would hurt the American people and, as such, we would not expect him to make these same kinds of decisions. CHAPTER SIX
THE ECONOMY
This chapter focuses on the economy and Includes a comparison
of the candidates' styles on this topic. The "bulk of the discussion
revolves around the process of identifying Ford's and Carter's
styles by describing their assumptions.
Ford's Style
Four of Ford's assumptions clustered around this topics
(1) Carter is a big tax spender and is "fuzzy" on tax reduction^;
(2) Ford supports having the average citizen pay less taxes-^;
(3 ) Fbrd feels that ordinary citizens have been treated unfairly^; and (^) Fbrd feels that federal spending should be balanced-^. The verbal and visual descriptions relating representations of assumptions to the text form the foundation for identifying
characteristics of Ford's style.
Assumption 9 (f )» Garter is a big tax spender and is "fuzzy" on tax reduction.
Ford mentions Carter by name only once and, at that time, addresses him as "Mr." rather than Governor, conveying Carter's
citizen status rather than his elected public official status. In other places, Ford alludes to Carter's previous statements as
154- 155 indicators of positions and to Carter as his "opponent" employing the game analogy and Implying the idea of someone heing in the role of challenger. With this description in mind, Fbrd proceeds to classify Carter on the issue of taxes,
Fbrd mentions one of his opponent's statements from the debate referring to a "$60 billion surplus in the Fbderal Treasury" and indicates that not only did Carter say he anticipated a surplus, but also that he would spend the money for "more programs lodging one on top of another," The money would go for more services, more plans, more bureaucracies, more red tape, and more duplication of effort. This perspective loosely follows in the Democratic tradition of creating social programs and Fbrd classifies his challenger as a big tax spender. If Carter were elected, more and more money would be spent for more and more programs.
Fbrd also classifies Carter as being "fuzzy" on the issue of tax reduction by reporting his answer to a question of whether he would support tax reduction as being "If, perhaps." While Fbrd creates a picture of Carter spending money on programs on one hand, he also paints a picture of an ambiguous Carter not being able to decide whether or not the people should have to pay less money to the government.
By using Carter's statements about a surplus in the treasury and his answer to a question about tax reduction, Fbrd indicates that Carter is a big tax spender and is "fuzzy" on tax reduction. 156
TABLE 23
Assumption 9 (f )
Excerpt from Tbxt;
The first, taxes. In the first debate my opponent said that He could anticipate a $60 billion surplus in the Federal Treasury. He said in that debate that he would spend that $60 billion for more programs loding one on top of another. . • . Within the last several days Mr. Chrter has been pressed, "Does he want a tax reduction or not?" He says, "If, perhaps."
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption my opponent said challenger's words his own words win-lose game he said unnamed person refer to opponent Carter individual decision
Mr. Chrter named opponent citizen status not Governor anticipate a $60 probable, expect billion surplus something likely to in the Federal happen In the future Treasury dollar figure, specifics extra money more in than out national bank or holding place or account is a big spend that $60 use money billion put it out pay for something use specific amount Table 23 continued 157
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption for more programs way of using money additional plans, services, ideas, bureaucracies tax spender loding one on top more and more of another building like blocks not linking together
If, perhaps wishy-washy vague, maybe and is ambiguous answer "fuzzyf we'll see tax reduction pay in less to government be assessed less on tax Ford's perspective reduction. questioning Carter's
Assumption 10(f )i Ford supports having the average citizen pay less taxes.
In this Instance Fbrd mentions himself both in a personal way and as President of the United States, In so doing, he presents the above statement not just as a personal opinion, but as the opinion of a man who has the power to do something about it. Fbrd calls upon his record as President, his power and prestige, and his role as leader to establish the official nature of this opinion.
Ford's support for the position appears strong and clearcut.
By saying he could "stand here today" and that he "stands for" the position, Fbrd acknowledges his support for the position as well as his personal Involvement in It. By using the word "ought," he puts force behind his belief in the position! this is the direction 153 that future policy decisions should take. Fbrd makes this commitment of support "with a clear conscience." He has no regrets about this statement and honestly feels that he would support this position as
President.
The position articulated has to do with the average citizen and paying taxes. In the speech, Fbrd refers to "middle income taxpayers" and "little taxpayers." These are the people who are wage earners in our society— they are not rich or poor; they are not low or high income earners; they are people who do pay taxes. With the phrase "middle income taxpayers" Fbrd paints a picture of the ordinary citizen who is not at the poverty line and who is not part of the wealthy elite, but who makes an average income and pays taxes. He uses the phrase, 'TLlttle taxpayers," which could refer to people who pay a little amount of taxes or to little people who pay taxes. In light of the phrase discussed earlier, I think the phrase "little taxpayers" means the ordinary citizens who are not rich or poor, but who do pay taxes and support the government.
Fbrd feels that these ordinary citizens should pay less taxes and supports a "tax reduction." If taxes were reduced, people may be assessed less money or receive tax rebates, but certainly they would end up paying less money to the government than they do at present. Although Ford does not say much more about tax reduction in terms of what it is or how it would work, he classifies himself as being "against the big tax spender." By referring to his earlier classification of Carter as a big tax 159 spender and "by setting Carter's position up in opposition to his own,
Fbrd classifies himself as an opponent of spending lots of money on federal programs.
While Fbrd, as President, is unwilling to spend a great deal of tax money on federal programs, he does support having the average citizen pay less taxes.
TABLE 24-
Assumption i o (f )
Excerpt from Text;
In that debate I said, "If there is a $60 billion surplus I think it ought to go for a tax reduction to the middle income taxpayers" (applause). I can stand here today with clear conscience that President Fbrd stands for the little taxpayer and President Fbrd is against the big tax spender (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption
I said individual's own’ words my word against his
I think my opinion difference ray perspective Fbrd President Fbrd leader of the country prestigious office holder In awe of this person power o.f office chief decision- ma-ker Thble 2 b continued 160
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
clear conscience not guilty v no regrets honest
ought to go for should he done better way be used this way X supports stand here today be present witness acknowledge integrity
stands for represents works for is part of or one of middle income not high or lovr taxpayers not rich or poor people who are assessed and do pay the average little taxpayer people who pay a citizen little or little people who pay? ordinary people who pay supporting government
tax reduction pay less to government be assessed less paying less money — taxes against opposed not on their side disagrees with antithesis big tax spender use lots of money need taxes those wanting more programs Carter pejorative Democrats l6l
Assumption 11(f ): Ford feels that ordinary citizens have been treated unfairly.
Statements made in the past by Ford as President convey the picture of Ford as a prestigious officeholder and the chief decision maker in the country thereby putting the strength and credibility of his position or role behind the above statement, lb enhance his credibility further, Ford describes himself as talking ’’straight from the shoulder," thereby depicting himself as an honest, direct person who is "telling it like it is." Not only is Ford the Presi dent with all the power and awe of the office behind him, but he is an honest man talking to the American people.
Ford also feels that he has been unambiguous in stating his position. By saying that he has "been on the line" Ford alludes to having been on public record for taking a stand or making a public commitment on this issue in the past. When naming his commitment,
Ford also indicates that he has said "Yes" to this position before.
The commitment is clear, affirmative, and one which he has publicly committed himself to previously.
The issue in question involves the "middle income taxpayer."
These are the people who are not rich or poor, who do not have high or low incomes, but who do pay money to the government; these are the average, ordinary citizens of the United States and they have been "shortchanged," Somehow they have gotten a raw deal, have been
"ripped off," or have not received what they should have. As
President, Fcrd feels that ordinary citizens have been treated unfairly. 162
TABLE 25
Assumption 11(f )
Excerpt from Tbxtt
President Fbrd has been on the line, talking straight from the shoulder, saying "Yes, the middle income taxpayer has been short changed. "
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
President Fbrd official prestigious officeholder chief decision maker Ford talking straight honest, direct from the shoulder tell it like it is unambiguous
been on the line took a stand firing line public statement public commitment feels
saying, "Yes" clear .affirmative statement his own words middle income not high or low taxpayer not rich or poor that ordinary average citizen who citizens gives money to the government
shortchanged not treated fairly gotten raw deal have been ripped off in the treated past unfairly. 163
Assumption 12(f) i Ford feels that federal spending should be “balanced.
Although Fbrd uses the personal pronoun "I" he does so in
the context of reading "a letter to the Congress," a situation in which he was acting as President of the United States. Ford is
speaking of himself as a leader who presented his views to the policymakers in a formal, carefully-worded statement.
Since the letter was read to Congress, Fbrd indicates that
the issue is federal in nature. The situation under discussion had
to do with "tax reduction," "fiscal spending," and "federal spending," all of which are somehow related to the federal budget with all the
concerns of amassing and allocating money. By placing the discussion within a framework of what we "ought to have," Fbrd reveals the way he thinks the budget should be organized. He wants people to know that this is what should be or what they have a right to expect.
What they have a right to expect is that the budget be balanced and Fbrd uses two examples for illustration. With a "$28 billion tax reduction" there should be a "$28 billion [restraint^ in federal spending." If we reduce the intake of the federal govern ment by a certain amount, then we ought to decrease, curtail, or hold back the amount of money available for spending by the same amount. Also, for every "tax dollar" that is reduced, a dollar should also be reduced from the "rate of growth of federal spending,"
If we plan to ask citizens to pay less money, we must not introduce programs that would expect the federal government to spend more 164- money. In both instances, Fbrd does not mention what to do with a budget that is already unbalanced, just how to balance future expenditures with future reductions in tax assessment. If taxes are reduced, the expenditures cannot grow and money should be cut from existing programs. Regardless of the present budget situation,
Ford feels that federal spending should be balanced.
TABLE 26
Assumption 12(f )
Excerpt from Tbxt;
I read a letter to the Congress in January that we ought to have a $28 billion tax reduction alongside the $28 billion £restraint[a in federal spending} for every tax dollar in reduction, a dollar reduced in the rate of growth of federal spending.
Words from Author’s Representation Tfext Conceptions of Assumption
I read a letter personal statement to the Congress formal firmly worled Ford feels convey position to elected represen tatives and policymakers
Congress elected represen tatives decision-makers for national govern ment that federal tax reduction ask for less money assess less take in less Thble 26 continued I65
Words from Author* s Representation Tfext Conceptions of Assumption
federal spending national govern (2 times) ment giving spending money out using money
ought to have should get should be have a right to
$28 billion tax specific amount \ reduction ask for less money \ take in less \ alongside with, at same time \ together \
$28 billion specific amount \ £restraintj in curfew, curtailment, \ federal holding back \ spending reduction \ national government \ give out less \ don't use so much \ money balanced, for every tax dollar for each single amount / in reduction of money assessed or / brought in / a dollar reduced same amount taken off / rate of growth increase / amount of new programs / or more money required / by old programs / federal spending national government / giving out / national government / using money /
a I am not sure that "restraint" is the word used by Fbrd; that word was unclear on the tape. 166
Style
Ford contrasts his own position with his perception of Carter*s position. On the one hand, Carter assumes a surplus in the federal
budget and will spend the $60 billion on "more programs," more bureaucracy, and more duplication of effort. Carter is both a big
tax spender and fuzzy on tax reduction. As such, he will introduce more programs but is unsure of whether or not he would reduce taxes.
Ford casts his own opposite position as an official statement by the President of the United States. Fbrd has "been on the line" making this same statement in the past and is "talking straight from the shoulder" today when relaying his position to the people. Fbrd uses the force of his office and his declaration of honesty to establish credibility on this issue; his position is not merely a personal opinion but an official statement as to what the policy
"ought" to be.
The targets of this position are the "middle income taxpayers" and the "federal budget." Those people who earn an average income
(Ford never defines this category) and pay taxes should not have to pay so much and, as President, Ford will see to it that they do not. Tb be able to do this and still fulfill Ford’s goal of a balanced budget, Ford plans to reduce the amount of money spent by the federal government and to put restrictions on instituting new programs. The "little taxpayers" have been "shortchanged" and treated unfairly in the past; they have a right to expect a tax reduction. By reducing appropriations to programs and the number 16? of programs In the future, Fbrd v?ill be able to give the average
taxpayers what they deserve and balance the budget in the future.
Fbrd puts the strength of his office as President and his credibility as an honest man behind this statement.
Carter*s Style
Analysis of Carter's speech revealed four assumptions which relate to this topic: (l) Employed people have to pay for unemploy ment costs ; (2) Employed people can no longer confidently make 7 economic plans-j^; (3 ) The housing industry declined recently^; and
(^) Carter plans to establish one set of criteria in the areas of criminal law and income taxes^. Garter's style will be described after each assumption has been explained.
Assumption 9(c): Employed people have to pay for unemployment costs.
Carter contrasts two groups of people and points out how each one relates to the increasing job problem in the United States.
One group consists of those people who are not assessed and/or send no money to the federal government, namely the "welfare families," the "social security recipients," and "those on unemployment compensation." Welfare families and groups of people who are not working or earning a living give no money to the federal government; retired or disabled persons, who are supported by the government, do not have their incomes assessed and pay no money; those people being supported by the government because they have been laid off and are not working pay no money in income taxes. Since these 168
people pay no income taxes, they also pay no unemployment costs.
On the other hand, another group of people who do pay taxes
consists of the "working families" and the "ones who are still
lucky enough to have jobs." These chosen people, who have the
opportunity of earning a living and being productive, compose the
group which is required to bear the burden of society and give
money to the government before anyone else does. The employed
people who work for a living are the ones who support the government
and "pay the bills."
Their support comes from "taxes" or money given to the
government because their incomes have been assessed. This money or
support allows the government to carry out a variety of programs,
some of which are "unemployment, unemployment compensation, and welfare" services. When people are laid off, not working or can
not get jobs, the government supports them. "In the last three
years alone" these benefits rose by '$23 billion"; within just a
short time period, while Fbrd and Nixon were in office, these benefits
increased a great deal. When these benefits increase the government
needs more money to support these programs and the working people
have to pay.
People who do not pay taxes are not the ones who pay for the
increased costs to the federal government; the employed people have
to pay for unemployment costs. 169
TABLE 27
Assumption 9(c)
Excerpt from Thxt:
Suddenly we realize two things: one, that when the unemployment, unemployment compensation, and welfare favors go up hy $23 billion in the last three years alone, the working families are the ones that have to pay the bills. The welfare families don’t pay taxes; even social security recipients don’t pay taxes; those on unemployment compensation don’t pay taxes; the ones that pay taxes are the ones who are still lucky enough to have jobs.
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption working families groups or units of’ are the ones people that have to have jobs, earning pay the bills a living, being productive chosen, picked out groups, class required, forced, feel burden, give money, support costs, resulting expenses Employed welfare families groups of people people don’t pay taxes supported by government, people not working, groups not earning a living no giving money to government, incomes aren’t assessed, no incomes Tkble 27 continued 170
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption even social security also, at the very recipients don't least pay taxes retired or disabled persons who receive money from govern ment, supported by government no giving money to government, incomes aren't assessed those on unemploy persons supported ment compensation because of being don’t pay taxes laid off, supported when no longer have to pay working no giving money to government, incomes aren’t assessed ones who are still chosen, selected lucky enough to people have jobs at this time, even have opportunity, good fortune are employed, earning a living, have income Thble 2? continued 171
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption ones that pay chosen, picked \ taxes people, \ particular persons \ give money to \ government, have ' Incomes assessed and pay unemployment, number of poeple unemployment out of jobs, not compensation, working for unemployment and welfare payments when not costs. favors go uo by working, pay when $23 billion In companies can’t the last three pay you years alone government supporting people who don’t have jobs, handouts rise, increase, specific amount, a lot, large number within certain time / period, specific / time, Fbrd-Nixon, / just in this time '
Assumption 10 (c): Employed people can no longer confidently make economic plans.
Carter describes the kinds of people who fit into the category of "employed people." First, "families" fit within this group; those close-knit groups of people have jobs and Incomes. These people have their incomes assessed by the government and pay income taxes. Also, "those people living on fixed incomes" belong to this category; they exist and survive on a certain unchangeable or fixed amount of money. Inflation and other elements of the economy may 172
vary but they continue to receive the same a.mount of money to
sustain themselves. A small part of this group or some of them
"have savings accounts." Some people live on a fixed income and
even though the variations in the economy malce it difficult to
exist on a stable amount of money, some of them are able to set
aside money and put it in the bank. All of these persons compose
the group labelled "employed,"
Members of the "employed" category used to be able to save
money, plan to buy something in the future, and to count on it,
but not any longer. In discussing the kinds of plans and purchases
people used to be able to make, Carter states that "it’s very
impossible" now and that they "no longer can do it"? the present
situation is such that the activity of planning and saving is not
easy and most are not really able to do It. According to Carter the
change came about "since Richard Nixon went into the White House
eight years ago." Carter identifies Nixon as an ordinary citizen,
not as President, and implies that when he assumed his position as
part of the institution of our government, or as chief decision
maker, the situation in this country changed drastically.
That change means that people can not be confident about
planning and saving money for the future and Chrter gives several
examples of what he means. In the first place, Carter fears that
they "are never going to realize that it’s very impossible to plan
for the future." Because the situation has changed, families will not wake up arlearn that they are not really able to make adequate 173 decisions to prepare for what is coming and still meet their goals.
For instance, "a family that used to be able to go, 'Well, in about
three or four years we*ll make a downpayment on our heme"!; can no longer do this.,, Groups of people, who once possessed the ability
to plan for the future can not now plan to put up a certain amount of money to hold their choice of a family residence. Carter*s reason for why this situation exists is that "the price of an average family home has doubled and the interest rates have gone up $ 0 % and now it's very difficult for an American family to buy their own home." The amount of money due for a typical, ordinary residence increased and is now twice as much as it used to be; the money charged for a loan or for borrowing the money to pay for a home increased by half as much. With these kinds of price increases citizens of this country have a very hard time trying to purchase a family residence.
Carter mentions another area where planning for the future will be difficult. "Also, families used to feel sure they could put their child through college. Now they don't have that, that assurance." In the past, groups of people could count on their ability to finance an education for members of their family. At this point they no longer have that confidence or guarantee that they can financially support the education of their offspring.
Besides families, another group of people that "perhaps suffer more than anyone else" are those living on fixed Incomes. Possibly these people, who will continue to receive the same amount of 17^ money year after year, have a greater degree of pain than any other group. Those who try to save money will have an especially difficult time because they "now know they lose more every year in inflation than they gain in interest rates." Tb plan for the future these persons tried to put money in the bank and collect interest; in that way they hoped to accrue enough money to keep up with inflation and live comfortably in the future. However, they realize that for each accounting period the gain in interest from the banks does not make up for the setbacks from the rising prices of material goods.
The banks do not pay enough money for using their savings to enable this group to keep up with inflation and effectively plan for the future.
Those who have jobs, receive a paycheck, and earn a living
(especially those people on a fixed income) are caught in the middle of a changing situation and these employed people can no longer confidently make economic plans. 175
TA3LE 28
Assumption 10(C)
Excerpt from Tbxtt
These are the families also that are never going to realize that it's very impossible to plan for the future. A family that used to be able to go, "Well, in about three or four years we'll make a downpayment on our home"; no longer can do it. Since Richard Nixon went into the White House eight years ago, the price of an average family home has doubled and the interest rates have gone up 50% an3 now it's very difficult for an American family to buy their own home. . . . Also, families used to feel cure they could put their child through college. Now they don't have that, that assurance. And all those people living on fixed incomes, perhaps suffer more than anyone else. Some of those people who have savings accounts now know they lose more every year in inflation than they gain in interest rates.
Words from Author's Representation Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption these are the chosen, selected families (ones people that pay taxes) give money to government, have Incomes assessed and pay groups of people, close-knit groups Employed all those people many, certain living on fixed group, persons incomes existing, eating, sleeping stable earnings, unchangeable amount of money Ihble 28 continued 176
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption some of those part of the group, people who have not all, small part savings accounts certain group, persons on fixed incomes possess, exists for people them money in the bank, money set aside it's very situation exists impossible not easy, most unlikely, not really able to do no longer can this activity is do It impossible can no longer since Richard Nixon after went into the name, specific White House eight person, citizen, years ago no title assumed spot, took his place part of the insti tution, part of a place didn't mention office of Presidency that a re never the families, working going to realize people that it's very won't ever learn, impossible to will never make plan for the sense to, won't future wake up situation exists, not confidently easy, most unlikely, not really able to do make decisions, prepare for what's coming, ways of achieving goals Ihble 28 continued 177
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption a family that group of people, \ used to be able commitment \ to go, "Well, in in past, had \ about three or capability, \ four years vie'11 possibility existed \ make a downpayment could say, make plans \ on our home" within a certain \ time, specific, not \ too long \ as a group, close- \ knit unit \ put certain amount of \ money up as \ collateral, amount \ of money to "hold" \ the house \ family living place, \ family place of \ residence make the price of an expense, amount of / average family money due / home has doubled typical, medium-sized, / and the interest ordinary rates have gone close-knit group / up 50% and now residence / it's very diffi tvrice as much cult for an money charged for / American family loan, for / to buy their own borrowing money / home risen, increased, / half as much / at this time / situation exists / hard, not easy, / problems dlose~kn.lt group of / people, citizens of this country, / fellowmen / purchase, acquire / residence belonging I to the family / Table 28 continued 178
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption also, families in addition used to feci sure close-knit groups, they could put units their child in past, confident, through college. could count on Kow they don't families have that, that had ability, were assurance able support, finance, send offspring, descen- dent, family - member be educated, get a degree, trained at this point families economic no longer exists, not present, now sure feeling, confidence, guarantee perhaps suffer more maybe than anyone else have pain, hurt, uncomfortable greater extent, greater degree other people, any other person, any other group Ihble 28 continued 179
Words from Author* s Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption
now know they at this time, in \ lose more every present \ year in inflation realize, have \ than they gain in information \ interest rates this group \ gets setback, retreat \ more than advance, \ gains don't make up for setbacks specific time, each period from rising prices amount plans. certain group of people accrue, realize, get more of money paid by banks for using your / money, way to make / money, incentive / for saving money /
Assumption ll(g)t The housing industry delined recently.
