DOCSLIB.ORG

Were" Vae Puto Deus Fio" (Vespas. 23, 4). If We Take It That Vespasian Could

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Were IX. VAE PUTO DEUS FlO· Suetonius records that, as Vespasian lay on his death-bed, his dying words were" Vae puto deus fio" (Vespas. 23, 4). If we take it that Vespasian could hardly have believed he was literally destined for divinity, I it is an open ques­ tion what exactly he intended by this remark. As a general rule, scholars have assumed that he was jeering at deification: one reads, for example, that "historically, we do not associate his principate with the (emperor) cult. He himself laughed at apotheosis." 2 But is such an interpretation acceptable in view of what we now know of religious policy in the first decade of the Flavian regime? After the year of revolution Vespasian had restored peace and order to the empire: coins of A.D. 70-73 (?) appropriately show Dea Roma resurgent, kneeling before the emperor. l Politically and psychologically it would have been inept for a parvenu of low birth to play openly the second Augustus, but there was everything to be said for a studied return to Augustan practice, par­ ticularly in the crucial area of the ruler cult.· Where Nero had courted divine honours,5 therefore, the new emperor founded and restored temples and stressed the cult of personifications closely associated with the ruler. In par­ ticular the coinage of Vespasian stresses abstractions that both recall and overtake the programme of Augustus: Concordia, Fides, Salus, Aeternitas, Securitas, Spes, Libertas, Aequitas, Providentia, Felicitas, Bonus Eventus, Annona, Virtus, Tutela, Honos 6-above all Pax, to whom he built a richly- • Classical Quarterly 15 (1965), 155-157 (revised). I Aspirations to divinity would have been quite out of keeping with Vespasian's character and mentality. Certainly Suetonius thought he was joking; cf. Vespas. 12, 23, 4. , A. L. Abaecherli, "The Dating of the Lex Narbonensis," TAPA 63 (1932), 256-268 at 262. , H. Cohen, Description historique des Monnaiesjrappees sous I'Empire romain', Paris, 1880 (1955), I, p. 400, nos. 424-427; H. Mattingly, B.M.C. R.Emp, 2, xlvi, nos. 565, 620, cf. pp. 194, 202; Weinstock, DJ 46, n. 6 with refs. • S. Giet, L 'Apocalypse et I'Histoire, Paris, 1957, 113-134. See now J. Isager, "Vespasiano e Augusto," in K. Ascani et al. (edd.) Studia Romana in honorem P. Krarup septuagenarii, Odense, 1976,64-71; J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change in Roman Religion, Ox­ ford, 1979, 166, n. 5. , Cerfaux-Tondriau 350-353. For an analysis of official ideology as reflected in the literature of the Neronian period see M. L. Paladini, "L'aspetto dell' imperatore-dio presso i Romani," Contributi dell' Istituto di Filologia Classica, sezione di Storia Antica (Pubblicazioni dell' Univer­ sita Cattolica del Sacro Cuore) 1 (1963), 37-50. 6 See Mattingly (above, note 3) xxxi-lxix; D. Mannsperger, "ROM ET AUG. Die Sebstdarstellung des Kaisertums in der rOmischen Reichspriigung," ANRW2, 1(1974) 919-996 at 963-970; G. G. Belloni, "Significati storico-politici delle figurazioni e delle scritte delle monete da Augusto a Traiano," ibid. 1060-1066; J. R. Fears, "The Cult of Virtues and Roman Imperial Ideology", ANRW2, 17,2 (1981) 827-948 at 899-901. 296 BOOK I adorned temple in the Forum of Vespasian following victory over the Jews; 7 Victoria, now surely the comes and personal Victory of Vespasian himself; 8 and Fortuna, who had elevated him to the purple by a dazzling stroke of good fortune. All this was high policy born of insight, for by force of circumstances the first of the Flavians could never claim to be descended, like Caesar, from a god, or that his title was founded upon filial relationship to the deified Augustus. 9 Considerations of that nature look the best explanation of one step which was quite inconsistent with Augustan practice, the attribution to the emperor on the dupondius of the radiate crown. '0 This form of decoration had been restricted to deified members of the imperial house until adopted by Nero" and its appearance on coins, particularly at the beginning of his reign,'2 may well reflect Vespasian's concern for the legitimation of his own position.'3 In the same way it seems clear from Suetonius (Vespas. 