Garter describes the housing industry by mentioning the
"1.2 million homes built for the whole country.” The number of
family residences put together is large; however, the "only" in
Carter's statement Indicates that when the entire nation is
considered, the number of homes being build is really very small.
Construction of these homes occurred "last year in this country," and "that's the lowest number of homes built since 19^0." Not
very long ago in this nation, the amount of family residences
created was the smallest amount built after the Depression or in
the last thirty-seven years. 182
The first situation in which a double standard exists is that of criminal law, as evidenced by a specific example "where an average working family, if they make a mistake go to jail and the big shot crooks go free." An example of two sets of criteria is that if an ordinary, typical wage-earning group of people are in a situation where they break a law or do something bad by accident, they are sent to prison or to a detention center or are in some way isolated from society. On the other hand, famous people or rich persons in the same situation of breaking laws and making mistakes are sent home or left in society; they are not sent to jail. Given the same situation and different groups of people, one group is punished while the other goes free. That is one example of a dual standard of justice or what Chrter refers to as "justice in the courts" or the criminal law system.
The other example revolves around the payment of Income taxes and is long and involved. Chrter begins by talking about change
"in our tax structure" and 3aying that "the surest income to be taxed is the income earned from manual labor"; a double standard also exists with regard to which income is assessed by government. On the one hand, the earnings or money accrued by people working with their hands or doing some kind of physical jobs (but not white collar workers) is the money most likely, or having the highest probability, of being assessed by the government. For this group "there's not any hidden secret loopholes." Those who'Vjork for a living" or hold down a job or earn an income or bring home a "paycheck every two 183 weeks" are not the fortunate few who know about the legal maneuvers for saving money because the "loopholes" are not visible to them.
However, "many other people" are employed but do not necessarily draw a paycheck every two weeks (wealthy people); these are the ones who do know about the "hidden, secret loopholes" or the legal maneuvers for saving money. The same criteria do not hold for both groups.
While those doing manual labor are the ones most likely to pay income taxes, some people who are living on welfare pay no income taxes and in "the last reporting period we have about 800 people in this country who earned over a $100,000.00 a year and paid not a nickel in income taxes." In the previous time period for Income assessment, a group of people, large in number but fairly small in percentage terms, our fellow countrymen, accrued a large amount of money which was well above the average Income during a regular annual earning period. They gave back to the government, as a result of assessment on their earning3, not even a small, meager amount of money. This situation stands in contrast to that of the people performing manual labor.
Carter offers another example to illustrate the discrepancy;
"Last year over eleven corporations, each one of which made an average of over a hundred million dollars In income, they paid not a nickel in income taxes." Individually, a small number of large, multi-owned businesses (which may be a large percentage of corpora tions) received a phenomenal amount of money in earnings, but they 134 did not even pay a small amount "back to the government based upon assessment of that Income. This situation also stands in contrast
to that of the people performing; manual labor and the people on welfare.
To emphasize the existence of a double standard Carter asked the audience members a question and answered it along with
them, "Nhen they don’t pay their taxes do you know who pays them for them? You do. The average working family in this country that’s
struggling to buy a home, or pay bills, or to keep up with inflation,"
The corporations who earn such phenomenal amounts of money do not have their incomes taxed or at least they pay no money to the govern ment. Now, when these corporations refuse to send the proper assess ment or amount of money to the government, who are the individuals who have to send money in their place? Carter asked if the audience members had the information to answer that question; they responded by saying, "Us." Then Carter answered for them; the audience members are the ones who have to pay. In completing his answer,
Chrter described the audience members a.s those individuals from
typical, ordinary job-holding groups of people who are part of this nation, and who are working hard but having difficulties in trying to purchase a residence or in having the money to send to their creditors or in being able to stay even in the fight against rising prices. These are the people who have the incomes most likely to be taxed in the first place. Nhen the businesses, which make a great deal of money, do not pay to support the government someone has to 185 make up that difference. Those who were paying in the first place have to make up the difference.
The double standard exists when only certain groups of people have to support the government, when corporations who make a phenomenal amount of money do not support the government, when the average citizen goes to jail for breaking laws, or when the rich or famous people, who break the same laws, do not have to go to jail.
When Carter is elected President, he plans to establish one set of criteria in the area of criminal law and income taxes.
TABLE 30
Assumption 19(C)
Excerpt from Tbxtt
I think it's time to eliminate the dual system of justice where an average working family, if they may a mistake, go to jail and the big shot crooks go free (applause). This also applies to change . . ,a in our tax structure. The surest income to be taxed is the income earned from manual labor. There's not any hidden, secret loopholes for someone who works for a living, who draws a paycheck every two weeks or a retirement check every two weeks? but there are hidden, secret loopholes for many other people. In the last reporting period, we have about 800 people in this country who earned over a $100,000.00 a year and paid not a nickel in income taxes. Last year over eleven corporations, each one of which made an average of over a hundred million dollars in Income, they paid not a nickel in income taxes. When they don't pay their taxes, do you know who pays them for them? You do. The average working family in this country that's struggling to buy a home, or pay bills, or to keep up with inflation. And I Intend to eliminate the dual standard of justice in the courts and also in our income tax system. Thble 30 continued 106
Words from Author's Representation "text Conceptions of Assumption
I think personal reference, individual opinion, idea Carter plans I Intend personal reference, individual plan, want, to do time to eliminate situation, exists, the dual system now, point of no of justice return, point of decision-making get rid of, do away with, stop double standards, two kinds, two avenues for fair play, equal treatment under the law to establish eliminate the do away with, stop one set of dual standard double, two sets criteria of justice of criteria, two measuring sticks for fair play, for equality this also applies same situation, to situation described above too in the areas counts for, transfers of also too Th/ble 30 continued 187 tfords from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption justice where an for fair play, equal \ average working treatment under \ family if they the lav; \ make a mistake under which \ go to jail and typical, ordinary \ the big shot wage earning, \ crooks go free holding down a job \ close-knit group \ condition, contingency \ average working family \ break a law, do some- \ thing bad not on purpose criminal law are sent prison, detention / center, Isolated / from society / also / famous people, rich / persons / breaking laws, making / mistakes / are sent / home, at large, in / society, not in jail / justice in the for fair play, for / courts equality / law, jail, criminal / system / Thble 30 continued 188
Words from Author's Representation Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption
change . . . in make different, our tax structure. don’t keep the same The surest income assess money to be taxed is the organized way of income earned from making the assess manual labor ment, system most likely, highest probability earnings, money accrued, money received assessed earnings, wages, money accrued, received resulting, because of working with hands, physical work, not white collar jobs, blue collar work and last year over recent past, more eleven corporations, .recent accounting each one of which period made an average of a.bove, more than over a hundred specific, small number, million dollars in maybe large income, they paid large businesses, not a nickel in multi-owned companies, income taxes wealthy, biggest individually, all 11, one by one, singly accrued, received, profit about, more or less on individual number above, more than specific amount, large number, phenomenal amount of money earnings, salaries, profit corporations gave back, sent not even a small amount, nothing went free assessment on earnings Title 30 continued 189
Words from Author's Representation Ibxt Conceptions of Assumption there's not any- not visible, can't \ hidden, secret be seen \ loopholes for only a few people \ someone who works know about it, \ for a living, exists but no one \ who draws a pay knows \ check every two ways out, legal \ weeksj but there maneuvers, save \ are hidden, secret money \ loopholes for to be used by \ many other people person \ does something, holds \ down a job, earns \ an Income, receives \ money, supports \ relatives, gets \ paid \ money, return for \ services \ usual workday pay period, normal, income taxes, average income on the other hand, / different situation / not visible, can't / be seen / only a few people / know about it, / exists but no one / knows / ways out, legal / maneuvers, save / money / lots of / group of different / persons / wealthy people / Thble 30 continued 190
Words from Author’s representation Tfext Conceptions of Assumption in the last last, most recent, \ reporting period previous, before \ we have about this \ 800 people in quarterly report, \ this country who assessment time, \ earned over a time analysed \ $100,000.00 a part of a group, \ year and paid not fellow countrymen \ a nickel in income approximately, \ taxes estimate \ specific number, \ small percentage, \ large as aggregate \ persons \ belonging, part of \ particular nation, \ United States \ accrued, received \ above, more than \ large, specific number, well above income taxes, average income one accounting period, 12 months, annual gave back, gave to government meager amount, small amount, not even, specific coin assessed on earnings, proportionate assess ment on salary when they don’t in which situation, pay their taxes at which time do you know who corporations pays them for refuse, ignore them give, send proper assessment, give government question audience members, individuals have information sends, gives taxes, money in place of corporations Th/ble 30 continued 191
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption you do. The audience members, \ average working individuals \ family in this assume responsi- \ country that's bility, assume \ struggling to obligations \ buy a home, or ord inary, typ ical pay bills, or job holding, earning to keep up with income, supporting inflation themselves close-knit group of, belonging nation, United States working hard, having difficulties income taxes. purchase, own residence, place to live and call their own another alternative send, give money to creditors for purchases, for belongings / another alternative / stay at same level, / pace, stay even / rising prices '
cL When transcribing the tape I was unable to understand a feu of the words at this point.
Style
Carter uses a variety of situations to describe the existing relationship among the government, the economy, and the employed people. First, the economy itself is not in good shape as evidenced by the building industry; the number of homes built last year was the lowest since the Depression. People are not spending much money and many people are not working. Who pays the unemployment costs?— 192 the "working families" or "people lucky enough to still have jots."
The people on welfare, social security and unemployment compensation do not pay for unemployment. Those people who do have incomes give money to the government and, in effect, pay the unemployment costs.
These people are in a difficult situation now, unable to make economic plans with any confidence because of inflation. Prices of homes doubled and interest rates rose by half since the Republicans have been managing the economy and people do not yet realize that they can no longer plan to save money in order to buy a home or put their children through college. Those people living on fixed incomes suffer more because of inflation; when they put money in the bank inflation eats up all they make in interest and planning for the future is impossible.
Carter illustrates the existence of a double standard by comparing those employed, who are sure to pay income taxes and support the unemployed, with another group of people (big shot crooks, 800 people, eleven corporations). This latter group of people leads privileged lives— if caught for crimes they go free, when earning a phenomenal amount of money they pay nothing to the government because they use tax loopholes. Carter intends to eliminate this double standard. He does not say how, but merely establishes elimination of this standard as a goal if elected. Comparison of Styles
While Carter and Ford both discuss taxes and government, and while both are concerned with being fair, they approach the issue of the economy very differently. Ford discusses tax reduction and federal programs, while Carter concentrates his comments on identi fying those who bear the burden of paying taxes.
Ford straightforwardly states that, as President and as an honest man, he plans to reduce the taxes of middle income taxpayers and to reduce either the money given to federal programs or the number of federal programs. These middle income taxpayers have been treated unfairly in the past and Fbrd intends to rectify the situation by reducing their taxes. However, Ford needs to maintain a balanced budget and can only decrease taxes if he cuts back the amount of money for federal programs. The implication of this position is that Ford would attempt to get a larger personal exemption or tax rebate which would help all taxpayers (not just the middle income taxpayers). Tb do this, Ford has to eliminate some federal programs; he does not say which ones or how he intends to be fair while cutting back. When the time comes to decrease federal programs, Ford will use the criterion of balancing the budget as an aid for making decisions. Since the particular decisions
Ford might make are not predictable, the people need to trust this honest man's decisions.
Carter approaches the issue of taxes from a different perspective but also using the criterion of fairness. The working 194 families support the government and pay for unemployment costs and, because of inflation, these people can no longer make economic plans confidently. The economy itself is at an all time low and people or corporations who make a great deal of money pay nothing to the government. To be fair, Carter plans to eliminate this double standard. The implications of this position are that Carter is concerned about a variety of issues: unemployment, inflation, and taxes. Carter will try to keep inflation down so that people can plan ahead; he will also try to create jobs so the unemployment costs of the government decrease. With this in mind, we could expect Carter to be cautious in creating new federal programs but we could expect some federal programs which would create jobs.
Without saying how, Carter plans to stimulate the economy, to create jobs, but to keep inflation down, The thrust of Garter's position on the economy is aimed at examining who pays taxes and then discussing how the goals will be accomplished. The working people, especially those who perform manual labor, pay taxes to support the government. They are required to pay much money for two reasons:
(l) high unemployment costs; (2) some people and corporations pay nothing. Carter's programs on inflation and unemployment will take care of the first reason. Carter will also attempt to eliminate the double standard of payment, thereby eliminating the second reason why working people pay such high taxes. The implication of this statement is not that taxes will be reduced but, rather, that those who do not pay taxes now will have to in the future. We could expect Carter to close tax loopholes for wealthy individuals and for corporations so that these people and businesses would have to pay their fair share in the future. Thus, the double standard would be eliminated; everyone would pay.
While Carter and Ford both address the issue of the economy in terms of taxes and fairness, their perspectives would result in different decisions. Fbrd would institute tax reductions for everyone to be fair to the middle income taxpayers and then would eliminate federal programs to balance the budget. Carter, on the other hand, would try to stimulate the economy which would result in more jobs and less unemployment. Regarding taxes, Carter would make everyone pay taxes thereby reducing the unfair burden on the working people by eliminating the double standard that now exists. CHAPTER SEVEN
VOTING
The assumptions of Ford and CPrter v.'hich relate to the topic of voting will be described and used to identify each candidate's style. This process includes a verbal and visual description of each assumption, an explanation of each person's style and a comparison of styles.
Ford's Style
Fbrd said very little on this topic and, as a result, only one of his assumptions relates to voting! (l) The process of voting makes a difference for the future^. The verbal and visual descriptions of this assumption provide a limited amount of Infor mation for identifying Fbrd's style regarding this topic.
Assumption ^(f ); The process of voting makes a difference for the future.
The election Itself (the institutional process of making a choice) is the focus of this statement. Ford does not talk about individuals making a choice; he does not talk about the act of voting; rather, he talks about "elections"— the total process of campaigning, of Americans going to the polls to declare some candidate a winner and some candidate a loser.
196 Ford sees this particular election as "critical" or one of the more important events of the kind in our history; critical decisions or events are usually those which have a great impact on the events around them. In this instance, Ford suggests that the outcome of this particular election would have far-reaching effects for the country.
From Ford’s perspective the significance of this particular election lies In the fact that this nation celebrated Its 200th birthday. Therefore, the candidate elected in November will begin making decisions at a crucial point in history— the beginning of our nation*s third century. Assuming that years which mark the end and beginning of centuries of a nation's life are significant and that decisions made at this point in time really do chart a course for the nation, Ford feels that this election will make a difference for the future. 198
TABLE 31
Assumption ^-(f )
Excerpt from Text a
And this Is one of the most critical elections in the history of the United States, It is the election that will set our course for the first four years of our third century.
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption elections making a choice it variety of offices Process and levels of time of voting voting an important time one of the most important makes critical crucial a turning point difference history of the since democracy United States began in our country since Constitution has been used in past for the future. set our course for at crossroads the first four put us on track years of our begin a path third century make a decision specify length of time beginning of new era 199
Style
Ford assumes that the beginning of the third century of our country is a critical time and, as such, decisions made during this time will have far-reaching effects. Iherefore, whoever becomes
President will have an important role In charting our nation's course# As a result, the 1976 Presidential campaign and "elections" are significant. Ford talks about the total process of the elections but does not refer to the act of voting or the individual's part in this process. Pkther, in commenting on the elections, he merely makes an abstract reference to the people involved in this process.
However, Ford feels that this process of voting is important because it will make a difference for the future.
Carter's Style
Four of Carter's assumptions most closely relate to the topic of votingi (l) People are beginning to believe voting is a duty^g; (2) People know that individual voters determine the type of leadership the country will have^^j (3) Carter needs every possible vote to win because of Fbrd's position and backing-^; and
(^) If people are dissatisfied with the past and want to change the future of their nation, they need to act soong^* Ihe explanations of each assumption will describe its relationship to the text of
Carter's speech. Using this information, Carter's style will be identified. 200
Assumption l6 (c ): People are beginning to believe that voting is a duty.
Carter uses the terms "our nation" and "citizen" to identify those people who are part of this country, the United States of
America. Among these people a "new spirit" is "developing," "a spirit of realization." These people are coming up with and building up a unique feeling of knowing or seeing for the first time; they are seeing and feeling something that they did not in the past. The new feeling is about an old Institution, "elections"; the act of voting or choosing a person to be a leader is the object of this new feeling.
The new understanding is that these decisions "can be impor tant aspects of our life and responsibilities." The possibility exists that these decisions can be significant events, can make a difference in some areas of our daily routine, and in some way can count as part of the obligations and duties of our life.
Elections have been around for a long time, but Chrter finds a new attitude toward the elections such that people are beginning to believe that voting is a duty.
TABLE 32
Assumption 16(c)
Excerpt from Text>
There's a new spirit developing in our nation, a spirit of realization that elections can be important aspects of our life and responsibilities as a citizen. Thble 32 continued 201
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
our nation possess, belong, group country, United States People citizen part of country person belonging to a nation new spirit different, unique developing feeling, atmos phere building up, coming up are beginning to believe a spirit of feeling, atmos realization phere knowing, seeing for the first time, belief elections voting choosing a person that voting to be a leader
can be important have ability aspects of our significant, count, life and make a difference re spons ibilitie s areas, parts, elements is a duty. daily routine past, present, and future being, duties, jobs, obligations 202
Assumption 17(C): People know that Individual voters determine the type of leadership the country will have.
In using the phrases "we all remember" and "you well know"
Carter refers to citizens of this country in a personalized manner.
In the first instance, Chrter sees himself as a member of the group; by saying, "we all," he includes everyone in the group (the audience members, citizens, and himself). In the second Instance, he makes a direct personal reference to the members of the audience.
As members of a group the audience members can recall past events or familiar situations and have that Information easily at hand.
Ihls information is part of their shared experience and Is common knowledge upon which they can draw. Carter merely pulls certain pieces of common information to the forefront of everyone's mind.
One relates to individual voters. By referring to "just a few voters not going to the polls" or "just a few thousand votes,"
Chrter makes a point about how only a small amount of people or decision-makers make a choice that Is officially recorded or how people stay away from the place where they could make their choice official. Carter emphasizes the idea with this phrase, "If one more person per precinct had voted for Humphrey." Under the condition that one more man or woman in each of the voting areas had chosen a specific Democratic candidate, the outcome of the election would have been different. In all of these examples
Carter articulates the notion that a very small number of people could make a difference In an election if they would register their decisions in an official manner. 203
By voting the people do have a voice in the leadership of their country. "Past elections" have been lost because of what just a few voters did on a particular day? candidates win and become leaders and decision-makers as a result of what a handful of people do. For example, "in i960 between John Kennedy and
Richard Nixon, just a few thousand votes would have kept John
Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson out of the White House and Richard Nixon would have been there eight years earlier." Carter gives an example of a specific election sixteen years ago; in that race the
Democrats won by only a small amount of votes. If the results had been slightly different, the last two Democratic Presidents would not have been the chief decision-makers or leaders in this country.
The Republican who later became President and resigned because of the Watergate scandals might have been President in their place.
Carter also uses the example of 1968 when "we had a fine man running for President, Hubert Humphrey"; in that particular election
Nixon did win, A qualified leader who was not evil or ocrrupt and happened to be a Democrat was campaigning for the highest office in the land. If this person would have been elected, "we would never have had Nixon, we would never have had Watergate, we would never have had disgrace." If Humphrey had been elected President, the
Presidency of Nixon, Watergate, corruption, lying, breaking in and covering it up, court cases, turmoil, feeling let down, and embarrassment might never have come to pass. 20^
We would not have had the kind of leadership that Kennedy and
Johnson gave us if a few voters had stayed home and not voted In i960. Eight years later, if a small number of citizens had changed their minds and voted for the Democrats, we might never have had all the trouble in the country caused by the Republican leader.
But now, the people know that individual voters determine the type of leadership the country will have.
TABLE 33
Assumption 17(c)
Excerpt from Ibxtt
We all remember past elections that were lost by just a few voters not going to the polls. In i960 between John Kennedy and Richard Nixon just a few thousand votes would have kept John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson out of the White House and Richard Nixon would have been there eight years earlier. And in 1968, as you well know, we had a fine man running for President, Hubert Humphrey. If one more person per precinct had voted for Humphrey we would never have had Nixon, we would never have had Watergate, we would never have had disgrace3, (applause).
Words from Author's Representation ifext Conceptions of Assumption we all remember and I, everyone know that something happened in the past, can recall People know you well know audience members, personal reference have information easily at hand, familiar situation Thble 33 continued 205
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption just a few voters only, merely not going to the small number, not polls many persons, decision makers staying away, not present voting places, places to' make choices official just a few only, merely thousand votes small amount, not many, small number for an election choices, decisions officially recorded that individual if one more condition voters person per individual, single precinct had man or woman voted for in each voting Humphrey area in past changed mind, chosen, picked specific person, Democrat Ihble 33 continued 206
Words from Author's Representation Ibxt Conceptions of Assumption past elections before this time,\ that were lost previous voting, choosing a leader not won, defeated in i960, between specific time, John Kennedy and sixteen years ago, Richard Nixon, Democratic victory just a few race, choice, thousand votes specific election, would have kept Democratic and determine John Kennedy and Republican the Lyndon Johnson out candidates type of the White House only, merely and Richard Nixon small amount, not would have been many there eight years choices, decisions earlier c_ficially recorded changed results, might be force or reason, detained specific, winners, last two Democrats not as Presidents, not as high official decision-makers, not as leaders Republican, Watergate, resigned as President, corrupt, evil might be President instead, might have taken place of Democrats specific number, two terms sooner, been President sooner Thble 33 continued 207
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption and in 1968 . . . specific year \ we had a fine election that Nixon \ man running for did win, when \ President, Hubert Democrats lost \ Humphrey presidency part of a group, fellow countrymen past qualified leader, not evil or ocrrupt candidate, campaigning, wanted highest office chief decision-maker specific man, Democrat of leadership we would never have as a group, fellow the country had Nixon, we countrymen will have. would never have might not have had Watergate, we happened, might would never have not have come to had disgrace pass Republican, Watergate, corruption, lying, resigned as President, turmoil breaking In, breaking laws, coverup, court cases, turmoil been embarrassed, put > down, let down /
ct The applause drown out Carter's words at this point.
Assumption 18(c)i Carter needs every possible vote to win because of Ford's position and backing.
In this instance Carter uses the term "we" and includes himself as part of the group. However, the reference is vague; he could mean the Democrats as a group, Carter and his staff, or 208
Carter and Mondale. In any event, Carter himself is not the only person who needs the votes of the public, tut rather he and a larger group of people need votes from the public.
In his appeal for votes Carter clearly states that "every vote counts," Every single person who registers a decision on a ballot and makes an official decision is significant and makes a difference. Thus, every ballot is important to him.
The votes are important to Chrter and some of the other
Democrats because winning is not easy; "We are ahead in the polls, yes, but we could still lose this election." Although Carter and
Mondale are in front of Fbrd and Dole according to the surveys
(with which Carter agrees), even now it is still possible to fall behind, be defeated, and not attain the offices of President and
Vice-President. T h e Democrats are ahead at the moment but the situation could change depending upon what happens in the last few days of the election and who happens to actually vote on election day. Trying to beat an incumbent President is not easy; in fact, it will be "very difficult to defeat" Ford. Carter and Mondale have a significantly hard situation ahead in trying to win the election.
One of the reasons for the difficulty is Fbrd's position; he is the "incumbent President with all the power and prestige of the White House behind him." Fbrd is already in the highest office; he is the chief decision-maker. As such, every bit of force, respect, privilege, and aura of the office of the President supports him. When campaigning, Fbrd is not just a candidate; he is the 209
President and people are In awe of him for that reason.
But Fbrd is not a difficult opponent just "because of his positionj he also has strong "backing. Chrter tells the audience
that they "can rest assured that those who benefit from a special
interests are going to vote next Tuesday" and that Ford has "all the
special interest groups giving him full support." The audience members can be confident and believe that those persons, who would gain an advantage from certain group concerns, will follow through with their plans to make an official decision on election day. The lobbyists, recipients of gain, and anyone getting a break from
these people will certainly get out and vote on election day to protect their interests. The people who belong to these groups or lobbyists or those who gain from these groups are offering Fbrd all of their help and aid. Not only will these people who are concerned about their group welfare be certain to vote on election day, but they will all get out and vote for Fbrd. This kind of backing will make Gerald Fbrd a difficult opponent,
Fbrd is a strong opponent in the election, even though the surveys show Chrter to be ahead. As such, Garter needs every possible vote to win because of Fbrd's position and backing. 210
TABLE 34
Assumption 18(c)
Excerpt from lbxt»
So every vote counts. We are ahead In the polls, yes, hut He could still lose this election. It's very difficult to defeat an incumbent President with all the power and prestige of the White House behind him, with all the special interest groups giving him full support. You can rest assured that those who benefit from a special interests are going to vote next Tuesday,
Words from Author's Representation Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption we part of a group (Democrats, Carter Carter and staff, Chrter and Mondale?) so, every vote in that case counts single, individual, each one needs every official choice, possible symbol of decision vote makes a difference, is significant we are ahead in the part of a group polls, yes, but winning, in front of we could still surveys, statistical lose this election analyses affirmative, agrees on the other hand part of a group to win might, possible, even now fall behind, get defeated, not win race, attain offices, choices Thble 3^ continued 21 i
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption it*s very difficult situation to defeat not easy, significantly hard because of win, make lose, go ahead incumbent President man already in with all the highest office, power and person already prestige of the the chief decision White House maker behind him having every bit Ford's force, clout, pride, position respect, privilege, aura supporting, standing behind Ford with all the special having interest groups every one giving him full individual concern support organizations, units working for a specific cause and wealthy, lobbyists handing, offering Ford all the help, lots of aid Table 3 k continued 212
Words from Author* s Ftepresentation Text Conceptions of Assumption you can rest assured audience members, v that those who individuals \ benefit from a be confident, don't \ special interest worry, believe \ are going to vote people, voters, persons next Tuesday gain, find advantageous because of, resulting from certain concerns, group goals backing. lobbyists, recipients of gain, wealthy will, plan to, follow through make decision, make official choice / election day, Nov. 2nd /
Assumption 25 (c)» If people are dissatisfied with the past and want to change the future of their nation, they need to act soon.
In this excerpt Garter describes a series of categories and suggests that, if people feel they fit into one of them, they need to do something about the situation in our nation. The categories are many and each is introduced by the word, "if,” asking people whether this particular contingency exists and whether they fit in it.
In each one Garter talks about the people of the country in a personalized manner, sometimes including himself in the group by using the word, "we," conveying the idea of himself as part of a group consisting of either public officials or fellow countrymen.
In most instances, Carter speaks directly to the audience in a 213 personal way by using the words "you" and "your"? each one of the audience members is Individually addressed and asked if s/he fits within the contingency being described by Garter.
The first one is dissatisfaction with the past. Carter asks the audience whether they think "we've made mistakes in the past that you never want to see made again?” Do the audience members think that the people in this country committed unfortunate actions or made wrong decisions or performed bad deeds sometime before in the history of this country and do they desire to know that these kinds of deeds, actions, or decisions will not be made over and over in tne future.
Garter describes the category of those who want to change the future. He wants to know if people "believe” in their nation? Do they trust or have faith in the country to which they belong? Do the audience members “want to be proud again?" This question assumes that at some time in-the past the audience members were pleased and happy with themselves or their country? Chrter asks if they have a desire to be pleased like that again.
Do the audience members feel that "there are difficult questions" that they "want to see answered?" Do they see hard problems and difficult situations that need decisions looming in the future? Will they be seeking to see these problems decided, solved or resolved? Is that the kind of change the audience members are looking for in the future? 21^
Garter creates a second category Into which some of the audience members might fit, that of the people who have "hopes and dreams in your own lives or the lives of your children that you'd like to see realized." Do the members of the audience have some special desires for the future, a belief in better days, fantasies, goals, and pictures in their mind of what they would like the future to be in their own existence? What about in the existence of their offspring or descendants? Do they have a desire to know that these hopes and dreams can be accomplished and can be realized? Carter is talking to this group of people as well as to those who would like to "change our country" or reverse the current trends and make the future of this nation different.
Carter is also talking to the people who want to get the country "moving again." This assumes that the country is not progressing at the moment and, that to make any forward motion or progress, the nation needs to be dynamic like it was before, carter senses a "spirit of greatness" or a feeling of amazing work, pride and strength among some of his fellow countrymen.
All the kinds of action Garter calls for and the changes he sees in the future will be done so that "we can be proud once again that we live in the greatest nation on earth, the United States of
America," In the past, citizens of this country had the capability of being pleased and happy with this particular country which was the most wonderful and best one in the whole world. Garter believes the citizens can have the same pleased feeling like before that 215 their country, their home, Is the most wonderful one In the whole world.
All of these changes have to do with the United States, a country, and Carter emphasizes that it belongs to the audience membersj "I hope that all of you will remember that although I expect to be elected President it's just as much your country as it Is mine." Carter trusts and believes that everyone will keep in mind and not forget that the United States belongs to the audience members equally in every way just as much as it belongs to him, The nation belongs to all of Its citizensi just because
Carter plans to get enough votes to be elected to the highest decision-making position In the land, the country does not belong to him any more than It does to every other citizen.
Time Is running out, however, and, if the audience members feel they fit into either of carter's categories, they need to act soon, "We've just got five days to go"> only a little bit of time is left in which to act. Carter makes a plea for the kind of action he would like to see the audience members take— MI hope you'll make a personal, effort in the next five days, even a sacrificial effort to contact your neighbors, your friends, your relatives and say, 'I'm going to vote on November 2nd,'" Carter hopes and trusts that the audience members, in the short time remaining before the election, will individually put forth an attempt with more effort than usual, will work and try until they have difficulty and it hurts to reach and talk to people who live nearby, close 216 residents, people in the same block, people you like, people you associate with, family members, and will make a commitment to them of planning to cast a ballot, make a choice, and be heard on election day.
In this excerpt Garter devotes much time toward describing two categories of people, those who are dissatisfied with the past and those who want to change the future of their country. If people fit into these categories, are dissatisfied with the past, and want to change the future of their nation, they need to act soon.
TABLE 35
Assumption 25(G)
Excerpt from Ibxt>
We've just got five days to go. I hope that all of you will remember that although I expect to be elected President, it’s just as much your country as it is mine. So, if you believe in your nation, if you want to be proud once again, if we’ve made mistakes in the past that you never want to see made again, If there are difficult questions that you want to see answered, if there are hopes and dreams in your own lives or the lives of your children that you’d like to see realized, I hope you'll make a personal effort in the next five days, even a sacrificial effort, to contact your neighbors, your friends, your relatives and say, "I'm going to vote on November 2nd to change our country and get it moving again," that a spirit of greatness . . . a so that we can be proud once again that we live in the greatest nation on earth, the United States of America (applause). Tkble 35 continued 217
Words from Author's Repre senta tion Ibxt Conceptions of Assumption if condition If (5 times) contingency we part of a group (2 times) you and I public officials countrymen all of you everyone audience members each person people you audience members (4 times) individuals your belonging to (6 times) audience members possess we've made part of a group mistakes in the done, committed past that you wrong decisions, never want to bad deed3, unfor see made again tunate actions before, in history are dissatisfied above reference with the past audience members not at all desire, seek, notice, observe, know about done, accomplished over and over, in future Thble 35 continued 218
Words from Author* s Representation Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption believe in your trust, have faith in nation belonging to audience members country, United States want to be proud desire, seek once again exist, have this state pleased, happy with, willing to stand up for and want like before, one more time, like in past there are difficult exist questions that hard, not easy you want to see problems, situations answered that need answers, decisions to be made which audience members desire, seek decided, observe, know were done, solved, resolved situations Thble 35 continued 219
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
there are hopes exist and dreams in desire for future, your own lives belief in better or the lives of days your children fantasies, goals, that you'd like pictures in your to see realized mind belonging to audience members possess existence, being, living, earning a living alternative existence, being, living, breathing belonging to audience members offspring, descendents, to change progeny, part of family hopes and dreams audience members desire, want observe, know happen, accomplished done, made real to change our for purposes of country make different, reverse trend belonging to people or group nation, United States Table 35 continued 220
Words from Author* s Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption get it moving make, start again nation, country going forward, making progress dynamic like before, over and over a spirit of feeling, emotion, greatness atmosphere wonderful things, amazing work, pride, strength the future so that we can as a result be proud once part of a group, / again that we countrymen / live in the are able, have / greatest nation capability / on earth, the pleased with, / United States happy with / of America like before, one / more time, over / and over / part of a group / reside, exist, are / part of, here / most wonderful, / best / country, United / States J in world, here, of / all the rest / specific country, / here, home, our / nation, our / country / Thble 35 continued 221
Words from Author's Representation Qfext Conceptions of Assumption
I hope that all personal reference of you will faith, believe, remember that trust that bettor although I things will cone expect to be everyone elected in future, know President, it's that in past, just as much your don't forget, country as it is keep in mind mine even because I do, however personal reference will, in future be chosen, get enough votes, win highest decision maker, highest official exists, situation is in every way, equal of their belonging to nation audience members nation, land, United States being country, nation, United States belongs to, possess personal reference
nation country, United country States, nation
United States of specific country, America here, home, our nation, our country we've just got part of a group five days to go only, merely specific amount, little time, not much left, still there 'Cable 35 continued 222
Words from Author's ftepre senta tion Itext Conceptions of Assumption
I hope you'll personal reference . make a personal believe in better \ effort in the things, trust, wait \ next five days, for future \ even a audience members \ sacrificial in future effort do, accomplish, put forth indivdual, each person attempt, try specific number, certain period, before the election, short time more than, also hard, hurts, deprive, difficult attempt, try they need to contact your reach, talk to, to act soon. neighbors, your connect with friends, your belonging to relatives and audience members say, T a going people who live near to vote on you, close residents, November 2nd people in your block people you like, people you associate with family members, part of a unit declare, state, make commitment individual reference j will cast my ballot, / will make a choice, / make voice heard / in election day /
aWhen transcribing the tape, I was unable to understand this portion. 223
Style
In the first place, people in this country are developing a new attitude toward elections such that they are beginning to see then as a significant part of their lives and as a duty. In part, this attitude comes from sharing information which suggests that the leadership in this country can be determined by a very few votes. In the past, bad times and good times both could have been avoided If a "few thousand voters" or "one person per precinct" had made a different decision. Everyone knows that individual voters can significantly influence the outcome of elections and determine who will lead the country. Therefore, voting Is a duty.
Chrter needs every vote he can getj running against an incumbent President who has the support of special interest groups is a difficult task. People who support the President or these special interest groups will certainly come out and vote to protect their Interests. While the polls show Chrter in the lead, winning the election depends upon what happens in the next few days and, more importantly, who actually comes out to vote.
Garter describes two categories and states that, if people fit into one or the other of them, they should work to get out the vote. If citizens think mistakes were made in the past or if they believe in the nation or if they want to be proud again or if they want questions answered or If they want to see their hopes and dreams realized or If they want change, they need to decide to vote themselves and work to get others to vote. This country belongs to 224
everyone and will not just belong to Garter if he's elected, so
people need to make a commitment and work to get others to make a
commitment for their country so that it can be great, move ahead,
and change so we can be proud again.
Garter implies that people should vote for him if' they want
change. Earlier he asked for support from the audience because of
the difficult time he would have trying to beat Ford. At the end
of the speech this request is not renewed, but it is in the audience's mind. As such, Garter implies he will make people proud
of this country again, answer difficult questions, fulfill hopes and dreams, and make changes. All decisions regarding change will
result in greatness, progress, and pride. If people believe that
problems existed in the past and that we need change in the future,
they should decide to vote and get others to vote in this election.
The implication is that they should vote for Garter.
Comparison of Styles
Both Fbrd and Carter give reasons for why people should vote.
The reasons are similar in that they deal with the effects of
voting on the future. However, specific reasons and effects mentioned are different.
Pbrd describes this election as critlcial because the country
is at a transition point as it enters its third century as a nation. The implication of this statement is that other elections are either not important or not as important as this one; only when the country is about to enter a new phase of history are 225
elections important 'because whoever wins will chart a new course
for the nation and that’s an important task. Per this reason
elections are important for the future.
When Ford talks about elections he creates a picture of the whole institutional processi campaigns, voting, tallying results, and winning or losing. This is an abstract notion in terms of the audience members' participation and Ford makes no reference to
their role in the process. Elections, in general, not voting by
specific individuals, are important for the future.
The implication of this position is that Ford would like the leadership role and power of charting the nation's course. In this excerpt he gives no guidelines as to how he would exercise his power other than revealing an attitude of impersonality toward the audience members. Ford would not necessarily see his position of power from the perspective of the people but from the perspective of institutions and their functions.
Carter also discusses the effects of elections on the future but his discussion directly relates to people. The country belongs to the people? individual voters can determine the leader ship of their country? Carter needs every vote he can get. The implication of this position is that the people can determine and are responsible for their country via the leadership they choose.
While citizens can not always make decisions themselves, they can choose the leaders who do make the decisions. 226
In trying to motivate people to vote, Carter describes
attitudes toward the past and future in terms of problems and says
that, if people are concerned, they need to vote and get others to
vote. This section is vague yet purposeful. Specific questions,
dreams, or changes are not identified, but if people want questions
answered, dreams fulfilled, to be proud again, and changes made,
they should vote because the audience members are responsible for
their future and can do something to determine the course of this
nation. However, their responsibility extends only as far as
choosing a leader.
The implication of this position is that the people must make
their own decisions, choose a leader, and thereby assume responsi
bility for the future of their country. Since the people are
responsible for choosing a leader then that leader should be
responsible to the people. We could expect Carter to keep the people well informed of problems facing him as President, the decisions he plans to make, and reasons for his decisions. The
country belongs to the people and they have the duty to determine who leads it and in what direction they want to be led.
Both men agree that the election has an important effect on
the future but their reasons differ. Fbrd believes the country is at a critical juncture and that, since the new President will deter mine our course for the future, the election is important. Ford would like the power and position to determine the nation's course. 227
In viewing the election in terras of an institutional process rather than as acts by individuals Fbrd also reveals an impersonal relationship with the audience. On the other hand, the thrust of
Chrter*s position is at the audience. In trying to motivate people to vote, Carter mentions a variety of situations and asks them to respond by choosing a leader. The responsibility rests upon their shoulders; it is their country and their decision.
According to Fbrd, the future of the country depends upon the results of the election because the winner will lead the nation.
According to Carter, the future of the country depends upon the people because they have the responsibility to choose a leader who will deal with problems. CHAPTER EIGHT
IEFENSE AND A VISION
During the course of their speeches Fbrd addresses one topic which Garter does not and vice versa. As an incumbent Ford is running on his record as President of the United States and chooses to bring two issues in particular to the audience member's attention i the economy and defense. Fbrd's style regarding the economy was analyzed in Chapter Six because both candidates discussed this issue. This chapter will contain the analysis of Fbrd's style as it relates to defense. Since Carter has no record as President, and since he is new to the political scene, very few people know anything about him or what to expect from him as President. As a result, Carter describes his vision of the country as a way of revealing what he stands for and how he will approach the task of leading the nation. This topic receives more attention than any other in Carter's speech indicating its importance to him. This chapter will contain an analysis of Carter's style relating to his vision of the country.
228 229
Fbrd’s Style
Fbur assumptions in Fbrd’s speech clustered around the topic of defense* (l) The United States will continue Its Number One position In defense under President Fbrd^^j (2) Fbrd feels military strength Is the key to peace^j (3) The B-l bomber is necessary for military strength^; and (4) The United States Bicentennial displayed pride and respect for the United States^, The descriptions of these assumptions will be the basis for identifying Ford’s style.
Assumption 15(f )* The United States will continue its Number One position in defense under President Fbrd.
Fbrd states that the United States, as a nation or country,
Is in a Number One position "today." This position of being first, the best, the winner, the leader, or on top is one that exists now and one that President Fbrd will "keep" or maintain. Stating that the present policy will be maintained "under President Fbrd" puts all the power and prestige of the chief decision-maker's role behind
Fbrd's statement thereby enhancing his credibility and the force of his sentiment.
Fbrd also indicates that as chief decision-maker he will continue to make decisions or recommendations which would maintain the Number One position that we as a country now have in terms of defense. Fbr Instance, he will support the armed services (Army,
Ifevy, Air Fbrce, and Marines) which act as protective forces in the
United States and keep the country in a Number One defense position.
As a result, the United States will continue its Number One position 230 in defense under President Fbrd.
TABLE 36
Assumption 15(F)
Excerpt from Taxti
Now let*s talk about defense. Today the United States with our Army, Navy, Air Fbrce and Marines, we’re Number One and, under President Fbrd, we’re gonna keep them Number One (applause).
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
United States country, nation The United formal States today at this time in the present gonna keep continue to support services will continue help them stay in same position Army, Jfeivy, Air Fbrce, Marines
Number One first, the best, on top, the its Number winner, the One position leader
Army, Navy, Air our protective Fbrce, and forces in defense Marines groups major services under President with his leadership Fbrd with his decision under making ability President 3rd person Fbrd, power and prestige of office 231
Assumption l6(F)t Ford feels that military strength Is the key to
E|y referring to himself as an Individual and as President of the United States Fbrd reveals not only his personal orientation toward the issue, but also his official position as leader of the country, lb enhance his credibility as a peacemaker Fbrd says, "I'm the first President since Dwight D, Elsenhower who can tell the
American people that America Is at peace." With this statement
Fbrd places himself within the peace-war tradition of the country and of the office of the presidency. lXiring Elsenhower's term of office the Korean War ended; near the end of Eisenhower's term, involvement In Vietnam began; after Elsenhower's term, two Democratic
Presidents furthered the United States* Involvement iu’ Vietnam; during the 1972 election, Nixon was able to tell the American people that "peace Is at hand." However, Fbrd claims to be the first
President since Eisenhower to tell the American citizens that this country Is not at war, is not fighting, and is at peace. Fbrd is very pleased to be able to make this claim and, after establishing his credibility as a supporter of peace, discusses appropriations or allocations of money.
The appropriations under discussion relate to military strength
In general and specifically to the protective services— the Army,
Navy, Air Fbrce, and Marines— which Fbrd calls our defense system
^I inferred this assumption from two sections of the text. In this analysis, both sections are combined. 232
and characterizes as "strong.M The purpose of these services is to
ensure our security and Ford advocates spending money to ensure that
these forces have the "best weapons," "best leadership," and "best
trained" men. In other words, the defenses should have first
quality equipment (guns, munitions, tanks, ships, missiles, rockets,
planes), the best qualified people in places of responsibility and
decision-makers, and the most qualified and well-disciplined men
in uniform using this equipment. Fbrd equates strength with the
military and defense of our country.
After establishing this perspective, Ford identifies it as
the key to peace, "We're not at war" or we're not presently engaged
In combat with any other country "because we are strong." The
country's military power and might are the reason we can be at
peace. By approving appropriations to keep the military services at a certain level of quality, Ford plans to continue the country's
strong defense; "that's the way" to peace. If we follow these
steps, we will have the key to peace.