7) and Tacitus (Hist. 4, 81) that reports of Vespasian's miracles at Alexandria were known and commented on in Roman circles, where they made capital pro­ paganda on behalf of the new regime-in effect conferring the auctoritas and maiestas which the new emperor conspicuously lacked as a man of obscure, municipal family." Whatever the impression his miraculous cures may have made, Vespasian himself seems to have been convinced of the favour of the Egyptian gods and his own exceptional destiny. As for official state cult, it was important for an upstart dynasty to stress the notion of continuity by maintaining the existing pattern of state-religious practice. Of particular interest in this respect is Vespasian's rebuilding of the temple of Divus Claudius on the Mons Caelius; 's as the temple had been 7 K. Scott, The Imperial Cult under the Flavians, Stuttgart and Berlin, 1936, 25-2S . The temple was dedicated in 75 A.D. • Scott, o.c. 2S-31, accepts Gages interpretation that Victoria Augusti is the Victory of Oct a­ vian (now Divus Augustus), which the new dynasty simply adopted, thus laying claim to the vic­ torious power that governed the empire. For discussion of this view and bibliography see "Augustan Blessings and Virtues," below, Vol. II. , Scott, o.c. 1 f. I. Mattingly (above, note 3) xviii; Ph. Lederer, "Beitrage zur romischen Miinzkunde IV: Uber eine Judaea-Miinze," Zeitschr. fur Numis. 40 (1930), 42-59 at 51. II See J. R. Fears, Princeps a diis electus: The Divine Election of the Emperor as a Political Concept at Rome (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome 26), Rome, 1977, 236 cf. 235, 326-32S; cf. id., "The Solar Monarchy of Nero ... " Historia 25 (1976), 494-6. 12 Giet (above, note 4) 119 f. " On a sestertius issued in A.D. 73 Vespasian claims to be adsertor libertatis publicae. This seems to imply a claim that Vespa sian had a legal right to restore freedom to Rome and may be viewed as likewise stressing the legitimacy of the power he now exercised; cf. A. Watson, "Vespa­ sian: Adsertor Libertatis Publicae," CQ 23 (1973), 127 f. " See the analysis of A. Henrichs, "Vespasian's Visit to Alexandria," ZPE 3 (196S), 51-SO; further K. Hopkins, Conquerors and Slaves, Cambridge, 1975, 231 f.; Liebeschuetz (above, note 4) ISO f. " Similarly Domitian restored the temple of Divus Augustus on the Palatine; M. Hammond, The Antonine Monarchy (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome 19), Rome, 1959, 206 . .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military Prowess, Or Virtus, Is but One Quality That
    CHAPTER FOUR IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military prowess, or virtus, is but one quality that characterized an efffec- tive emperor. Ideally, a ‘good’ emperor was not just a competent general but also displayed other virtues. These imperial virtutes were propagated throughout the Roman Empire by means of imperial panegyric, decrees, inscriptions, biographies, and coins.1 On coinage in particular, juxtaposi- tions of AVG or AVGG with the virtue and/or the imperial portrait on the obverse would connect the virtues mentioned on the reverses directly with the emperor(s). Not all emperors emphasized the same virtues on their coinage. For example, Elagabalus seems not to have felt the need to stress virtus, whereas his successor Severus Alexander did try to convince the Roman people of his military prowess by propagating it on his coins. The presence or absence of particular virtues on coins issued by diffferent emperors brings us to the question as to whether an imperial canon of virtues existed. But before elaborating on this, the concept ‘virtue’ must be clarifijied.2 Modern scholars investigating imperial virtues on coinage consider vir- tues to be personifijications with divine power – in other words, deifijied abstractions or, as Fears puts it, ‘specifijic impersonal numina’.3 For many, the terms ‘personifijication’ and ‘virtue’ are interchangeable.4 Indeed, vir- tues can be considered personifijications. Yet, not all personifijications are 1 Noreña, “The communication of the emperor’s virtues”, p. 153. 2 ‘But if one is to compare coins with other sources, particularly philosopically inspired ones (i.e. in talking of the virtues of the ideal statesman) it is vital to distinguish what is a virtue and what is not’, A.