Military strength is the key because with this strength our
country can "look our adversaries straight in the eye and and they will respect us." We will not have to hide our faces or cower behind any other nation; rather, we can face our enemies and other
countries when disagreements arise. The other countries will then look up to the United States, maybe think highly of us, but at least they will not walk all over us. Through our strength we can demand respect. 233
By demanding respect we can continue to keep the peace which
Ford describes at one point as a situation in which "not a single young American is fighting or dying on any foreign soil today." Tb
Fbrd, peace is equated with a non-fighting situation. If we are not at war, if* soldiers are not killing and dying, then we are at peace.
Peace does not seem to be associated with negotiation, or talking, or working together, tether military might demands respect and with respect we will not have to fight in foreign nations thereby remaining at peace. As such, Fard feels that military strength is the key to peace.
TABLE 37
Assumption 16(F)
Excerpt from Texti
I have recommended appropriations so they’ll have the best weapons, the best leadership, the best trained. That’s the way to keep the peace and, under President Ford, with the strength that we have, we will strengthen our alliances, we will be able to look our adversaries straight in the eye and they will respect us. . . . in the recommendations that I make they are strong defense and that’s the way you keep the peace ....
I am proud to stand before you and say that I’m the first President since Dwight D. Eisenhower who can tell the American people that America is at peace. I'm proud of the fact that not a single young American is fighting or dying on any foreign soil today (applause). And we're at peace because the United States is strong; we’re not at war because the United States is strong . . . . Table 37 continued 23^
Words from Author* s Representation Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption
person \ individual \
recommended suggested or proposed \ appropriations money allocations or \ distribution \
under President in past \ Ford with national leader's \ direction, guidance, \ and decision-making \ 3rd person \ prestigious \ proud to stand pleased, happy, not \ before you guilty, feels good \ make position known \ come out in open \ obvious, accountability \ represent audience V his responsibility Ford feels I’m the first person President since identify with office j Dwight D. identify with line / Eisenhower of decision-makers / first in terms of / recency of doing / something / first after Eisenhower / last Republican / President before Nixon specify a time period / Vietnam started at end of Eisenhower's / Administration / who can tell the President saying some- / American people thing to citizens / members of country constituency I
America is at peace country is not fighting country is talking out / problems and / disagreements not at war / Thble 37 continued 235
Words from Author* s Representation Tfext Conceptions of Assumption
they*11 Army, Navy, Air Jbrce, Marines protective services best weapons possess first quality or first rate guns, tanks, ships, planes, munitions, missiles, rockets, etc. best leadership most qualified decision makers and people in responsibility best trained most qualified in using equipment and in fighting good discipline that militarry with the strength including or using strength that we have power might or resources that exist power we have as a country strong defense powerful protection not weak good ability to ensure security
United States is country has power strong (2 times) tough not weak might that's the way those are the steps (2 times) kinds of activities what must be done is the key we will be able possible for country to do in future can undertake because for this reason Thble 37 continued 236
Words from Author* s Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption to keep the continue non peace (2 times) fighting situation continue working together look our country's enemies adversaries or troublemakers straight in the countries who argue eye face-to-face not cower or hide up front face issues and disagreements they will respect adversaries, enemies us in future look up to United States to peace. think highly of United States not walk over the United States not a single young not one serviceman American is not one 18-25 male fighting or dying at war, being on any foreign maimed or killed soil today engaged in combat in any other country or land we're at peace part of a group, country, present not fighting not in combat we're not at war present opposite, contrary fighting, killing, with other countries 237
Assumption 18(f ) » The B-l bomber Is necessary for military strength.
The B-l bomber is a controversial, expensive, new airplane and the topic of discussion. Tb justify the necessity of purchasing the B-l bomber, Fbrd establishes an either-or discussion between two types of airplanes. Fbrd paints a picture of the "aging B-52's" tnat are now "20 to 25 years old" as womout, dilapidated machines.
The pilots would be protecting the country in "aircraft older than they are" and the "young combat types" in our country determine our security with the protection they provide. If they have old or wornout equipment, how can these young men protect us adequately?
This is one side of the either-or situation.
The other side reflects Fbrd's position, "Under President
Fbrd" we will not continue to rely on wornout machinery because he advocates a "strong defense" as the road to peace. If Fbrd is in the powerful position of President, he will use his influence to achieve that goal by not putting his faith in dilapidated equipment or a weak defense system, In Fbrd's view, the B-52 bomber does not provide adequate protection for the country. Thus, the B-l bomber is necessary for military strength. 238
TABLE 38
Assumption 18(F)
Excerpt from Tfexti
. . . because in the recommendations that I make they are strong defense and that’s the way you keep the peace, that we have a B-l bomber to replace those aging B-52' s that are now 20 to 25 years old (applause). If we don't get the B-l bomber, as , , ,a peace, the President in the next five, in the next decade, if we continue to rely on the B-52, we'll be sending our young, combat types to protect us in aircraft older than they are and that's not gonna happen under President Fbrd (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
B-l bomber new type of airplane controversial expensive used in place of B-l bomber B-52 used Instead of B-52 that's the way like it Is the state of affairs reality if we don't get contingency plans are thwarted plans are refused plans are denied can't have if we continue to contingency rely keep up do more of the same depend on put our faith in Ihble 38 continued 239
Words from Author's Representation Itext Conceptions of Assumption that's not gonna what's been described happen under the situation President Fbrd will not take place not come to pass necessary his decisions his leadership his guidance strong defense powerful protection not weak, good ability to keep safe keep the peace retain or maintain or hold on to non fighting situation continue present situation aging B-52's are long-lived, not in now 20 to 25 prime years old dilapidated specific type of plane no longer vigorous number of years used old machines in fast-paced age of for military technology strength. sending young, pushing, putting forth combat types draft age and draftable men servicemen, 18-25 year old men in military to protect us be country's strength defend us keep country safe in aircraft older young men using old than they are planes defensive weapons or airplanes with more years of life than people
a Someone standing next to me talked and drown out Jbrd's words. 240
Assumption 19(F)» The United States Bicentennial displayed respect and pride for the United States.
The following phrase, "the great celebration on the 4th of
July when America celebrated its 200th birthday" conveys the excite ment, gaiety, frivolity and happiness of this country during the bicentennial year as we commemorated, on the 4th of July, the spirit of freedom and independence which formed this nation.
Ford refers in particular to the "display" he observed on the 4th of July— the "tall ships coming in"; he felt honored to have the opportunity to see them from above when flying over New
York Jferbor. When looking down, he saw the large vessels sailing toward a port in the United States; these boats symbolized the interest of other nations in the United States and in our celebration.
Ford asks a question about what he saw, "Why did they come to the United States?" For what reason did this display take place?
To answer the question Ford mentions "respect" and "pride"; the countries represented by the ships look up to, trust, and think well of the United States, But the Bicentennial displayed more than just respect from other countries; it displayed the pride that the citizens have In their own country. Ihe citizens of this nation are pleased with this country, like what It is, and think highly of
It. In other words, they are patriotic. The Bicentennial displayed both respect and pride for the United States. 241
TABLE 39
Assumption 19(F)
Excerpt from Textt
And let me say, "Wasn't it a great, great celebration on the 4th of July when America celebrated its 200th birthday?" I happen to have the privilege to fly up the New York Harbor and see those tall ships coming in representing many, many countries. Why did they come to the United States? Because they respect America and we are proud of America and we'rea (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption great celebration in past on the 4th of wonderful, glorious July exciting event, incident, party being happy together national holiday bicentennial United States Independence Bicentennial birth of country when at which time
America celebrated country, nation its 200th birthday had a good time partied, rejoiced beginnings as a country Thble 39 continued 242
Words from Author's Representation Itext Conceptions of Assumption privilege to fly lucky to have the up New York great opportunity Harbor by chance special possibility in airplane or helicopter over river see from above in New York, specific place along Eastern seaboard tall ships coming look at, perceive in impressive boats large sailing vessels going toward land landing here displayed representing many, standing for, in many countries place of showing Interest of lots of other nations
Hhy for what reason question did they come to travel and arrive in United States this country what business did they have here because for this reason they respect ships as represen tatives ~ respect look up to, trust, think well of Thble 39 continued 243
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption we are proud part of group— v. audience, citizens. nation and feel pleased with pride think highly of like what it is patriotism
United States here country **— nation for the United America our country States, nation — '
a The applause drown out the rest of Ford's sentence.
Style
Ford asserts that the United States Is in the Number One position, evidenced by an example or piece of information which was
the expression of pride in and respect for the United States that
Ford observed during the 4th of July celebration in New York. Fbrd also asserts that, as President, he will maintain that standing,
lb explain his approach Ford first establishes himself as a supporter of peace— he is the first President since Eisenhower to be able to tell the American people that they are not fighting and is proud of being able to make that statement. According to Ford, the link between peace and strength is defense* (1} A country derives strength from the military services which form its defense system; (2) With strength a country can demand respect; and
(3) Respect leads to peace. As such, peace or the absence of war 2 hinges on a country's ability to be militarily strong and, because of this, Ford will support appropriations for the military services and the building of B-l bombers. With good equipment and leadership the young men in this country can adequately defend us and, therefore, our country will continue to demand respect throughout the world.
With this continued strength, peace can be maintained.
Implications of Ford's Style
Peace is an important goal and for Ford the key to peace is military strength. The implications of this statement are that if
Ford is President more money will be spent on the armed forces and military equipment. As such, the defense budget will increase under
Ford.
According to Ford, the reason why strength is the key to peace is that it demands respect which leads to peace. The implication of this statement is that Ford sees the threat of destruction as a means of gaining respect. As such, Ford's power base is coercion and he feels that, with this threat of destruction, a country will be looked up to or at least not crossed. As a source of maintaining coercive power, military strength will be a high priority in his budget proposals.
If Ford were elected President, we could expect a strong push for more new weapons and for money for the armed services in the next budget proposal. We could also expect to see foreign policy negotiated from a position of coercion. 2 b5
Garter's Style
Since Carter could not run on his record as President, and since many people knew very little about him, Chrter needed to present his idea of what the United States was or could be. lb give the voters some idea of how he would approach the office of
President, Carter spent a large part of his speech revealing his vision of the country. Nine assumptions relate to this visiont
(1) Carter makes observations about the country^; (,2) Chrter feels that citizens have faith in the United States but want a new approach to government^* (3) Chrter feels citizens want unity even though violence indicates divisiveness^; (4) Carter observed and was pleased that a desire for freedom brought people to this country and that a sense of commitment unified this diverse group of people^; (5) Sonie characteristics of this nation create tension2Q?
(6) Carter feels that problems can be solved if all elements of society work togethe^^; (7) Carter feels that people could get what they need if conditions in the country were right^j (8) Carter reveals his vision of a country that is trusting, assertive, ethical, strong, working together, and dedicated to its traditions^; and
(9) People need to cooperate and made sacrifices to achieve this vision^. Descriptions of these assumptions are the basis upon which judgments about Carter’s style are made. 2*f6
Assumption 12(C)i Garter makes observations about the country.
The word "I" signifies Garter in this instance and identifies all relevant information as Garter*s personal knowledge or feelings, rather than knowledge and feelings of a particular group, position, or party. Chrter sets the stage for his observations by saying,
"I have seen," before each observation indicating that they are individual perceptions of what he noticed and became aware of when traveling around the country.
One observation was specific: "the loss of security in our country." Apparently Carter noted that the American people had lost or had a lack of confidence, faith, and assurance in this nation "in many ways" or in more than one area. He saw "some other things too"» besides a loss of faith in the nation, Garter also observed a few different ideas or objects of interest. With this statement Carter set the stage for making other observations about the country. 247
TABLE 40
Assumption 12(0}
Excerpt from Ttext:
I have seen the loss of security in our country in many ways, but I have seen some other things too.
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I personal reference Chrter individual — ■— — have seen perceived — ------_____ (2 times) noticed makes become aware of — ------observations the loss of lack of, left, . security in our gone away country in confidence, faith, many ways assurance N. nation ^ lots of directions, areas, more than about the one country. some other things a few, several too different ideas, / directions, areas also
Assumption 13(C): Carter feels that citizens have faith in the United States but want a new approach to government.
Carter's ideas about citizen's attitudes toward the country are personal knowledge, as evidenced by the phrase, "I have seen."
As an individual, Carter made some observations, took notice of certain kinds of information, and is now relating what he found 248
out about the "American people" or those citizens of the United
States and fellow countrymen who are brave and face up to challenges.
By saying, "this is my nation," these people identify with
their country, the United States of America; they are part of it,
Their feelings toward the country are strong; they "love it,"
"believe in It," and "believe In the future" of it. In other words,
the citizens pledge their commitment and dedication to the country,
express strong affection for it, and express their faith in the
country Itself and In the future or what might yet happen in this
country. While the citizens have strong feelings for this country,
they do not necessarily approve of every aspect of it.
They "believe we could have a better life If we could change
Administrations in Washington." As part of their belief In the
country and its future, these people have faith that it is possible or feasible for those who live in this country to have more quality
in certain areas of existence; however, it will not come by keeping
the present situation, but only on the condition that there Is a
turnover of decision-makers in the nation’s capital or that different people have power at the center of government.
Based upon observations made while traveling around the
country, Garter characterizes the American people, some of their attitudes about the country, and their commitment to it. Chrter feels that citizens have faith In the United States but want a new approach to government. 249
TABLE 4l
Assumption 13(C)
Excerpt from Itextt
I have seen the courage of American people who say this is my nation, I love it, I believe in it, I believe in the future . * .a and I believe we could have a better life if we could change Administrations in Washington (applause).
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I have seen personal reference, individual Carter feels perceived, noticed, become aware of the courage of bravery, face up American people to challenges citizens, fellow countrymen, persons that citizens who say American people, citizens declare, announce this is my nation identify with the country possess or belong to country, United States
I love it personal pledge, commitment, have faith dedication in the express affection for country
I believe in it personal pledge, commitment, dedication have faith in country Thble 4-1 continued 250
Words from Author* s Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption
I believe in the personal pledge, future commitment have faith in the United States future and what might happen
I believe we could personal pledge, have a better commitment, life dedication have faith part of a group, as a whole country possible, feasible more quality in existence but want a new approach if condition to government. contingency we could change part of a group, as Administrations a whole country in Washington possible make different, cause turnover group of decision makers, powerful people nation's capital, center of govern ment, power
When transcribing the tape I was unable to understand a group of words at this point.
Assumption 14-(C)« Carter feels citizens want unity even though violence Indicates dlvlslveness.
Again, Carter couches this statement about the citizens in terms of his own personal knowledgej "I've seen,” While Carter refers to the citizens in a variety of ways ("Americans," "we," and "our society"), he is talking about the people who belong to the
United States, are part of this nation, are fellow countrymen and
identifies himself as part of this group. These people who are a
part of the country have "said" in the past and "know" now they are
"still willing to haul together." In the past they declared their
belief in a continuing hope of wanting to pull with one another or
put in some effort for and as part of a group. Citizens who
belong to the nation continue to want to work with others for
the good of that nation. Carter feels he saw this sentiment "in
spite of" or over and above some of the other things he saw.
Certain "problems" or difficulties abound in the country and
the troubles Chrter chooses to mention relate to violence*
"assassinations of John F. Kennedy and Bobby Kennedy and Martin
Luther King, Jr., and the shooting of George Wallace." One problem mentioned is the senseless killings and deaths of leaders in this
country, like a former President who was a young man not having
reached the zenith of his career. The other Kennedy was also youngj Bobby was more liberal and a Presidential candidate at the
time of his death. The third person was a civil rights leader working for justice in this country. The other problem mentioned
is the attempted murder resulting in paralysis of another Presidential
candidate who was the Governor of Alabama at the time. All of these
incidents involve violence aimed at hurting or killing leaders or
future leaders in this country. These kinds of acts reveal a
serious division in this country, a division so strong that violence 252
is used as a way of eliminating opponents.
Garter noted the violence, apparent divisions in the country,
and a certain desire for unity among the American people. Based
upon this information, he feels that citizens want unity even
though violence indicates divisiveness.
TABLE
Assumption l^-(c)
Excerpt from Itextt
I've seen Americans who've said, "In spite of our problems, in spite of the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, and Bobby Kennedy, and Martin Luther King, Jr., and the shooting of George Wallace, we know that our society is still willing to haul together,"
Words from Author's Representation Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption
I've seen personal reference, Individual past Garter feels perceived, been in contact with
Americans citizens fellow countryuten we as a group citizens citizens our society group people in United States belonging nation Ihble b 2 continued 253
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption who’ve said Americans in past declared know information beliefs want unity is still willing continuing, hope to haul hasn’t died together work, pull with one another, put in effort for and as a group in spite of even with even though (2 times) over and above problems difficulties troubles assassinations of senseless killings, John F. Kennedy deaths of leaders and Bobby former young Kennedy and President Martin Luther young, liberal King, Jr. Presidential candidate violence civil rights indicates leader working divisiveness. for justice shooting of hurting, paralysis, George Wallace attempted murder Presidential candidate, Governor of Alabama 25^
Assumption 15(G)t Garter observed and was pleased that a desire for freedom brought people to this country and that a sense of commitment unifies this diverse group of people.
Again, the sentiments expressed in this statement are part of
Carter*s personal knowledge as evidenced by the use of the word "I.”
'This knowledge did not result from surveys or opinion polls, but rather from the way Carter would "see" something. His perceptions of situations or feelings had been stored and now he is revealing what he had been thinking about, his personal opinions, and strong feelings. Based upon his perceptions and opinions, Carter was
"proud" of what he saw; the observations pleased him.
One observation regarding why people came to this country was a significant piece of information for Carter. The reasons they had for traveling and migrating to this nation are important; "What matters is why we came here." Carter feels that people came to
this nation "to be free, to have equality of opportunity." The significant reasons for coming to the United States are that people or families would have the ability to choose what to do and that all roads would be open to them; everyone would have the same chances and they would not be told what to do with them.
Groups of people have been coming to this country for many years; "We have all come here at different times to this country, our families have." Everyone in this country has either migrated them selves or someone before them in another generation migrated here; all of us are part of this heritage. They arrived here one by one or in groups, but not all together, over a period of many years. 255
"It doesn’t matter whether we came two years ago, 20 years ago, or
200 years ago, or more," "because we are all part of a nation of immigrants. When we or our ancestors came to this country makes no difference— whether it was a short time in the past, a generation ago, or as far "back as the founding of this country, or even "before the United States was a country— the fact that we are all immigrants makes a difference "because that knowledge is part of our common
"background and binds us together.
Although this group of people is bound together in some ways, basically it is a diverse group since persons come from different places, "Some people say our nation is a melting pot. That's not exactly true." A few people claim that this country is a container in which all our different backgrounds are broken down and we all join together. Garter feels this statement is not accurate. When all the different kinds of people came to -this country, they did not give up their backgrounds and form one homogeneous culture because
"we don't give up our love for the land from which our different families came." The people who migrated here, as well as their descendents, do not deny their affection or strong ties to the country out of which they came; rather, they continue to have strong feelings for their homeland. We are also "different kinds of people"? the persons in this country are not the same. However, while we are of many types, we are "all proud of our backgrounds, all proud of our heritages, all proud of our histories, all proud of our families." Everyone in this country has a strong feeling 256 for and is willing to stand up for the particular group of people to which they "belong. In other words, we all have strong feelings for our heritage, roots, past history, country's cultures or traditions, relatives, and past experiences. These diverse attri butes are part of our background and, rather than deny them, we cherish them.
However, even though people in this country are diverse and proud of it, we are still unified. "Our nation" is not a melting pot in which all differences are lost, but rather it is "much mors like a beautiful mosaic." Our country is similar to and has the characteristics of a picture composed of lots of little pieces of glass, all of different shapes and colors that are colorful and pretty when put together. The differences of all the individual pieces remain; but together they form a very pleasing picture.
Though different, the people in this country are "still bound together." With all types of past experiences from all different countries they continue to be held together and stick to each other as a group.
The bond which holds them together is a sense of commitment—
"in a spirit of unity, confidence, full of hope, not despair, looking for and finding brotherhood or sense of purpose." About all of these different persons an atmosphere or quality of togetherness exists. They have faith, hope, trust, and assurance; they are filled with a belief in the future and are looking for the best; they are not defeated or giving in; they are seeking or searching 2 57 for and coming across a commitment for each other; they feel a responsibility for each other and have a feeling of knowing what direction they are moving in or what their reason for acting is.
These people believe in the future; they are not defeated by the pastj they have searched for and are discovering that they are a group; and they have a feeling of what they are about.
While traveling around the country Garter saw a nation of individuals who came from different parts of the world, are still attached to their homelands, and have a wide variety of backgrounds.
However, these people, no matter how different, form a group with a sense of purpose. Carter observed and was pleased that a desire for freedom brought people to this country and that a sense of commitment unifies this diverse group of people. 258
TABLE 4-3
Assumption 15(G)
Excerpt from Ifext:
We all have come here at different times to this country, our families have; it doesn't matter whether we came two years ago, or twenty years ago, or 200 years ago, or more. What matters is why we came here. Some people say that our nation is a melting pot. That’s not exactly true, because when we come to this country to be free, to have equality of opportunity, we don't give up our love for the land from which our different families came. I think our nation is much more like a beautiful mosaic, with different kinds of people, all proud of our backgrounds, all proud of our heritages, all proud of our histories, all proud of our families, but still bound together in a spirit of unity, confidence, full of hope, not despair, looking for and finding brotherhood or sense of purpose. I see this throughout our nation and I'm proud of it.
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I individual ~ Carter personal reference — ----- think my opinion personal guesses at knowledge observed and see this perceive, sense situation, feeling proud of it strong feelings pleased, stand up for this situation Ihble 4-3 continued 259
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption what matters is this is what why we came counts, makes here difference reason for traveling and arriving in United States reason for migrating to this nation that a desire for freedom because when we for this reason come to this at which time country to be as a group, families free, to have arrive, travel to equality of specific nation, opportunity United States have ability to choose, not told wha t to do possess some chances, all roads open to everyone Ihble 4-3 continued 260
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption we have all come part of a group, here at you and me, different everyone times to this past country, our arrived, shown families have up at this place one by one, not all together, immigrants United States, nation seeking in some generation, us or someone before us, part of our heritage brought people it doesn't matter makes no difference to this whether we came when, or country two years ago, audience, personally, or twenty years this group, ago, or 200 countrymen years ago, or arrived more specific numbers short time in past generation ago, fathers and mothers founders of country, as country was founded before United States was United States Tkble 43 continued 261
Words from Author's Representation Tfext Conceptions of Assumption in a spirit of atmosphere, quality, unity, confidence, feeling full of hope, not togetherness, as a despair, looking whole, as a for and finding group brotherhood or faith, hope, trust, sense of purpose assurance filled with, having lots of, belief in the future, and that looking for the a sense of best commitment undefeated, not giving in, not relenting seeking, searching, coming across, happening upon commitment for each other, responsibility for each other, feeling of knowing a direction, reason for acting our nation is possess, belong much more like group, country, a beautiful United States mosaic closer to, lots more similar to pretty, very nice, colorful, well done pictures with lots of little pieces of glass, glass of different shapes unifies and colors making one picture still bound continuing to be together held as a group sticking to each other all part of a whole Tkble ^3 continued 262
Words from Author* s Representation Ifext Conceptions of Assumption some people say a few persons, our nation is a vague reference melting pot. indicate, claim That's not belonging, exactly true possessive country broken down, becoming liquid, joining together container, holder this statement, situation not precise, inaccurate
Me don't give up as a group, whole our love for will continue, not the land from stop, keep trying this diverse which our possessive, group, group different belonging families came affection, strong ties, to country, earth springboard, out of possess, belong group, not same different kinds composed of, of people having not the same, many types persons Th/ble 43 continued 263
Words from Author's Representation Tbxt Conceptions of Assumption all proud of our everyone \ backgrounds, strong feeling all proud of our for, not hiding, N. heritages, all stand up for n. proud of our possess, belong, n . histories, all group proud of our heritage, roots, families past history of people. countries, cultures / past experiences, / traditions / close-knit groups, / relatives /
Assumption 20(C)« Some characteristics of this nation create tension.
By repeating the phrase, "this is a country," Chrter emphasizes the notion that he is talking about this nation here and now, the United States, which "hasn't lost faith." Ihe people still possess some hope and belief about what will come and, with it, they have a "great vision of the future" in which they see wonderful and admirable plans, dreams, and goals for the days ahead in this country. These people face the future with "great courage"; they . possess an admirable strength of character, bravery, and stamina.
However, these persons, Carter among them, have "differences," As a group, the countrymen are unique; each person is an individual.
"Our willingness to work together, to correct our mistakes, to bind ourselves together" is what makes it possible for us to be unified.
While the differences exist and are part of our situation, the people in this country have the desire to pull with one another and want 264
to make an effort as a group to right the past and make the future better by avoiding or fixing our slips and wrongdoing. They also
pledge and commit themselves as individuals to be a group and to work together as a unit. The combination of "all this" or all of
the above different characteristics build and accumulate to create
situations which are not easy to deal with because of the resulting
tensions and this "adds to difficult pressure."
As Garter went around the country, he noticed a variety of attributes which are not necessarily compatible; however, they all exist at the same time. As a result, we have a situation in which
some characteristics of the nation create tension.
TABLE 44-
Assumption 20(c)
Excerpt from Texti
This is a country that hasn’t lost faith. This is a country with a great vision of the future. This is a country with great courage within our people. This is a country of differences among ourselves with a willingness to work together to correct our mistakes, to bind ourselves together and all this adds to difficult pressures.
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
this is a country here, now (repeated) nation, United Some States Tkble 44- continued 2 6 5
Words from Author's Representation Itext Conceptions of Assumption hasn't lost faith still possesses \ hope \ believes in future \ continues ' with a great vision having, possessing of the future big, wonderful, admirable dream, plan, goal for days ahead, what will come characteristics with groat courage having, possessing of this within our much, wonderful, people admirable strength of character, bravery, stamina internal, inside possess part of a group, citizens, persons, countrymen of differences not sameness, among ourselves uniqueness within countrymen, within group with a willingness having, possessing to work together, desire, wanting to do to correct our pull with one mistakes, to another, make bind ourselves effort as a group together change, right, make better belonging, part of a group wrongdoing, slips, accidents, bad deeds pledge, commit, hold as one part of a group, belonging 1 persons / as one, a unit, / a whole, a group ' Tcible 44 continued 266
Words from Author'8 Representation Ibxt Conceptions of Assumption all this the above list " nation everything mentioned -— adds to builds, .___ difficult accumulates pressures not easy, hard create problems, tensions, tension. compelling forces .— ----
Assumption 21(C)i Garter feels that problems can be solved if all elements of society vork together.
Ihe above sentiment represents Garter's present attitude concerning what the future of the country could be like. By opening the excerpt with the statement, "let me predict" Carter requests permission from the audience members to tell the future as he sees it. Ihe predictions refer to "the next four years" which, if Carter wins the election, will be his term as President of the United States or his period of accountability, since he will be the chief decision maker during this time.
Carter believes "we can make great progress"? the elements or all the diverse groups within this society have the capability to make wonderful and significant advances or forward motion on the problems confronting this country. Significant steps can be made toward solving our problems only if certain (specified by Chrter) elements of society work together.
One element is the "President" or chief decision-maker and highest official, the leader of the country. Another element is 26 ? the "Congress” or those elected officials who act as representatives of the people in the federal government and make decisions which affect our lives. These first two elements are really part of the next one, the "government"---all those people who are working for the country as public servants in all levels of bureaucracy. The first three parts of society all relate to the decision-makers who are elected, appointed, or hired as civil servants of the country and who are supposed to be working for the good of the people.
Another element of society is "labor" or those people involved in the business world. Basically, they are part of the free enter prise system in this country and form the private sector of society.
The last element is that of "private citizens," These people are not special} for example, they are workers, mothers, welfare recipients. The private citizens are those who are part of the country and members of the United States even though they are not powerful in either the public (governmental) or private (business) sector. These elements encompass a great variety of individuals all having different goals, different interests, and different roles in our society.
Success or progress depends upon whether or not "we do cooperate." All these groups can work together and compromise; they do not have to be at each other's throats. Although differences do exist, Carter feels that problems can be solved if all elements of society work together. 268
TABLE 4-5
Assumption 21(G)
Excerpt from Ibxti
Let me predict, that in the next four years, if we do cooperate, the President, the Congress, the government, labor, and private citizens, that we can make great progress.
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption let me predict allow, give permission, request, may I personal reference, Carter feels individual tell the future, say what will happen in the next four specific time years frame next term of office of President period of accountability that problems can be solved we can make elements of society great progress are able, have capability large, significant, wonderful advances, forward motion
President chief decision makers if all highest offical leader Tkble 4-5 continued 269
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
Congress elected officials \ representatives \ federal decision makers government people working for country public servants all levels bureaucracies elements of labor business society private sector free enterprise people private citizens nobody special workers mothers welfare recipients part of country / members of United / States / we do cooperate part of a group, you and I, elements of society work really, actually together. work together, compromise, not at each other’s ^ throats
Assumption 22(C)1 Carter feels that the people could get what they need if conditions in the country were right.
By saying "I think" and "I believe" Carter qualifies the stated ideas as personal opinions, knowledge, or convictions. He believes that the "American people" or "all of us" can get what we 270 need. All persons who "belong to or live in the United States, including himself, can have their need3 satisfied.
However, this possibility is discussed in qualified termsi
"I am very careful about what I promise, but I think that looking back we can make room for hope for the future." Carter does not want to make a commitment or give assurances about something in a light or careless manner. Given the fact that he would like to be extremely sure about the situation before making a commitment,
Carter merely suggests that better things will come. Using the past as a guide, the people of this nation do have the capability of making space for or fitting in some faith and trust in events that will be coming up and believing that everything will turn out all right. Later, Carter again emphasizes that "I'm very, very careful not to promise that for sure" and reiterates the qualification that his statements are opinions and ideas of what "could" happen or what Is possible, but not necessarily of what will certainly happen.
Carter also has definite ideas about what the people need and what it is he thinks they can possibly hope for In the future.
In the future we might be able to have more "new programs" and "some tax cuts," Ihe organizations which provide services for the American people may be Increased and, as more of these programs are initiated, they will be unique and aimed at providing different services. Along with these unique services, a few reductions in the amount of money assessed by the government may be instituted. One possibility for the future, according to Carter, would be the institution of more 271
and more services for the American people along with a reduction in
the amount of taxes they would he required to pay to the government.
All of the American people, including the audience and Carter,
need some improvement in the quality of their existence regarding
making a living and surviving. Hopefully, we will "have better
lives, all of us together." Ihe new services, reduced assessments,
and improved quality of life are "what the American people deserve"j
the citizens of the United States should have a right to all of
these things. This is what they need and what is due them.
However, the possibility or probability of these things
coming to pass exists only if certain conditions in the country are
right. For instance, one condition is that we need to "have a five
to six percent economic growth which is what we did have under
President Kennedy and President Johnson even before the Vietnam War."
Ihe G.N.P. or finance and money matters need to increase by a
specific amount so that the county is financially sound. This
situation did exist in this country in the past under the leadership and direction of the last two Democratic Presidents. When they were
decision-makers, the economy did grow at the above rate* however, most people believe this situation existed only because of the
Vietnam War and the Increased production of defense systems. Carter
suggests that this economic growth existed under the Democratic
Presidents not just during the killing and fighting in Asia, but previous to the buildup of the defense industry. Ibis condition
needs to exist once again and Carter thinks it is possible. 272
Another condition is that we "cut our unemployment rate down just a little above what it was when Richard Nixon went in office."
The percentage of people out of work and not earning an income needs to decrease not necessarily back to what it was when the Republicans took over .the leadership role in 1968 in the midst of the Vietnam
War, but it should go back to just a small amount higher than that.
A third condition suggests that if we would "get our inflation controlled and have a normal relationship between government spending and our normal spending, we could realize enough income." Somehow the rising prices on material goods need to be made predictable and normal so we know what is happening and have power over the situation.
A usual or expected give-and-take manner of working together needs to exist among public servants working at the federal level or in bureaucracies dealing with the budget or paying for services as well as between the public servants and the rest of us; the citizens also need to resume their ordinary money transactions. If a usual manner of working with money by the bureaucracy is reestablished, if a way of controlling rising prices on material goods is found, and if an expected relationship between public and private spending is achieved, then we can expect to amass or accrue a sufficient amount of money or earnings to provide more services, reduced assessments, and a better quality of life.
The conditions discussed up to this point are possible in this country based upon information given to Garter by his advisers.
The events discussed above will not happen unless the "projections" 273 given him "by his advisers are "right." Unless the information or predictions about what is likely to happen in this country prepared by Carter's staff are correct, the above conditions will never exist.
Carter also discusses some conditions which relate more directly to the people themselves. Fbr Instance, he believes that the people need to "work together." Ihe countrymen need to do their jobs and put in some effort to work as a group or a whole and not just as Individuals or Carter's predictions will not come true. Ihe possibility exists that we might have "normal economic circumstances" or ordinary financial situations or a usual flow of money, but that is not enough for Carter's predictions to come true. We also need to "restore confidence in our people and in our economic system."
The citizens of this country need to renew and revive their faith, trust, and belief in their fellow countrymen; they also need to renew their trust in our financial organization or the way the country works with its money. Even though the economic situation may change and improve, the people still need to be encouraged to trust one another andto trust the new economic situation.
Chrter describes what he thinks the American people deserve in their lives; he also discusses a variety of situations which need to change. However, he feels that the American people could get what they need if conditions in the country were right. 2 74-
TABLE 1*6
Assumption 22(C)
Excerpt from Ibxtt
I am very careful about what I promise, but I think that looking back we can make room for hope for the future. If we can have a five to six percent economic growth, which is what we did have under President Kennedy and President Johnson, even before the Vietnam War, if we cut our unemployment rate down just a little above what it was when Richard Nixon went in office, if we get our inflation controlled, and have a normal relationship between government spending and our normal spending, we could realize enough Income to have . . .a of new programs and to have some tax cuts. Not I’m very careful not to promise that for sure, but if our projections are right, if we work together, and If we have normal economic circum stances, and we can restore confidence in our people, in our economic system, and have better lives, all of us together. And I believe that's what the American people deserve (applause).
Words from Author's Representation Itest Conceptions of Assumption
I think personal reference, individual opinion Carter feels I believe personal reference, individual conviction, know for sure "" all of us everyone you and I
American people citizens of United that the States people persons belonging to United States countrymen Ib/ble 46 continued 275
Words from Author's Representation Tfext Conceptions of Assumption
I am very careful personal reference, about what I individual promise, but I extremely sure think that handed, not looking back we lightly, think can make room through, not for hope for careless the future concerning substance, content commitment, give assurance, put myself on the line however opinion examining, reviewing, considering past, what happened before as a group, you and I are able, have capability reserve a spot, make space, can fit in faith in what will happen, trust that could get everything will turn out all right what will be, events that will be coming now I'm very careful at this time not to promise personal reference, that for sure individual extremely, a lot, extra, not hasty or risky, take time, think through do not commit myself, not make obligations about above of course, certainty, will happen Thble 46 continued 276
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption to have . . . possess, to be of new able to do programs and unique, initiated, to have some first of a kind tax cuts ways of doing something, services, organizations also possess a few, not many assessment by government, pay money reduce payments, make payments lower what they need have better lives, possess all of us more quality, together improved in some way existence, making a living and surviving everyone, you and I, personal as a group, as a whole that's what the the situation, exists American people citizens of United deserve States, persons belonging to United States, countrymen owe, should have, have a right to Ihble b 6 continued 277
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption if we can have a condition, contingency five to six part of a group, you percent economic and I growth which is able to be, possess what we did capability have under specific amount, President Kennedy percentage, small and President amount Johnson even finance, money before the matters, G.N.P. Vietnam War Increase, healthy, financially sound, doing better above situation part of a group, if conditions countrymen in past, has existed with leadership and direction of specific people, Democratic leaders, Democratic high decision-makers not just at this time too, previous to what you expect killing and fighting in Asia, buildup of defense industry Thble 46 continued 278
Words from Author's Representation •text Conceptions of Assumption
if we cut our condition, unemployment rate contingency down just a little part of a group, above what it was countrymen when Richard Nixon decrease, eliminate went in office something, subtract possess, belonging out of work, not earning an Income percentage, part of the whole decrease, subtract from, not up only, merely, not a in the lot, small amount more than, higher used to be, rate in past at which time Republican Presidenl past leader walked in, took, became President, took over leader ship role Ihble 46 continued 279
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption if we get our condition, V inflation contingency \ controlled and part of a group \ have a normal receive, cause \ relationship results, accomplish \ between government belonging, possess \ spending and our rising prices \ normal spending, not wavering, predict- \ we could realize able, normal, know \ enough income what’s happening and \ have power over it \ also V possess \ usual, expected \ give and take, way of \ working together \ with, both ways \ bureaucracy, public servant, federal level country budget, paying for services, giving money I out / as well as / part of a group, / (citizens and / government, citizens?), / private / ordinary, usual, expected using money, buying, money transactions / part of a group, govern- / ment, federal treasury / accrue, get,amass sufficient, needed / amount / earnings, money to spend 1 Tkble U 6 continued 280
Words from Author* s Representation Itext Conceptions of Assumption if our projections condition, contingency \ are right part of a group \ (Carter and staff, \ Carter and economists?) predictions, what will happen, what will come correct, not wrong, true if we work condition, contingency together part of a group, countrymen do our job, put in effort as a group, as a whole, with each other were right. if we have normal condition, contingency economic part of a group, circumstances countrymen possess, usual, ordinary financial, money, flow of money situation, happenings we can restore part of a group, confidence in countrymen our people and able to do in our economic put back, renew, system revive , faith, trust, belief / possess, belong / persons, citizens, / brothers / financial, money / way of working, / organization /
aWhen transcribing I was not able to understand this word.
^At this point, the applause of the audience cut off Carter's words. 281
Assumption 23(G): Carter reveals his vision of a country that Is trusting, assertive, ethical, strong, working together, and dedicated to its traditions.
Garter often refers to himself in this excerpt by using the personal pronoun "I" indicating that the sentiments mentioned in this assumption are his personal convictions; this is how Garter sees the country. Throughout this section he often reveals his vision by prefacing a particular statement with the phrase, "I want to see." Carter describes what he desires, seeks, or hopes to perceive, envision or observe in a variety of situations and states what he wants "to have" or what he desires, seeks to possess, or own. By prefacing these remarks with the phrase, "I just want to say," Carter indicates that he would merely like to speak to the audience, to talk with them, and to relate some of his thoughts. At the "beginning of the excerpt there are just a "couple of other things" he wants to say to the audience indicating there are only a few more topics or ideas to share with them.
Garter uses the word "nation" often because all parts of his vision relate to the United States as a country. The first part of the vision involves trust, in the future and in one another. Carter sees a nation "filled with hope" or consumed with faith in the future and looking forward to good things. He sees citizens who have a great deal of faith in what will happen and a country in which the government "doesn't spy on our own people." The situation will not exist in which one group of people checks up on or sneaks around behind other citizens of the country, especially if one group is 282 supposed to be representing the government because the government should not be secretly checking up on persons for whom the officials are supposed to be ■working. Carter also feels there should be no
"walls” put up "between us and Washington"; constraints or barriers between the persons in this country and the bureaucracy or govern ment officials should not exist. Ihe government should trust the people enough not to be spying on them; citizens and the government should work together, not set up barriers; everyone will have hope for the future.
Carter also believes the country should be assertive. While the excerpt about not asking the government to be something is garbled and I could not transcribe all the words, I think the sense of it is that the government should not be our caretaker; the govern ment should work for our good and do our bidding, rather than take over and run our lives. Chrter also talks about depending "on work not on welfare." The country counts on and needs people who make an effort to do a job and earn a living instead of willingly accepting money for nothing and living on handouts. People need to put forth some effort to take care of themselves and to earn a living for themselves.
Carter also believes the country should be ethical and gives examples of what he means. Citizens should respect "personal property" or care for and be sensitive to the materials goods and belongings of others. If a certain object does not belong to you, you should treat it with care. However, you should be sensitive not only to 283 material goods or objects which belong to others, but also to "human rights" or those aspects of life which are due or belong to other people. They have a right to live their lives without interference and with a certain degree of privacy and freedom and individuals should be sensitive to those qualities of life as well as to the property of other people. Carter also applauds the "simple decency and honesty and morality and character of our people." Having integrity, doing what is right, being a good person, telling the truth, not cheating, not lying, being open, doing what is right, and respecting other people are attributes of a good person who respects human rights. Ihe citizens or residents of this country possess all of these attributes as well as having a steadfast manner and strong nature and all of these characteristics describe what Carter sees as a nation of good, upright, ethical people.
Carter also sees a nation which is strong. He emphasizes the concepts of being "proud once again," "foreign policy," and having our proper "role as a leader of the world." Our programs regarding other countries or nations should be such that vie can return to the pleased feeling we had for our country once before.
According to Carter we were proud of or pleased with our country once before and he sees a time in the future when we will be that way again. Along with individuals being pleased, the country will also have its expected position, place, status, or leadership role in being able to guide, direct, show the right way, and take the first step in front of other countries and other ideological groups. 284
By developing a new foreign policy, by occupying the leadership
position in the world, we can be proud of our country once again
and we will be strong.
Carter also sees a nation working together "in a spirit of
unity about the future." All the elements of the country and diverse
groups have a feeling of togetherness about what will happen in the days to come. One of the ways togetherness can be achieved is by having the nation be dedicated to its traditions. The immigrants
came to this country because they desired freedom* Carter sees this nation at a time in the future as a "beacon of freedom and equality."
When this country lights the way and illuminates the darkness, it will signify that people in this country have the ability to choose
their future, are not forced to act in a certain way, and are treated fairly, justly. In achieving this situation Carter hopes the country
"works with its heart and soul and sees what we do in the last 200 years that we need to keep and we correct the mistakes that we*ve made." The people should, first of all, perceive and observe the activities, movement, progress, and advances accomplished or produced by the citizens in the past since the beginning of this country as a nation and then put forth some effort, using all the affection, love, feeling, spirit, and emotion they have, to hold on to all they
see that is good and to change all the things which went wrong. In
so doing, the nation "lives up to the majesty of its Constitution."
Continuing the traditions of the country will also mean that the country fulfills the standards and meets the criteria which are 285 stately and full of grandeur and belong to the written document which describes the manner of governing in this country. That particular document is revered and held in high esteem and should continue to be the guidepost for our nation.
Carter has his own ideas of what this country is and should be and, in this excerpt, reveals his vision of a country that is trusting, assertive, ethical, strong, working together, and dedicated to its traditions.
TABLE 4?