    [Show full text]
  • Heads Or Tails
    Heads or Tails Representation and Acceptance in Hadrian’s Imperial Coinage Name: Thomas van Erp Student number: S4501268 Course: Master’s Thesis Course code: (LET-GESM4300-2018-SCRSEM2-V) Supervisor: Mw. dr. E.E.J. Manders (Erika) 2 Table of Contents List of Figures ............................................................................................................................ 5 Figure 1: Proportions of Coin Types Hadrian ........................................................................ 5 Figure 2: Dynastic Representation in Comparison ................................................................ 5 Figure 3: Euergesia in Comparison ....................................................................................... 5 Figure 4: Virtues ..................................................................................................................... 5 Figure 5: Liberalitas in Comparison ...................................................................................... 5 Figure 6: Iustitias in Comparison ........................................................................................... 5 Figure 7: Military Representation in Comparison .................................................................. 5 Figure 8: Divine Association in Comparison ......................................................................... 5 Figure 9: Proportions of Coin Types Domitian ...................................................................... 5 Figure 10: Proportions of Coin Types Trajan .......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Messmer High School from 1926-2001 Rebecca A
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Dissertations (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Doctrina, Fides, Gubernatio: Messmer High School from 1926-2001 Rebecca A. Lorentz Marquette University Recommended Citation Lorentz, Rebecca A., "Doctrina, Fides, Gubernatio: Messmer High School from 1926-2001" (2010). Dissertations (2009 -). Paper 75. http://epublications.marquette.edu/dissertations_mu/75 DOCTRINA, FIDES, GUBERNATIO: MESSMER HIGH SCHOOL FROM 1926-2001 by Rebecca A. Lorentz, B.A., M.A. A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Milwaukee, Wisconsin December, 2010 i ABSTRACT DOCTRINA, FIDES, GUBERNATIO: MESSMER HIGH SCHOOL FROM 1926-2001 Rebecca A. Lorentz, BA, MA Marquette University, 2010 In 1926, the Archdiocese of Milwaukee opened its first Diocesan high school, hoping thereby to provide Milwaukee‟s north side with its own Catholic school. By 1984 the Archdiocese claimed that the combination of declining enrollment and rising operating costs left it no option other than permanently closing Messmer. In response, a small group of parents and community members aided by private philanthropy managed to reopen the school shortly thereafter as an independent Catholic school. This reemergence suggested a compelling portrait of the meaning given to a school, even as ethnic, religious, and racial boundaries shifted. Modern studies tend to regard Catholic schools as academically outstanding
    [Show full text]
  • The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues Author(S): Carlos F
    The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues Author(s): Carlos F. Noreña Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 91 (2001), pp. 146-168 Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3184774 . Accessed: 01/09/2012 16:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Roman Studies. http://www.jstor.org THE COMMUNICATION OF THE EMPEROR'S VIRTUES* By CARLOS F. NORENA The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law and justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Gods of Cultivation and Food Supply in the Imperial Iconography of Septimius Severus
    Jussi Rantala a hundred years.1 The result of this was that a new emperor without any direct connection to the earlier dynasty had risen to the throne. This situation provided a tough challenge for Severus. He had to demonstrate that he was the true and legitimate emperor and he had to keep the empire and especially the capital calm Gods of Cultivation and Food after a period of crisis.2 The task was not made easier by the fact that Severus was not connected with the traditional elites of the capital; he can be considered an Supply in the Imperial Iconography outsider, for some scholars even an “alien”. of Septimius Severus Severus was a native of Lepcis Magna, North Africa. His “Africanness” has been a debated issue among modern researchers. Severus’ Punic roots are Jussi Rantala highlighted especially by Anthony Birley, and the emperor’s interest towards the cult of Serapis is also considered a sign of African identity.3 These ideas are University of Tampere nowadays somewhat disputed. Lepcis Magna was more or less Romanized long This article deals with the question of the role of gods involved with cultivation, grain before the birth of Severus, and the two families (the Fulvii and the Septimii) from and food supply in the Roman imperial iconography during the reign of Septimius which the family of Severus descended, were very much of Italian origin. Moreover, Severus. By evaluating numismatic and written evidence, as well as inscriptions, the the Severan interest in Serapis can hardly be considered an African feature: the article discusses which gods related to grain and cultivation received most attention same god was given attention already by Vespasian (who was definitely not an from Septimius Severus, and how their use helped the emperor to stabilize his rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G
    Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary ILDENHARD INGO GILDENHARD AND JOHN HENDERSON A dead boy (Pallas) and the death of a girl (Camilla) loom over the opening and the closing part of the eleventh book of the Aeneid. Following the savage slaughter in Aeneid 10, the AND book opens in a mournful mood as the warring parti es revisit yesterday’s killing fi elds to att end to their dead. One casualty in parti cular commands att enti on: Aeneas’ protégé H Pallas, killed and despoiled by Turnus in the previous book. His death plunges his father ENDERSON Evander and his surrogate father Aeneas into heart-rending despair – and helps set up the foundati onal act of sacrifi cial brutality that caps the poem, when Aeneas seeks to avenge Pallas by slaying Turnus in wrathful fury. Turnus’ departure from the living is prefi gured by that of his ally Camilla, a maiden schooled in the marti al arts, who sets the mold for warrior princesses such as Xena and Wonder Woman. In the fi nal third of Aeneid 11, she wreaks havoc not just on the batt lefi eld but on gender stereotypes and the conventi ons of the epic genre, before she too succumbs to a premature death. In the porti ons of the book selected for discussion here, Virgil off ers some of his most emoti ve (and disturbing) meditati ons on the tragic nature of human existence – but also knows how to lighten the mood with a bit of drag.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Roman Civilization
    ANCIENT ROMAN CIVILIZATION HANDOUT PACKAGE FALL 2009 HISTORY 4322/6322 Dr. Peter J. Brand 1 MOST ANCIENT ROME: ORIGINS AND BEGINNINGS Legend of Trojan origins: dates back at least to 5th century BCE, when Greek historian Hellanicus refers to it. Trojan hero Aeneas, in flight from Troy, lands on Italian coast and intermarries with Latin ruling family. His descendants are Romulus and Remus. Aeneas himself was worshipped in Rome under the label Iuppiter Indiges (“native Jupiter”). She-Wolf Legend: current in Italy by late 5th or earlier 4th century, though not clearly with reference to Rome. A statue of babies Romulus and Remus with she-wolf is known to have been set up in Rome as early as 296 BCE. “Latial”/ “Villanovan” settlement on Palatine Hill, which Romans regarded as site of Romulus’ original settlement Sabine component of Roman population: (1) early inhabitants of Quirinal Hill (2) Term for people “Quirites,” originally referring to Sabines, later used for Romans as group. (3) Legend of Sabine women probably is ex-post-facto explanation of Sabine component in Roman makeup. Foundation of Rome: traditionally agreed as being April 21, 753; Roman time-reckoning was generally in terms of so many years “since the founding of the city” (ab urbe condita, abbreviated AUC) Etruscan kings of Rome: Tarquinius Priscus (# 5) and Tarquin the Proud (# 7). The traditional date of his expulsion is 509 BCE. The Republic was believed to have begun immediately afterwards, but this is complicated by Lars Porsenna (of Clusium): attacked, and probably took Rome after Tarquin the Proud was expelled, but did not reinstall him.
    [Show full text]
  • OVID and the APOTHEOSIS of ROMULUS.* Anne Gosling
    ACTA CLASSICA XLV (2002) 51-(,9 ISSN0065-IUI SENDING UP THE FOUNDER: OVID AND THE APOTHEOSIS OF ROMULUS. * Anne Gosling University ofNatal, Durban ABSTRACT A comparative reading of Ovid's accounts of the apotheosis of Romulus (Mer. 14.805-28 and Fasti 2.481-512) reveals significant echoes and variatious. Striking divergences from other sources (Cicero, Livy and Dionysius ofHalicamassus) are also apparent. Ovid shows no (overt) interest in the political background, suppresses Romulus' military aspect, and is more concerned with fabulous elements. Yet his own stylistic emphases. and a nexus of resonances between the Metamorphoses and Fasti, with echoes ofAen. 6.851-53 and Aen. 1.292-93, pointedly siluate Romulus in the civil sphere as lawgiver, an interesting perspective in the light ofAugustan propaganda and the inescapable elements of fraternal strife and murder in Rome's foundation legend. By ellipsis and allusion Ovid constructs an image of Romulus which interrogates the AUguSUln ethos WId connects with the wider themes ofthe Fasti, particularly the rejection ofmilitarism and the celebration ofthe arts of peace. Recent readings of Ovid's later poetry - Metamorphoses, Fasli and the poems of exile - have concentrated on two aspects in particular: the situatiou ofhis work within the broader historical and cultural context of the Augustan age, and his intertextual resonances with earlier and • An earlier version of this paper was read at the conference on Augustan Poetry and the Traditions ofAncient Histariography beld at the University of Durham from 31 August 10 3 September 1999. I am grateful to the University of Nata! for l\mding to enable me to attend this conference, and to the conference participants in Durham and in the Classics Graduate Colloquium at the University ofNata! in Durban for stimulating and challenging discussion.