Assumption 23(Cj
Excerpt from Text;
I just want to say a couple of other things to you, I want to see a nation that's , . ,a and I want to see a nation that's filled with hope and I want to see a nation that doesn't spy on our own people. I want to see a nation put up walls . . ,a between us and Washington; I want to see a nation that is our servant in government and not ask the government to be our . . , .a I want to have a nation that respects personal property. I want to see a nation, too, with a spirit of unity about the future. I want to see a nation that depends on work and not on welfare. I want to see a nation that has a foreign policy so that it's proud once again, where we respect human rights and where our nation takes its proper role as a leader of the world who looks to us as a beacon of freedom and equality, I want to see a nation that works with its heart and soul and sees what we do in the last 200 years that we need to keep and we correct the mistakes that we've made. I want to see a nation that's proud once again, a nation that lives up to the majesty of its Constitution and a simple decency and honesty and morality and character of our people. Tkble 47 continued 286
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
I personal reference Carter (12 times) individual just want to only, merely say would like, desire speak, talk to you, relate want to see desire, seek, (10 times) hope to perceive, envision, observe reveals his want to have desire, seek, vision hope to possess, own couple of other a few, not many things to you different ideas, separate topics audience members, personal reference nation country of a country (12 times) United States that is Thble 47 continued 287
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption
filled with consumed, lots \ hope of inside, \ much of \ faith in future, \ looking forward \ to good things \ doesn't spy on will not, certain \ our own people things aren't \ done, completed, \ or attempted \ check up on, sneak \ around, secretive possess, belonging trusting, group, part of, persons, citizens put up walls construct, build . . . between barriers, structures, us and impenetrable Washington fortress bureaucracy, govern ment officials, power in decision making back and forth, reciprocal, bond part of a group, you and I (everybody present, audience, Carter and staff?) Tkble 4? continued 288
Words from Author's Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption our servant in belong, possess government and work for us, does not ask the our bidding government to bureaucracy, be our . . . federal workers public servants refrain from requesting, stop questioning public servants, bureaucracies, federal officials exist as possess, belong assertive, depends on work counts on, needs, and not on can't exist welfare without effort, doing some thing, earning a living, doing a job rather than, instead of handouts, money for nothing Thble 47 continued 289
Words from Author* s Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption respects personal looks up to, cares property for, is sensitive to individual, belonging to people material goods, belongings we respect human part of a group, rights you and I, countrymen looks up to, cares for, is sensitive to other people, persons what is due them, what is theirs, belongs to them ethical, simple decency not complicated, and honesty unassuming, and morality childlike and character Integrity, doing of our people what is right, good person truthfulness, not cheating, not lying, frank, open do what’s right, be good, respect other people nature, strength, manner, steadfast ness belonging to, possess citizens, countrymen, residents Table 47 continued 290
Words from Author’s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption foreign policy so other countries, that it’s proud different nations once again program, plan of action as a result of, comes from country pleased with, likes returns, one more time, what it did before proper role as a what it should, leader of the expected, right world position, place, status, leadership being, are strong, guide, direct, show the right way, / take first step, / in front of line / all other countries, / all ideological / groups / proud once again pleased with itself, / happy with itself, / respects itself, / stands tall / like it did before, / one more time / Ihble 47 continued 291
Words from Author* s Representation Text Conceptions of Assumption
spirit of unity feeling, atmosphere about the future togetherness, wholeness as a group working together, concerning what will happen, what will come
beacon of freedom lighting the way, and equality illuminate darkness light signifying ability to choose, not forced to act in a certain way just, fair, everyone treated the same and dedicated to works with its puts forth effort, heart and'soul does something, not passive using country's, nation's affection, love, feeling, spirit, emotion everything it has, all its being Ihble 47 continued 292
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption and sees what we also V do in the last perceives, looks at, \ 200 years that observes \ we need to keep activities, things, \ and we correct movement, progress, \ the mistakes that advances \ we've made part of a group, \ people, citizens ' accomplish, work at, produce past, since that time beginning of country, specific number, as a nation, specific time period in particular, certain things as a group, country should, ought, have to have hold on to, not throw away as well as as a group, country fix, change, repair, its traditions. make better things which went wrong, deeds which didn't work out right above part of a group, citizens accomplished, did, produced lives up to the fulfills the standards, / majesty of its meets the criteria / Constitution grandeur, wonder, stateliness belonging to written document, description of manner of governing, regulations, procedures /
aI had difficulty transcribing this excerpt; in a variety of places I could not understand what was being said. 293
Assumption 2U-(c)i People need to cooperate and make sacrifices to achieve this vision.
Garter's description of his vision of the country reveals the way he sees the country in the future; the nation is not in that
condition at the moment and needs to work to achieve that vision or
goal. "All of us" in the country need to put forth some effort to achieve this vision; everyone's effort is required because achieving
the goal is "going to take" everyone.
People are different and situations are different but by
"working together" we can realize the goal. With one another, everyone needs to put forth some effort, do something, and be productive as part of a group. This kind of cooperation is necessary, but there are still "not any easy answers" since everyone is so different. No single, simple solution will arise so that the vision can be realized. Hard decisions with important implications need to be made one at a time with the realization that some people will be hurt by them.
In this excerpt Garter uses the word "it" to refer to all the parts of his vision which he has just finished discussing. Thken together, all of these ideas form Garter's vision of the nation; this is what he would like to achieve, even though it will not be easy.
People need to cooperate and make sacrifices to achieve the vision. 294-
TABLE 48
Assumption 24(C)
Excerpt from Texti
But it’s going to take all of us working together. There*re not any easy answers.
Words from Author's Representation Ttext Conceptions of Assumption all of us includes everyone People you and I going to take requires will use need to needs working together putting forth effort, doing something, producing cooperate with one another, as a group, as a whole not any easy no single, simple answers solutions will be hard decisions and make not just a one time sacrifices small decision important implications
It’: situation in existence to achieve all the elements of the vision. the vision in Assumption 23 295
Style
All information included in this group of assumptions was within the framework of Carter's personal observations and opinions— ttiese are his feelings and his ideas of what tne country is like now and what he thinks the country could become in the future. Comments on this issue not only summarize and describe his orientation to the country, problems, and possible solutions, but also reveal a complex thinking process indicative of Carter’s approach to decision-making.
First, Carter describes the people, their priorities, and their problems. Next, he describes a series of contingencies which could have implications for policy decisions. Finally, near the very end of the speech, he describes his views of the country in the future.
The American people are brave, courageous, face up to their problems, and have chosen to dedicate themselves to their country, the United States. Although committed to this country, the people do not approve of all the actions of the present Administration.
In fact, since they do not always approve of decisions made in
Washington, and since they desire a better quality of life, they would like to see a change of power in Washington so that the
Administration would take a new approach to solving problems. The citizens of this country have certain goals; one of their overriding concerns is that they want to work together as a group. In spite of all the violence in our country (assassinations of John F.
Kennedy, Bobby Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the shooting 296 of George Wallace) which Indicates a strong division among citizens,
Chrter maintains that they want to work together. The people in this country also hold the values of freedom and equality of opportunity high. All our families were immigrants who came to this country for the same reason— being able to have all opportunities open to them and being able to choose to take advantage of them— and we share this common bond. Since people came from all countries, we are a diverse group and are proud of our backgrounds. This country is not a melting pot (people did not lose their ethnic heritage); it is a mosaic (differences make us beautiful and we are held together by a strong commitment to unity, hope in the future, brotherhood, and sense of purpose). The differences make the country interesting, but in providing contrast they also can create conflict and tensions.
While the differences exist and are the source of some problems, the courage of individuals, their desire to work together and sense of purpose in striving for freedom and equality of opportunity keep them united, a people continually striving to achieve their goals.
Carter not only describes the citizens' goals, but also his policies and conditions for implementing them; in so doing, he makes no outright promises— each change is contingent upon certain conditions being met. Progress can be made with Carter as President if the diverse elements of society (civil servants such as the
President, Congress, and all levels of government; labor or the business world; private citizens who are not powerful) cooperate.
Carter does not say how they can cooperate, merely that they must 297 for the country to advance. In Carter's opinion, the American people need and deserve more services, tax cuts, and a "better quality of existence; however, he will not promise them. Fhther, he cautiously suggests that people can hope for these things and have faith In the future. These policies will "become reality only if certain conditions are raeti (1) a five to six percent economic growth
(Carter "believes it is possible); (2) lowering the unemployment rate to just a little above what it was at the end of Johnson’s term in office; and (3) controlling Inflation or making it predictable and restoring the orderly relationship of governmental and private spending. If the predictions of Carter’s staff are accurate, if the people work together, if we develop a normal economy, if people have faith in themselves and the economy, and if they are willing to sacrifice, then the above conditions will exist, then tax cuts can be made, then new services can be created, then the people will have a better quality of life, and then we will be making progress.
Assuming all these things come to pass and are accomplished, what will the direction of our progress be? In answer to this question, Carter describes his vision of the country or what he would like to see in the future. First, trust and hope are important goals.
Carter sees a country in which the government will not spy on its own people; walls between the people and their government will not exist, and the people believe In their own future as well as the country’s future. Second, Carter sees a country with assertive people who put out an effort to work and do not want the government to take 298 over their lives. Third, Garter sees an ethical country in which people respect property as well as human rights and are decent, honest, moral, and of strong character. Fburth, this country will be strong in the area of foreign policy and will take a leadership role of which we will be proud, Plfth, Carter sees a country united about its future goals, a country so dedicated to the principles of freedom and equality of opportunity that it stands as a beacon for all other countries. Sixth, history is important as a guideline for the future. We should not only observe past actions, but strive to continue those traditions which allow us to live up to the
Constitution. If, as a country, we move toward these six goals we will be making progress.
In summary, Carter's vision relates to three areasj People,
Policies, and Progress. His description of the people assumes that while they are proud of their unique ethnic backgrounds, these differences cause problems. However, while these differences exist, we are bound together because of our common purpose (freedom and equality of opportunity), a desire to work together, and our courage in the face of problems. Garter has some policy goals of tax reduction, more services, and a better quality of life which can only be achieved If certain conditions are fulfilled. However,
Carter suggests that there Is hope for the future. Projections about the economy (controlled inflation, lower unemployment, and economic growth) are probably valid and, if they come true, If people are willing to sacrifice and work together, and if people will have 299 faith in themselves and the economy, then Carter's policies can be implemented. If these policies are enacted, we will be making progress toward Carter's vision of this country as a nation where the people have hope and trust, are assertive, are ethical; the country will be unified in pursuit of freedom and equality of oppor tunity, will be a strong leader in foreign affairs making us proud, and will live up to the tradition of the Constitution.
Implications of Style
Carter's position as a future decision-maker is very complex.
Father than being guided by a traditional Democratic Ideology, Carter has his own set of goals toward which his decisions will strive.
If the people do not want change, if they are not courageous, if a better life is not their goal, if freedom and equality of opportunity are not a prime goal, and, most important, if they are unwilling to work together, then Carter's vision will never be realized. While he establishes a series of conditions which must be met to implement certain policies, those conditions can only be fulfilled if the nature of the American people is as he described.
From Carter we should not expect a flat policy implementing new programs, tax cuts, or giving us better lives upon his election.
Carter's positions on these matters are part of a complex set of priorities and will only be realized if other conditions are fulfilled first. These particular policies are not ends In themselves but rather stepping stones toward meeting Carter's goal of progress. What we could expect from Carter are decisions which in some way enhance people's trust, assertiveness, and ethical nature or which enhance the country's strength as a leader, qualities of freedom and equality of opportunity, or those traditions evidenced in past history or the Constitution.
Since defense and a vision of the country are different topics, the candidates' styles will not be compared in this chapter. The information about style which is explained in this chapter will be combined with similar descriptions in the other analysis chapters and used to make some general comments about each candidate's style. This discussion will be found in the next chapter. CHAPTER NINE
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
In the process of determining whether or not the electorate
had a choice between candidates in the 1976 Presidential campaign,
the author compared the styles of Gerald Pord and Jimmy Chrter as
revealed in their set speeches. A type of hermeneutical-rhetorical
criticism was the methodology employed for identifying and comparing each candidate's character traits and issue positions (style or image).
In the preceding six chapters, the candidates’ styles have been described and compared to illustrate similarities and differences between them on specific topics. The results of this investigation have important implications for the development of theory in
several areas: (l) the concept of style and its function as part of campaign rhetoric; (2) the strengths of hermeneutical-rhetorical
criticism; (3) the issue of accountability as it relates to rhetorical criticism; and (*f) serendipitous findings and their
theoretical implications. To discuss each of these implications, relevant conclusions from the study will be identified and used as illustrative material in each section.
301 302
Style and Campaign rhetoric
As discussed in Chapter One, contemporary campaigns more often revolve around the candidates than political parties thereby directing the electorate's attention toward those factors which allow them to determine how a particular candidate will act if elected.
Traditionally, voters base these decisions on judgments about a candidate's style or image which is a combination of character traits and issue positions. One of the most substantive sources of this information is the candidate's set speech which is delivered before a variety of audiences during the course of a campaign.
Using a type of hermeneutical-rhetorical criticism, the author analyzed one of Gerald Fbrd's and one of Jimmy Carter's set speeches to identify their styles. Tie procedures of this methodology allowed the author, as audience member/critic, to analyze the words used by a candidate in a speech as a means of identifying the candidate's assumptions which could be grouped together in a schema from which judgments about style could be made. In so doing, the author identified and compared the styles of each candidate on particular topics; the comparisons in Chapters Three through Eight
Indicate that Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter would act differently as
President of the United States,^
■^Although the Presidential election took place six months ago and Jimmy Carter is now President, the future tense will still be used when describing the results of this analysis because the purpose of the study was to analyze campaign speaking and make judgments about how candidates would act if elected. Even though Carter has been performing the duties of the office of President, the results should still describe what he will do in the future because he will be President for at least another three years. 303
The purpose of the comparison was not only to decide whether the candidates had similar or different styles, "but also to describe the nature of the difference if any existed. Therefore, in this section each candidate's style will be described as a way of identifying the nature of the differences between Gerald Ford and
Jimmy Carter. This description will illustrate not only the use fulness of the concept of style in identifying the similarities and differences between candidates, but also the important role set speeches and their critical analysis can play in assessing presidential campaigns.
Ford's Style
Ford’s goals as President would be to maintain peace, institute tax reductions, balance the budget, create more jobs, continue our military strength, maintain order and confidence, and continue the
Republican philosophical approach to government. To him, this particular election is critical because whoever is elected will chart a course for the country at the beginning of the nation's third century and Ford would like the power to direct our nation's future by building on his firm foundation. As such, he promises to continue his past style of leadership, to balance the budget, and to reduce taxes, While Ford would be making decisions which affect the whole country, his relationship with many citizens is impersonal— his knowledge and sympathies lie not with the average worker who brings home a paycheck every two weeks but with those people who have become successful and are publicly recognizeable. Given this information, what do we know about Ford? How would we expect him to act as President? How would he make decisions?
The most important basis for Ford's decisions will be his ideology
(Republican philosophy) because it composes a useful framework for making decisions by establishing a set of criteria« (l) a laissez- faire government} (2) an active business sector regarding domestic
issues; and (3) a strong bargaining position for maintaining peace
in the foreign policy area. Questions regarding the creation of
jobs, social security programs, welfare benefits, the development of missiles, or nuclear arms limitation would all be resolved in ways which would conform to his ideology and sympathy with successful people. Examples of the kinds of decisions we could expect from
Ford are as follows»
1. Since Ford is not knowledgeable about or sensitive to the concerns of the everyday world of the private citizens, since the government should not run the lives of people with federal programs, and since he needs to cut federal programs to balance the budget, Ford will not be Inclined to institute new services in the areas of welfare, health care, day care centers, social security, or other quality of life concerns.
2. Increasing jobs is a goal, but because Ford does not want to institute new federal programs, because jobs are primarily the concern of the business sector, and because Ford promises to follow his past pattern of creating jobs, we can expect no new job corps programs from him. 305
3. Although money to federal programs needs to be reduced to balance the budget, Ford will make exceptions in the area of defense since a well-prepared armed forces means continued strength— an important way of maintaining peace.
*J-. Our country will be stong in dealing with other countries because we operate from a power base of military strength which demands respect. We could expect our country to use military force whenever we were not respected or accommodated in negotiations or incidents involving foreign countries.
5. Since the middle income taxpayers who pay such a high percentage of taxes need some respite, since citizens need more money to spend to stimulate the economy, since businesses need some capital to be used for creating jobs, and since Ford puts his credibility as
President and an honest man on the line regarding this issue, we can feel confident that Ford will introduce a series of tax reductions for both citizens and businesses which will give citizens more money to spend and businesses more money for creating jobs.
These are examples of the kinds of decisions we could expect
Ford to make as President. When confronted with problems or diffi cult situations, Ford (understanding the lives and problems of people who are public successes rather than average working people) will resort to his framework (Republican ideology) as a guide for decision-making. As a result, Ford will lean toward those decisions which decrease the involvement of the federal government and allow the private sector to solve problems without governmental interference. 306
For example, the government can more easily handle economic problems by fighting inflation (giving tax money back to the people) than unemployment (developing federally-funded job programs). However, the government will actively involve itself in supporting and developing the strength of the military forces because they are the source of security in the United States and of power in negotiating with other countries.
This narrative provides an overview of Ford's style, an understanding of which allows tne critic to identify the basic framework Ford will use in making specific decisions and to suggest what kinds of decisions he will make. Without knowing what particular problems will arise during the next four years, by paying close attention to Ford’s speeches the electorate can know in which direction he will be leading the country and that ordinarily decisions will be made which move the nation in that general direction. The course that Fbrd plans to chart is clear because he will remain close to his Republican ideology? this is very different from the course
Garter would chart.
Carter's Style
Carter focuses on the goal of improving the quality of life for average citizens. He spent much time getting to know people all across the country and what kind of problems they face? for example, he understands how the tax burden falls unfairly on the average working person. Carter not only promises that he will assume responsibility and respond to people's problems by acting aggressively 307 to make decisions, but also emphasizes his credibility by illustrating his competency when making decisions. Ihen he requests more support from citizens who have the responsibility and duty to choose a leader, thereby determining the future of their country. To enable people to fulfill their duty and knowledgeably choose a leader, Garter describes his vision of the country so they can know how he will act as
President. Carter’s vision of the country forms his framework for decision-making just as Ford's ideology forms his framework. These sets of criteria for decision-making best describe the nature of the difference between Ford and Garter.
According to Carter, this country is composed of people from different backgrounds who take pride in their differences, but who sometimes have difficulty getting along because of them. The strong bonds of a common purpose (desire for freedom and equality of oppor tunity) and a desire to want to work together unite these people in spite of their differences; they also possess courage which allows them to rise and meet any challenge. This is Carter's description of the nature of citizens in the United States; these are the kind of people with whom he plans to be working.
Progress, according to Carter, is the process of becoming the best nation possible according to the goals he outlines. The people need to trust the government and one another, to be assertive
(having the incentive to work and wanting to run their own lives rather than having them run by the government), and to be ethical
(respecting one another's property, respecting one another’s rights 308 as human "beings, being honest, being moral). Hie country needs to follow the traditions embodied in the Constitution, strive for freedom and equalit’- of opportunity at home, and be a strong leader in foreign affairs thereby making us proud.
Carter's process of decision-making is complex as evidenced by his discussion of policies. Thx reduction, more services, and a better quality of existence are possible short-range goals which will help meet the long-term goals outlined above. However, certain conditions must be fulfilled before the short-range goals will be met. If inflation is controlled, if unemployment decreases, if we have economic growth, if people sacrifice, if people work together, and if people have faith in themselves and the economy, then the specific policies proposed by Carter can be implemented.
Given the above information, prediction of specific programs which Carter will implement is difficult. However, we can identify the types of decisions Chrter might make as he strives to direct the nation in achieving its goals. Besides working toward long-term goals, Chrter also has a set of operating principlesj
1. Carter does not reward supporters but rather assumes they are committed to his goals for the country. Since they are committed to these goals, and since they are willing to sacrifice to achieve them, Chrter will not hesitate to ask the American people to endure somo hardship as a means of obtaining certain goals.
2. Since Chrter has a strong concern for people, is sensitive to their problems, and seeks to respond to their problems, he will 309 develop ways of maintaining contact with the people.
3. Garter will be aggressive in trying to solve people's problems, but will not always push for implementation of programs by the federal government since he believes that all elements of society should cooperate, that the government should not run people's lives, and that people need to develop more initiative in solving problems.
ty. Since the people need to develop trust in their government, and since the country needs to be honest and upright, we could expect moire openness in government regarding negotiations, proposals and decisions.
These are some of the operating principles which Carter will use in making decisions when trying to meet the long-range goals of the country. As a result, whatever solutions he proposes will emanate from this set of operating principles and have long-term effects aimed at guiding the nation toward its goals, TWo examples will illustrate how Carter would act as President.
1. The high unemployment rate is hurting the American people so Chrter will respond to that problem. Ford's approach of tax breaks to businesses giving them money with which to create jobs has not worked, so Carter would not rely exclusively on the private sector for the creation of new jobs. Since cooperation between the private sector and government is likely to be part of many of Carter's solutions, we could expect both elements to be asked to create jobs.
Since Carter will be aggressive in making decisions and instituting 310
federal programs, we could expect a partial response to the unemploy
ment problem to be the proposal of a few federal programs to create
jobs. Because he is also trying to develop incentive in the American
people to promote economic growth, we could expect job corps programs
to be directed toward those people who are presently unemployed and
those parts of our economy which are at a low point and have a direct
relationship to our quality of living, like housing. Carter's
response to the people’s problem of unemployment will be to institute
programs which will guide the nation in becoming the best it can be
in terms of his outlined goals.
2. At the moment, unemployment costs paid by the federal
government are expensive because the unemployment rate is so high.
More people need to be employed and the previous paragraph dealt
with Carter's response to that problem. However, those people who
do have jobs, especially ones involving manual labor, are the ones who bear the burden of these unemployment costs because they pay
such a high rate of taxes. One of Carter's goals is to develop the
ethical (respecting one another's property, respecting one another's
rights as human beings, being honest, being moral) nature of our
country and, given that perspective, we need a tax system which is
fair and does not expect one group of people to support everyone
else. As a result, Carter would like to eliminate the double standard
under which one group of citizens pays most of the tax burden and another group pays nothing. Prom Carter we might expect a program
to close some of the tax loopholes so that the wealthy would have
to pay their fair share of taxes or at least to pay some taxes. 311
Regarding the corporations, we might expect some loopholes to "be
closed, but we could also expect tax breaks for those corporations which create more jobs because they would be helping to bring down
the unemployment rate. In any event, we would expect Chrter to
demand sacrifices from the wealthy people and corporations as he
strives to develop a moral nation.
These examples illustrate the complex nature of Carter's approach in fulfilling the duties of the office of President. His vision includes a set of goals which the country is striving to achieve and a set of principles which will guide the process of making decisions. Carter will maintain contact with people to learn of their problems and will respond aggressively to solve those problems, but decisions will not be made on a random, case-by-case basis. Decisions will direct the country in its process of becoming
the best It can be (according to Carter's vision), Along the way, he will not be afraid to request help, support, and sacrifices from everyone in the country.
As illustrated in these descriptions, Garter's style is different from Ford's. While many people saw little choice between
the two candidates because Carter and Ford said they wanted similar
things— an end to inflation and unemployment or a strong country—
their styles reveal another dimension in which the differences are significant. Ford and Chrter do not have the same set of criteria for making decisions and do not set the same goals for the country.
As a result, the means used to control inflation as well as the 312 desired effect of a controlled inflation on the country would not be the same for Garter and Ford; they would act differently as
President and would lead the country in different directions. The unemployment rate may or may not decrease if either Ford or Carter becomes President, but, in an attempt to increase employment, those elements of society made responsible for creating jobs, the financial support for creating new jobs, the persons eventually employed, the areas of the economy which benefit from an increase in jobs, and the effects of the new jobs will be different depending upon whether
Fbrd or Carter is leading the country. Given this difference between candidates, the 1976 campaign was successful according to Hess’
(197^» p. 2) criterion of presenting the voters with a choice.
The significance of this study lies not only in the knowledge that the electorate did have a choice in 1976, or in understanding the nature of that choice, but also in validating Hess' claim about the substantive nature of set speeches and in documenting the impor tance of style in the communicative dimension of campaigns. Style is not just charisma or packaging or appropriate language or a rousing delivery; rather, it is a combination of character traits and issue positions revealed during the campaign. Candidates (some times with a staff of speechwriters) spend a great deal of time planning, developing, and writing campaign speeches which satisfac torily state their positions. During the course of the campaign, candidates revise their speeches based upon audience reactions; segments of the speeches are used for commercials; and, from these presentations, 313 the voters learn about the candidates' styles. With this information, voters can make judgments and choices among candidates. As such, these speeches, as they reveal candidates' styles, are an important link between the candidates and the voters during campaigns.
As long as candidates continue the process of stump speaking during campaigns, these speeches will be an important source of information about a candidate's style. These speeches should no longer be classified as "mere campaign rhetoric"; rather, they should be viewed as a significant element of campaigns. As such, more studies should be undertaken to examine (1) the relationship between style, set speeches and other forms of communication in a campaign,
(2) the relationship between style as revealed in the campaign and actions by that person as President, and (3) the relationship between theories of rhetoric and campaign speaking, Some of these issues will be addressed in the following sections of this chapter.
Hermeneutical-Rhetorical Criticism
The procedures used to implement the type of hermeneutical- rhetorical criticism used in this study allowed the author, as critic, to identify the speakers' assumptions. This activity is useful for it fulfills an important function of philosophic criticism and allows the critic to interpret the significance of what speeches mean for society (Blau, 1957* P» 78; Cathcart, 1957, p. 71f Ewbank and Ewbank,
1976, p. 288). 3y analyzing campaign speeches to identify the candidates' assumptions and styles, the critic is able to serve a useful function for society by identifying how candidates will act 314
If elected.
As the author analyzes the speeches and identifies each candidate’s style, the question of validity arises: how do I know
I have identified the candidates* assumptions and styles? The answer revolves around the concept of sensus communus (Pilotta, 1977) and relates to the assumptions of language described in Chapter Ttoo. A study employing the same procedures used in this study would be one way to document the validation process in which most readers of this study have been engaged. Tbr instance, other audience members would need to identify their conceptions which are associated with words in the texts of speeches, display how they are combined to identify candidates' assumptions, group these assumptions according to topics, and identify candidates' styles. Working from Langer's (1957) assumption that if people's conceptions "embody the same concept, they will understand each other (p. 71)," the argument can be made that all people engaged in this process should be basing their conclusions on the same concepts, as presented by means of the words candidates use in their speeches, and will reach sensible conclusions.
Arriving at sensible conclusions does not preclude misunder standings or disagreements, for everyone has different conceptions.
However, people who are members of the same community should be using the same concepts in their sensible understandings and, as such, should be able to employ the same procedures resulting in reasonably similar conclusions. Through a process of abstraction, concepts could be identified and misunderstandings about conclusions could 315 be resolved. The validity of the particular conclusions in this study has not been documented by the author; to do so would entail another study in which members of the community would do the same kind of analysis and engage in a discussion to arrive at an agreement about conclusions drawn (sensus communus).
One of the implications of this study centers on the importance of intrinsic criticism ^careful, self-interpretation of a text). A speech which candidates and speechwriters spend a considerable amount of time developing reveals much information about the candidates and the texts of these speeches can be the resource data for many kinds of analyses. This study employed a particular type of hermeneutical-rhetorical criticism which concentrated on analyzing words in the text as a means of identifying candidates' styles. This methodology was useful for examining the concept of style in campaign speaking and has two important advantages 1 (1) providing a way of displaying the analysis of speeches, and (2) documenting how particular conclusions are related to the speech.
The process of interpreting speeches is often described as
"insight" and is not described in any detail; as a result, readers must blindly believe that the critic's conclusions are grounded in the text. The procedures in this study allow the reader to follow along with the process of identifying a candidate's style thereby validating the process as well as conclusions and establishing clearly the relationship between conclusions about style and the words used by a candidate in a particular speech. While these procedures 316 provide an example of what kind of useful information can be obtained by a careful examination of the texts of speeches, the next section describes how the results of this type of intrinsic analysis can be applied in a useful manner.
Accountability
When discussing intrinsic criticism (careful textual analysis),
Campbell (1972) and Hillbruner (1966) state that this type of analysis should yield a set of standards or criteria by which the speech should be evaluated. The results of this study indicate that this principle can be adapted in the case of campaign speaking. This particular study has identified each candidate's style or made a judgment about how each candidate would act as President; this forms the set of criteria which emerged from the intrinsic criticism of each speech,
A concept often discussed in relation to campaigns, candidates, and elections is accountability. On one hand, through voting the electorate can hold public officials accountable by choosing to have a certain person stay in, be removed from, or assume office (Kess,
197^» P. ^3; Prewitt, 197^1 p. 153)j on the other hand, elected officials are expected to keep their campaign promises (Hess, 197^).
The second perspective has implications regarding the above-stated principle of intrinsic criticism.
The hermeneutical-rhetorical criticism of candidates' set speeches identified their styles which can be used as a standard for judging accountability, During the campaign the candidates reveal 317 how they will act as President (style) and, based upon this infor mation, voters choose among the candidates. Since the campaign speeches are usually oriented toward future activity, the criteria which emerge from the analysis of these speeches could also be applied to future activity of the candidates. As a result, the standards identified by the intrinsic criticism can be used as criteria for judging not only that speech, but also future activity of the candidates. Does the candidate, once elected, fulfill the expectations of behavior created during the campaign?
An important implication of this study is that each description of style can be used in determining whether or not that candidate acts the way s/he led people to believe s/he would. In other words, the conclusions can be used to assess Carter's accountability now that he is President. Ibis type of critical analysis could be used during any campaign to establish a set of principles (generated by the candidates) to which they can be held accountable when elected.
The next section concentrates on more specific elements of the set speeches.
Serendipitous Findings
During the data gathering and analysis activities conducted in this study, the author observed several occurrences which have implications for theories about public speaking. Ibis section will discuss each of the following areas: (l) the concept of identifi cation as it relates to language use; (2) the relationship between syntax and extemporaneous speaking; and (3) the relationship between 318
audience adaptation and a set speech, lhese findings are not directly-
related to one another, but rather are relationships identified as a
result of observations made by the author during the course of the
study, Some of these findings relate to concepts in established
theories of public speaking and some identify ideas which may have
theoretical significance, The following discussion will describe
the relationships observed and suggest directions for future studies.
Audience Adaptation
Every course and book in public speaking discusses the neces
sity of adapting ideas and materials to particular audiences. A
problem arises during a campaign concerning this concept because
candidates also need to be consistent. On the one hand, promises, attitudes, and orientations toward problems can not be changed from
group to group or the candidates will be labelled inconsistent, wishy-washy, or double-talkers. On the other hand, the candidates
need variety in their speeches or the specific audience night not be
interested. More importantly, variety is necessary for the media to
continue coverage of the candidate throughout the campaign (fecNeil,
1972, p. 303)* How can speeches be consistent and yet be different?
One way of keeping speeches fresh is to not deliver the set
speech in its entirety, but use only one or two issues in each
speech with different examples for different audiences and change
the order or length of presentation (Borman, I96I; Devlin, 1971}
Granum, 1976; Hess, 1973; Newell and King, 1972). Viewing alterations
in the set speech from this perspective illustrates how variety can 319
be maintained, but does not really address the question of audience adaptationj How do candidates let the audiences know that they
understand their problems, care about them, and need their support, while also attempting to explain positions on issues?
Some observations by the author while recording speeches in
Ohio during the 1976 Presidential campaign help answer this question.
Very often the candidates say something specific about the particular audience which they are addressing and/or the people on the platform, or they discuss issues which are particularly relevant for that audience, or they discuss a problem of current and/or regional interest. In that way audience members hear current ideas which have not been previously discussed in great detail or they hear the candidates' views on topics which are salient locally or they hear
compliments about themselves or their public officials. By saying
some things which are relveant to the people being addressed,
candidates can make the audience members feel important. Then, keeping the particular audience in mind, the candidate can choose
to discuss one or two other topics which are consistent from speech
to speech.
These observations suggest that candidates attempt to satisfy
two contradictory goals during a campaign* adaptation and consistency.
The fifteen speeches collected during the data gathering phase of this study should be analyzed in more detail to determine how Pbrd and Chrter adapted to diverse audiences while trying to maintain consistent positions; the results would be useful in trying to develop 320
a theory of campaign speaking. The implications discussed in the
next section relate to observations made during the analysis of
data in this study.
Audience Identification
On election day the voters choose the candidate who most
closely resembles their own orientation toward particular problems
and whom they want working for them. As such, candidates strive to achieve a feeling of unity with the electorate, Ttoo concepts from
Burke's theory of rhetoric— consubstantiation and identification— are relevant to this discussion.
Burke (197*0 describes consubstantiation as follows: "in acting together, men have common sensations, concepts, images, ideas, attitudes that make them consubstantlal (p. 21)." During a campaign
the voters choose the candidate who appears to have the ideas,
concepts, images, and attitudes most similar to their own.
Acknowledging that some candidates can achieve feelings of unity
\ with different groups of voters implies a kind of separateness which
Is related to the concept of identification. According to Burke,
"Identification is compensatory to division. If men were not apart
from one another, there would be no need for the rhetorician to proclaim their unity (p. 22)." However, the candidates do try to proclaim their unity with the voters and a relevant question is how do the candidates identify with their audiences to achieve this unity?
In analyzing the speech texts in this study, the author noted
that each candidate used different pronouns consistently and that 321
the pronouns seemed to establish different relationships with the
audience. For instance* Ford most often used these types of
references} "I think," "President Ford," "you" or "the nation."
In so doing, Ford dichotomized between himself and the rest of the
people in the country; on one side stands Ford, while the audience
is on the other side. When Ford refers to all the people in the
United States, he either uses the pronoun "you" which separates
them from himself or he uses the term "the nation" which acknowledges
people in an impersonal way. Ford's use of pronouns does not create
strong ties with the audience members.
Chrter infrequently uses the pronoun "you" and then only as a way of emphasizing something that directly relates to the people
in the audience. Most often Chrter uses the pronouns "I" or "we."
The pronoun "I" functions as a way of identifying Carter's individual
opinions and ideas (e.g., his vision of the country). The pronoun
"we" occurs often and functions to identify Charter's thoughts, ideas,
or actions with those of other people (the audience, his campaign
staff, his family). This is an example of how Carter used pronouns
to create a feeling of unity with the audience members.
These observations Indicate that a speaker's use of pronouns
may be an important way of examining the concept of audience identi
fication. A study could be designed which would analyze the
relationship among the types of pronouns used by speakers, the context
in which they are used, and the concept of identification. The results would help develop the theoretical principles of audience ~dentification 322 as well as promoting an understanding of how the principles work.
The next section relates not to an articulated theoretical concept but to specific observations made by the author.
Extemporaneous Speaking
In the speaking situations observed during this study, both
candidates referred, at times, to notes before speaking, and occasionally while speaking; the speeches delivered were variations of the set speech so they were similar to one another. As such, the presentations can be called extemporaneous because they were organized ahead of time but not delivered from memory or read from a manuscript. The results of the analysis of candidates* styles indicate that Ford had a straightforward perspective (Republican
ideology) from which he would make decisions while Chrter had a
complex perspective (statement of goals, operating principles, and conditions).
During the analysis of speech texts the author made an observation about the candidates* use of syntax which may relate to complexity of ideas. Ford's delivery is often disjointed and one characteristic of his speeches is that the sentences are composed of many small phrases and cliches which may or may not be linked
together well; for example, "Now let me tell you what that means— it means that the typical income taxpayer, goes to pay our taxes."
The syntactical structure in Ford's speech is weak; many sentences are incomplete or are run-on. The use of syntax corresponds with
Ford's perspective which is not highly complex and could easily be 323 identified by using catch words, short phrases, or cliches. The straightforwardness of ideas and choppy, cliche-ridden syntactical structure seem linked together.
One characteristic of Carter's use of syntax, noted during the analysis, is the long, involved sentences. Extracting a few words or a phrase when doing the assoclational part of the analysis was difficult because the words were so intertwined; for example,
"Now I'm very careful not to promise that for sure, but if our projections are right, if we work together, and if we have normal economic circumstances, and we can restore confidence in our people, in our economic system, and have better lives all of us together."
Long phrases, clauses, and sentences form a complicated syntactical structure which gives Carter some problems during delivery, but which is similar to the interconnectedness of his ideas (goals and operating principles,). The conclusion drawn from these observations is that the type of syntactical structure may be related to complexity of ideas. Does this principle relate to other speakers and speaking situations? A research project should be undertaken to answer this question and either acknowledge or discredit the above statement as a principle for public speaking.
Each of the six sections in this chapter indicated directions for future research projects using the results, concepts, and/or observations noted during this study. These studies would help develop a theory of campaign speaking or help develop particular theoretical concepts or would confirm some theoretical principles. 3 2 4
On a more pragmatic level, the results of this study are useful for identifying the nature of the difference between Gerald Ford and
Jimmy Carter during the 1976 Presidential campaign, for establishing a set of criteria to which Garter can be held accountable, and for suggesting directions for future research projects.
Summary
The research reported here focused on an analysis of candidates' campaign speaking. Ihe author chose examples of set speeches delivered by Gerald Fbrd and Jimmy Carter for analysis,
A typo of hermeneutical-rhetorical criticism was the methodological perspective used when examining the speeches to identify the can didates' styles (character traits and issue positions). The purpose of this study was to compare candidates' styles to determine whether or not the electorate had a choice between candidates.
The results of the analysis indicate that a significant difference existed between Fbrd and Chrter, not so much in specific ideas (e.g., controlling inflation), but in how they would act as
President to accomplish their objectives. Fbrd would operate from a Republican ideological perspective, while Chrter has a set of operating principles which he would use to lead the country toward a specific set of goals. Since the candidates have a different set of priorities and since they are striving toward different goals, they would not be expected to make the same decisions in any given situation. As such, the voters needed to choose which set of criteria they felt should be applied to problems which would arise during the 325 next four years.
This study emphasizes the importance of style as a part of the communicative dimension of campaigns and uses a particular orientation toward criticism to assess that concept. The results of the study describe and compare the candidates' styles, have important implications for developing a theory of campaign speaking, and can be used to evaluate the accountability of President Jimmy
Garter. APPENDIX A
326 32?
GBRALD FORD'S SPEECH AT THE STATEHOUSE11
12 Thank you very, very much Dr. . . . , Mayor Moody. Let me
express my deep appreciation to Congressman Sam Devine, Congressman 12 Chalmers Wylie, Congressman Clarence Brown, John Ashbrook, . . , .
I want you to make sure that you elect them and reelect them for
the benefit of Ohio and the United States (applause). And I want, also, for the benefit of this great Buckeye state and for the benefit of our great country, you send Bob Thft back to Washington as your*^
(applause). You know this all began right here, right in front of 12 the capitol, and local and state governments . . . and so I urge
that you elect Bill Brownfield to the State Senate (applause). It's great to be in Columbus, the home of two of my good friends; they represent excellence, first Jack Nicklaus, Jack a great supporter of mine. I thank you for that hour of assistance. And then, also, one of my best friends, the kind of a person who represents excellence, not only in coaching but excellence in character. He believes in winning and that's what we're going to do. Thank you very much,
Woody Hayes (applause).
■^Thls speech was delivered during the noon hour on November 1, 19?6, in Columbus, Ohio. 1? xxWhen transcribing the tape, I was unable to understand this section. Each time this is the explanation for a deletion in the text of the speech I will use this footnote number.
"^The applause cut off the speaker's words at this point. Each time this is the explanation for a deletion in the text of the speech I will use this footnote number. 328
You know, I come from that state up north (laughter). And
since 19&3 I visited the Buckeye state 5^ times and I love you
(cheers), I had the honor and th? great privilege of speaking at a commencement at Ohio State in the fall of 197^. It was a great experience, but I've also gone through Columbus and all the other places and, you know what, Columbus likes to be, along with the great state of Ohio, on the side of a winner. So let'3 make it a homerun, a touchdown tomorrow for the winning team, Jerry Fbrd and
Bob Dole (applause and "We want Ford" chants).
There are several other people that I would like to recognize and indicate to them and to all of you my appreciation. First, we have on this platform one of the three greatest governors in the state of Ohio, John . . (applause). And may I say . . and 12 from the wonderful welcome that we had in the Akron, Canton, . , ,
Maztalan area earlier this morning, I'm going to issue all of you an invitation. Betty and I want all of you to come down for that
Inauguration on January 20th when Jerry Fbrd and Bob Dole are sworn in (applause). And now, let me introduce to you, Henry Meyers, a person well known to you, who was a judge here, in the state of Ohio
In Cleveland, who was your governor and one of the three great governors in the history of Ohio, who was a United States Senator.
And now it Is my privilege to introduce a close personal friend whose support I greatly appreciate, your former senator, your former governor, F'rank Lausche (applause and the bands began to play and
iZi. Someone next to me was talking and I could not understand Ford's words at this point. Each time this explanation is the reason for a deletion in the text I will use this footnote number. 329
Prank Lausche talked for awhile). 13 , , ' Prank Lausche, an endorsement like that from one of
Ohio's great, great citizens. It means a great deal to Jerry Pbrd
and I promise you Prank I won’t let you down (applause). As we
enter this critical last twenty-four hours, and this is one of the
most critical elections in the history of the United States. It Is
the election that will set our course for the first four years of
our third century. And so I want you to know where I stand— I stand
for lower taxes, more jobs, a balanced budget, lower federal
spending, beating inflation, a clean environment, peace, and liberty
for the United States of America (applause). From your ranks I
come and with you I stand (applause).
In the last 200 years, our great country, faced with adversity
has made an Incredible comeback. When I, when I spoke to you and
to the United States from Kansas City I said, "I would not concede a single votej I would not concede a single state." Ohio is gonna
be on the right side; we're counting on that Buckeye state to be with us tomorrow with our momentum. Let's do it, a hole in one
(applause and "We want Ford" chants). I don't know but the newsstands 12 are having a ball, but maybe that's because .... There are at
least two or three issues where I strongly differ from my opponent.
The first, taxes. In the first debate my opponent said that we could anticipate a $60 billion surplus in the Ftederal Treasury.
He said in that debate that he would spend that $60 billion for more programs lodging one on top of another. In that debate I said, "If
there is a $60 billion surplus I think it ought to go for a tax reduction to the middle income taxpayers (applause). I can stand here today with clear conscience that President Fbrd stands for the little taxpayer and President Fbrd is against the big tax spender (applause). Within the last several days Mr. Carter has been pressed, "Does he want a tax reduction or not?" He says, "If, perhaps." President Fbrd has been on the line, talking straight from the shoulder, saying "Yes, the middle income taxpayer has been shortchanged." I read a letter to the Congress in January that we ought to have a $28 billion tax reduction alongside the $28 billion jjrestraintj in federal spending! for every tax dollar In reduction, a dollar reduced in the rate of growth of federal spending, Ihe
Congress gave you half a loaf. They didn't go along with my proposal to increase the personal exemption from $?50.00 to $1,000.00.
Now let me tell you what that means— it means that the typical Income taxpayer, 50% goes to pay our taxes. And let me illustrate with a few things that happened, I was In a factory the other say, down on a production line and then a man said to me, "President Fbrd, where do you stand on taxes?" And I told him how I wanted to increase the personal exemption. I said, "How many children do you have?"
He said, "I got three." I said, "If you had a wife, three children and yourself, if Congress had acted responsibly last April when we made up that income tax return, you would have had, out of President
Ford's tax reduction program, $1,250.00 more In personal exemption for you to spend and not have in the Fbderal Treasury" (applause). 331
. . .^5 January 3*d» when that next Congress convenes and I want all of this group of Ohio delegates to hack there to help me. 12 I'll have fair taxes, a tax reduction for those . . . that includes the increase in the personal exemption. It'll increase jobs in the 12 cities of this nation to help the industries expand to our . . . and if that Congress doesn't pass it in 1977» they’ll have it on their desks in January of 1978 and If they don't give that kind of decent, equitable tax reduction in 1978, I'll join every one of you in trying to defeat them in that election In 1978 (applause).
Now let's talk about defense. Today the United States with our Army, Ifevy, Air Force, and Marines, we're No. 1 and, under
President Ford, we're gonna keep them No. 1 (applause). I have recommended appropriations so they'll have the best weapons, the best leadership, the best trained, lhat's the way to keep the peace and, under President Ford, with the strength we have, we will strengthen our alliances, we will be able to look our adversaries straight in the eye and they will respect us. But let me say, you make a great contribution in this, this city of Columbus, because in the recommendations that I make they are strong defense and that's they way you keep the peace, that we have a B-l bomber to replace those aging B-52's that are now 20 to 25 years old (applause). If lh we don't get the B-l bomber, as . . . peace, the President in the next five, in the next decade, if we continue to rely on the B-52,
^ A t this point I switched tapes and missed a few words in the transition process. 332
we'll "be sending our young, combat types to protect us in aircraft
older than they are and that's not gonna happen under President
Fbrd (applause).
I am proud to stand before you and say that I'm the first
President since Dwight D. Eisenhower who can tell the American
people that America is at peace. I'm proud of the fact that not a
single young American is fighting or dying on any foreign soil
today (applause). And we're at peace because the United States is
strong; ve're not at war because the United States is strong. And
let me say, "Wasn't It a great, great celebration on the 4th of
July when America celebrated its 200th birthday?" I happen to have
the privilege to fly up the New York Harbor and see those tall ships
coming in representing many, many countries. Why did they come to
the United States? Because they respect America and we are proud
of America and we're^ (applause).
And now, as this great campaign comes to a conclusion, I have
the feeling that we have reunited as a people. When I became
President, the people were angry, divided, disillusioned. I’ll never
forget that day in the East Room of the White House when I put my hand on the Bible, held by my wife Betty, and took the oath of office when America was in trouble. Yes, we were in trouble; inflation was
over 12%; we were still Involved In Vietnam; we were given a loss
of confidence in the White House itself; we were on the brink of the worst recession in four years. After having taken the oath of office
to be your President, I said, "Since you have not elected me by your ballots, I ask you to confirm me with your prayers/1 With those prayers, we put the ship of state on a steady keel. I had a firm, commonsense hand on the tiller and we have made incredible gains, incredible progress in the last two years (applause). We have . . . the budget $0%; we have added 4 million jobs; we have 88 million people working today, the most in the history of the United States.
We are at peace and we're gonna keep i t ^ (applause) and I can say with pride, to all of you and to my former colleagues in the Congress, 12 Bob Tkft, Sam Devine, Chalmers Wylie, , . . that we have restored 12 that confidence in the White House I had hoped to . . . .
And now we come to the final part, in fact, the final minutes of this great campaign. You have a personal decision to make 14- tomorrow between . . . but let me add I've been proud to be your
President during troubled times. I want the opportunity to build on that firm foundation, to keep America moving. Therefore, I ask you to go to the polls tomorrow as you not only confirm me with your prayers, but you also confirm me with your ballots. I won’t let you down (applause and the bands began to play). 33^
JIMMY GARTER'S SPEECH IN CLEVELAND16
Thank you very much Senator Glenn, Bob Garafoli, . . Bob
Sweeney and all the wonderful people of Ohio. How do you like the way that I chose my wife (applause)? Another big choice that I made recently was to choose a Vice-Presidential running mate. How do you like the way 3 ^ (cheers)? It Is really a great pleasure for me to be back in Ohio, a state in all $0 that has meant most to us.
As you know, at the end of a long primary campaign, 30 primaries,
nobody has ever entered 30 primaries before, we went to the last day 17 in Ohio and when the returns came in that night, we knew, . . , * 17 knew, . . , 1 knew, Mayor Ehley knew, the whole nation knew that
Jimmy Carter was going to be the nominee of our party and I thank you all (applause). And then as I sat on the couch at the Americana
Hotel, near Madison Square Garden at the Convention, and they called
the roll of states I was hoping that one certain state would put me over the top and it did and it was your state of Chio and I thank
^■6This speech was delivered during the noon hour in downtown Cleveland, Ohio, on October 28, 1978. 17 'When transcribing the tape, I could not understand some of the words. Each time this explanation is the reason for a deletion in the text I will use this footnote number.
-^®The applause cut off the speaker's words at this point. Each time this explanation is the reason for a deletion in the text I will use this footnote number. 335
you for that-^ (applause). Now I need you one more time next Tuesday
when you help put me over the top next January-*-® (applause).
Tbday I want to talk to you in a kind of quiet and a sober
way. In the last eight years our nation has been deeply wounded.
In the aftermath of the bombing of Chmbodia and the Watergate
scandals, the CIA revelations, the resignation in disgrace of a
President and a Vice-President, with unprecedented unemployment,
inflation, unbalanced budget, with a breakdown in the relationship
that ought to exist between the President and Congress, and the
federal, state, and local levels of government, the American people
have been deeply wounded.
At large, my success should give you an [idea of why I’m aj
candidate. In the last 22 months I had a chance to travel around
this country, perhaps more than any candidate has ever done in the
history of our nation. When I began my campaign I didn't have much
money; I didn't have a nationwide campaign organization; not many
people knew who I was; I did an awful lot of talking. But my wife
and I and my children and a few volunteers began going to communities.
We would meet in the living room and we'd invite the whole community
and maybe three or four people would show up. We'd go to the labor
halls which hold several hundred people and maybe a dozen would
come. So we began to walk the streets. We'd go into coffee shops,
beauty parlors, restaurants, . . .•*•? farmers' markets, courthouses,
shopping centers to talk a little and to listen a lot. And I've learned a lot about this country. I've known college graduates who still 33 6 don't have a chance to have a job after three or four years. And
I've known families that have been employed for 15 or 20 years for the last few months have been laid off from work and for awhile they draw unemployment compensation and then, for the first time in their lives, their families have to live on a welfare check.
In the last two years alone, since Mr. Nixon left the White
House, we've had two-and-a-half million Americans who've lost their jobs. In the last two full months 5^0*000 American families have become unemployed. We've had three times the Inflation rate in the last eight years than we had when President Kennedy and President
Johnson were in office. Last year we had the highest budget deficit in the history of our nation, more than all eight years combined under the Democrats before. In fact, since Nixon and Fbrd were in office, our deficit has been greater than all 192 years before In the 200 year history of our country. We see families . . . ^
Suddenly we realize two thingsi one, that when the unemployment, unemployment compensation, and welfare favors go up by 23 billion dollars in the last three years alone, the working families are the ones that have to pay the bills. Ihe welfare families don't pay taxes; even social security recipients don't pay taxes; those on unemployment compensation don't pay taxes; the ones that pay taxes are the ones who are still lucky enough to have jobs. These are the families also that are never going to realize that It's very impossible to plan for the future. A family that used to be able to go, "Well, in three or four years we'll make a downpayment on our 337 home"; no longer can do it. Since Richard Nixon went into the
White House eight years ago, the price of an average family home has doubled and the interest rates have gone up 50% and now it's very difficult for an American family to buy their own home. Last year in this country we only had 1.2 million homes built for the whole country. That's the lowest number of homes built since 19^0.
Also, families used to feel sure they could put their child through college. Now they don't have that, that assurance. And all those people living on fixed Incomes, perhaps suffer more than anyone else. Some of those people who have savings accounts now know they lose more every year in inflation than they gain in interest rates.
I have seen the loss of security in our country in many ways, but I have seen some other things too. I have seen the courage of
American people who say this is my nation, I love it, I believe in it, I believe in the future . . and I believe we could have a better life if we could change Administrations in Washington (applause).
I've seen Americans who've said, "In spite of our problems, in spite of the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, and Bobby Kennedy, and Martin Luther King, Jr., and the shooting of George Wallace, we know that our society is still willing to haul together." We all have come here at different times to this country, our families havej it doesn't matter whether we came two years ago, or twenty years ago, or 200 years ago, or more. What matters is why we came here. Some people say that our nation is a melting pot. That's not exactly true, because when we come to this country to be free, to have 338 equality of opportunity, we don't give up our love for the land from which our different families came, I think our nation is much more like a beautiful mosaic, with different kinds of people, all proud of our backgrounds, all proud of our heritages, all proud of our histories, all proud of our families, but still bound together in a spirit of unity, confidence, full of hope, not despair, looking for and finding brotherhood or sense of purpose, I see this throughout our nation and I'm proud of it,
There's a new spirit developing in cur nation, a spirit of realization that elections can be important aspects of our life and responsibilities as a citizen. We all remember past elections that were lost by just a few voters not going to the polls. In 1960 between John Kennedy and Richard Nixon just a few thousand votes would have kept John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson out of the White
House and Richard Nixon would have been there eight years earlier.
And in 1968, as you well know, we had a fine man running for
President, Hubert Humphrey, If one more person per precinct had voted for Humphrey we would never have had Nixon, we would never have had
Watergate, we would never have had disgrace-*-® (applause). So every vote counts. We are ahead in the polls, yes, but we could still lose this election. It's very difficult to defeat an incumbent President with all the power and prestige of the White House behind him, with all the special Interest groups giving him full support. You can rest assured that those who benefit from a special Interests are going to vote next Tuesday, I think it's time to eliminate the dual system of justice where an average working family, if they make a mistake, go to jail and the big shot crooks go free (applause). This also applies to 17 change . . . in our tax structure. The surest income to be taxed is the income earned from manual labor. There's not any hidden, secret loopholes for someone who works for a living, who draws a paycheck every two weeks or a retirement check every two .weeks; but there are hidden, secret loopholes for many other people. In the last reporting period we have about 800 people in this country who earned over a $100,000,00 a year and paid not a nickel in income taxes. last year over eleven corporations, each one of which made an average of over a hundred million dollars in income, they paid not a nickel in income taxes. When they don’t pay their taxes, do you know who pays them for them? You do. The average working family in this country that's struggling to buy a home, or pay bills, or to keep up with inflation. And I intend to eliminate the dual standard of justice in the courts and also in our Income tax system.
This is a country that hasn't lost faith. This is a country with a great vision of the future. This is a country with great courage within our people. This is a country of differences among ourselves with a willingness to work together to correct our mistakes, to bind ourselves together and all this adds to difficult pressures.
Let me predict, that in the next four years, If we do cooperate, the
President, the Congress, the government, labor, and private citizens, that we can make great progress. I am very careful about what I 340
promise, but I think that looking back we can make room for hope for
the future. If we can have a five to six percent economic growth,
which Is what we did have under President Kennedy and President
Johnson, even before the Vietnam war, if we cut our unemployment
rate down just a little above what it was when Richard Nixon went
in office, if we get our Inflation controlled, and have a normal
relationship between government spending and our normal spending we could realize enough income to have . . of new programs and
to have some tax cuts. Now I'm very careful not to promise that
for sure, but if our projections are right, if we work together, and
if we have normal economic circumstances, and we can restore
confidence in our people, in our economic system, and have better lives, all of us together. And I believe that's what the American people deserve-*-® (applause).
I just want to say a couple of other things to you. I want
to see a nation that's , . and I want to see a nation filled with hope and I want to see a nation that doesn't spy on our own
people, I want to see a nation put up walls . . ,-*•? between us and
Washington, I want to see a nation that is our servant in government and not ask the government to be our . . . .-*•? I want to have a
nation that respects personal property. I want to see a nation,
too, with a spirit of unity about the future. I want to see a nation
that depends on work and not welfare. I want to see a nation that has a foreign policy so that it's proud once again, where we respect human rights and where our nation takes its proper role as a leader of the world who looks to us as a beacon of freedom and equality.
I want to see a nation that works with its heart and soul and sees what we do in the last 200 years that we need to keep and we correct the mistakes that we've made. I want to see a nation that's proud once again, a nation that lives up to the majesty of its Constitution and a simple decency and honesty and morality and character of our people. . . But it's going to take all of us working together, there*re not any easy answers.
We've just got five days to go. I hope that all of you will remember that although I expect to be elected President, it's just as much your country as it is mine. So, if you believe in your nation, if you want to be proud once again, if we've made mistakes in the past that you never want to see made again, if there are difficult questions that you want to see answered, if there are hopes and dreams in your own lives or the lives of your children that you'd like to see realized, I hope you'll make a personal effort in the next five days, even a sacrificial effort, to contact your neighbors, your friends, your relatives and say, "I'm going to vote on November 2nd to change our country and get it moving again," 17 that a spirit of greatness . . . so that we can be proud once again that we live in the greatest nation on earth, the United States of America (applause and cheering). APPENDIX B
342 3^3
GERALD FORD’S ASSUMPTIONS IN ORIER OF APPEARANCE IN HIS SPEECH
Ford requests support for certain politicians as a help to the country.
Ford identifies with audience members.
Ford wants the audience to continue support for a winning team.
Ihe process of voting makes a difference for the future.
Ford follows in the tradition of Republican philosophy.
Ford is of the audience.
Ford, like the country, will win against great odds.
Ford disagrees with Carter on some issues.
Carter is a big tax spender and is "fuzzy" on tax reduction.
Ford supports having the average citizen pay less taxes.
Ford feels that ordinary citizens have been treated unfairly.
Ford feels that federal spending should be balanced.
Ford feels Congress did not fulfill the people's needs and gave them less than he would have.
Ford feels Congress should be made responsible.
Ihe United States will continue its No. 1 position in defense under President Ford.
Ford feels military strength is the key to peace.
Ford feels audience members help.
The B-l bomber Is necessary for military strength.
The United States Bicentennial displayed pride and respect for the United States. Fbrd's terra in office helped the country.
Fbrd feels the audience should choose to continue the progress that Fbrd began. 3^5
JIMMY GARTER' S ASSUMPTIONS IN ORIER OF APPEARANCE IN HIS SPEECH
Garter appreciates support.
Carter makes competent choices.
Carter appreciates Ohio's past support and needs it again.
Garter believes that many activities of the last Republican Administration have hurt the citizens in this country.
Garter's campaign strategies developed over time and reveal the strength of his candidacy.
Carter became familiar with hard times confronting citizens.
Under President Fbrd unemployment is rising.
Nixon and Fbrd were less adept at managing the budget than anyone else.
Employed people have to pay for unemployment costs.
Employed people can no longer confidently make economic plans.
The housing Industry declined recently.
Chrter makes observations about the country.
Carter feels that citizens have faith In the United States but want a new approach to government.
Garter feels citizens want unity even though violence indicates divisiveness.
Carter observed and was pleased that a desire for freedom brought people to this country and that a sense of commitment unified this diverse group of people.
People are beginning to believe that voting is a duty.
People know that individual voters determine the type of leadership the country will have. (18) Garter needs every possible vote to win because of Ford’s position and backing.
(19) Carter plans to establish one set of criteria in the areas of criminal law and income taxes.
(20) Some characteristics of this nation create tension.
(21) Carter feels that problems can be solved if all elements of society work together.
(22) Chrter feels that the people could get what they need if conditions in the country were right.
(23) Garter reveals his vision of a country that is trusting, assertive, ethical, strong, working together, and dedicated to its traditions.
(2^) People need to cooperate and make sacrifices to achieve this vision,
(25) If people are dissatisfied with the past and want to change the future of their nation, they need to act soon. BIBLIOGRAPHY
3^7 BOOKS AND JOURNALS
Agranoff, R. Introduction/the new style of campaigning* The decline of party and the rise of candidate centered technology. In R. Agranoff (Ed.), The new style in election campaigns. Boston* Holbrook Press, 1972.
Alexander, H, E. Communications and political The media and the message. In R. Agranoff (Ed.), The new style in election campaigns. Boston* Holbrook Press, 1972.
Aristotle. The "art" of rhetoric, trans. J. H. Freese. Cambridge, Massachusetts* Harvard University Press, 19&7•
Baldwin, J. M. (Ed.) Dictionary of philosophy and psychology. Gloucester, Massachusettst Peter Smith, 19^0. 4 vols.
Barber, J, D, The presidential character. Englewood Cliffs, N. J. 1 Prentlce-Hall, 1972.
Blau, J. L. Public address as intellectual revelation. Western Speech, 1957, 21, 77-83.
Bormann, E. G. The concept of "the speech.” Tbday's Speech, 1961, It 18.
Brockriede, W, E. & Ehnlnger, D. Toulmin on argument* An Interpretation and application. In R. L. Johannesen (Ed.), Contemporary theories of rhetoric* Selected readings. New Yorks Harper & Row, 1971.
Burgess, P. G. The rhetoric of moral conflict. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 1970, 36, 120-130.
Burke, K. Language as symbolic action. Berkeley* University of California Press, 1969.
______A rhetoric of motives. Berkeley* University of California Press, 1974.
Campbell, A, Voters and elections* Past and present. In Breyer, E. C. & Rosenbaum, W. A. (Ed.), Political opinion and behavior* Essays and studies. Belmont, California* Duxbury, a division of Wadsworth, 1970.
348 349
Campbell, K. K. Critiques of contemporary rhetoric. Belmont, Californiai Wadsworth, 1972.
Carroll, J. B. Language and thought. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.i Prentice-Hall, 196k.
Cathcart, R. Interpretative function of the critic. Western Speech, 1957* 21, 70-76.
Connolly, VI, E, The terms of political discourse. Lexington, Massachusetts! D. C. Heath and Company, 1974.
Devlin, L. P. Contemporary political speaking. Belmont, California! Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1971.
Douglas, D, Go A neo-Kantian approach to epistemology of judgment. In D. G, Douglas (Ed.), Philosophers on rhetoric! Traditional and emerging views. Skokie, Illinois! National Textbook Company, 1973*
Dreyer, E. C. Media use and electoral choices! Some political consequences of information exposure. In N. R. Luttbeg (Ed.), Public opinion and public policy. Homewood, Illinois 1 Dorsey Press, 1974.
______& Rosenbaum, W. A. (Eds.) Political opinion and behavlon Essays and studies. Belmont, California: Duxbury Press, 1970.
Erikson, R. S. & Luttbeg, N. R. (Eds.) American public opinion 1 Its origins, content, and impact. New Yorki John Wiley & Sons, 1973.
Ewbank, B. H. and Ewbank, H. L. The critical statement. Central States Speech Journal, 1976, 27, 285-294.
Gadamer, H-G. On the scope and function of hermeneutical reflection, trans. G. B. Hess and R. E. Palmer. In H-G Gadamer, Philosophical hermeneutics, trans. D. E. Linge, Berkeley! University of California Press, 1976.
Hess, S. The presidential campaign. Washington, D. C.! The Brookings Institution, 1974.
Hillbruner, A. Critical dimensions! The art of public address criticism^ New Yorki Random House, 1966.
Johannesen, R, L. Richard Weaver's view of rhetoric and criticism. Southern Speech Journal, 1966, ^2, 133-145. 350
Kant, I. Critique of .judgment, trans, J, H. Bernard, New York: Hafner Press, a division of Macmillan, 19%•
Key, V, 0., Jr. Ihe responsible electorate. In N. R. Luttbeg (Ed,), Public opinion and public policy. Homewood, Illinoist Dorsey Press, 197*4.
Danger, S. K, fueling and form. New Yorki Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953*
Philosophy in a new key. (3rd ed.) Cambridge, Massachusetts! f-fcirvard University Press, 1957.
MacNeil, R. Candidate exposure in uncontrolled media. In R. Agranoff (Ed.), The new style in election campaigns. Boston! Holbrook Press, 1972.
Ifetchez, P. B. & Bupp, I. C. Candidates, issues, and voters. In E. C. Dreyer & W. A, Rosenbaum (Eds,), Political opinion and behaviori Essays and studies. Belmont, California: IXixbury, a division of Wadsworth, 1970.
Newell, S. A. & King, T. R. The keynote address of the democratic national convention, 1972i Ihe evolution of a speech. Southern Speech Communication Journal, 197*4-, 22., 3**6-358.
Palmer, R. E. Hermeneutics. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1969.
Prewitt, K. Political ambitions, volunteerism, and electoral accountability. In N. R. Luttbeg (Ed.), Public opinion and public policy. Homewood, Illinois! Dorsey Press, 197*4.
Richards, I, A. Principles of literary criticism. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1928.
Rosenfield, L. W, Ihe anatomy of critical discourse. In R. L. Scott & B. L. Brock (Eds.), Methods of rhetorical criticism. New Yorki Harper and Row, 1972.
Rusk, J. G. & Weisberg, H. F. Perceptions of presidential candidates! Implications for electoral change. In N. R. Luttbeg (Ed.), Public opinion and public policy. Homewood, Illinois! Dorsey Press, 197*4.
Scott, R. L. & Brock, B. L. (Eds.) Methods of rhetorical criticism. New Yorki Harper and Row, 1972.
Slobin, D. I. Psycholinguistics. Glenview, Illinois 1 Scott Foresman, 1971. 351
Smith, C. R. Contemporary political speech writing. Southern Speech Communication Journal, 1976, 42, 52-6?.
Stokes, D. E. Some dynamic elements of contests for the presidency. In R, S, Wolfinger (Ed.), Readings in american political behavior. Englewood Cliffs, N, J.t Prentice-Hall, 1970.
Toulmln, S. E. ihe uses of argument. London: Cambridge University Press, 1956*
Verba, S. & Nie, N. H. (Eds.) Participation in America: Political democracy and social equality. New York: Harper and Row, 1972.
Wander, P. & Jenkins, S. Rhetoric, society, and the critical response. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 1972, 441-450,
Weaver, R. ihe ethics of rhetoric. Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1953.
INTERVIEWS
Granum, R. Interview on October 16, 1976, in Columbus, Ohio.
Pilotta, J. Ihped telephone interview on June 1, 1977.
NEWSPAPERS
'Ihe big effort in the big states, R. W. Apple, Jr. ihe New York Times, October 24, 1976, Section 4, p. 1,
Rhns, unable to tell Ehvid from Goliath doze in the area, J. Chancellor, ihe New York Times. October 25, 1976, p. 31.
Ford and Carter sound more alike on issues and campaign methods, C. Mohr, ihe New York Times. October 21, 1976, p. 44.
Time, gentlemen, ihe New York Times. October 31, 1976, Section 4, p. 1. ihe New York Times. All articles pertaining to the Presidential campaign between July 12, 1976 and November 5» 19?6.