    [Show full text]
  • Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate from the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty
    Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate From the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty By Jessica J. Stephens A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor David Potter, chair Professor Bruce W. Frier Professor Richard Janko Professor Nicola Terrenato [Type text] [Type text] © Jessica J. Stephens 2016 Dedication To those of us who do not hesitate to take the long and winding road, who are stars in someone else’s sky, and who walk the hillside in the sweet summer sun. ii [Type text] [Type text] Acknowledgements I owe my deep gratitude to many people whose intellectual, emotional, and financial support made my journey possible. Without Dr. T., Eric, Jay, and Maryanne, my academic career would have never begun and I will forever be grateful for the opportunities they gave me. At Michigan, guidance in negotiating the administrative side of the PhD given by Kathleen and Michelle has been invaluable, and I have treasured the conversations I have had with them and Terre, Diana, and Molly about gardening and travelling. The network of gardeners at Project Grow has provided me with hundreds of hours of joy and a respite from the stress of the academy. I owe many thanks to my fellow graduate students, not only for attending the brown bags and Three Field Talks I gave that helped shape this project, but also for their astute feedback, wonderful camaraderie, and constant support over our many years together. Due particular recognition for reading chapters, lengthy discussions, office friendships, and hours of good company are the following: Michael McOsker, Karen Acton, Beth Platte, Trevor Kilgore, Patrick Parker, Anna Whittington, Gene Cassedy, Ryan Hughes, Ananda Burra, Tim Hart, Matt Naglak, Garrett Ryan, and Ellen Cole Lee.
    [Show full text]
  • Felicitas: CULTO Y LOGOS
    POLIS. Revista de ideas y formas políticas de la Antigüedad Clásica 27 (2015), pp. 7-25. FELICITAS: CULTO Y LOGOS Antonio Barnés Vázquez Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha Felicitas “felicidad” es un nombre abstracto a partir del adjetivo latino felix: “fe- cundo, fértil, afortunado, feliz”… Un concepto universal, cuyo adjetivo, vero- símilmente, parte desde una prosperidad material hasta una satisfacción menos tangible, derivada del favor divino, del destino, y acaba significando una alegría consumada. Pero Felicitas con mayúscula, en Roma, es también el nombre de una divinidad, nacida a finales de la República (siglo II. a. C.) y difundida durante el Imperio. Una divinidad a la que rinde culto el Estado en el contexto de la sacra- lización de la figura de los emperadores. Felicitas y su sinónimo beatitudo1 “feli- cidad” son también conceptos sobre los que los pensadores reflexionan. De entre * Estudios sobre transmisión y recepción de Paléfato y la exégesis racionalista de los mi- tos» del Programa Estatal de Fomento de la Investigación Científica y Técnica de Excelencia, Subprograma Estatal de Generación de Conocimiento, de la convocatoria de 2014 (FFI2014- 52203-P). Asimismo, deseo agradecer a varios colegas su incentivo para este trabajo. El Dr. Antonio Guzmán Guerra me facilitó editar el diálogo Sobre la felicidad de Séneca en la editorial Escolar y Mayo (Madrid, 2014). La Dra. Cristina Martín Puente me integró en el proyecto de innovación y mejora docente de la universidad Complutense: “Los autores grecolatinos en las artes”. La Dra. Isabel Rodríguez López me invitó a participar en el XXII Seminario de Iconografía Clásica (Presencias Femeninas en el Mundo Antiguo), organiza- do por el Departamento de C.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Ecce Fides Pillar of Truth
    Ecce Fides Pillar of Truth Fr. John J. Pasquini TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication Foreword Introduction Chapter I: The Holy Scriptures and Tradition Where did the Bible come from? Would Jesus leave us in confusion? The Bible alone is insufficient and unchristian What Protestants can’t answer! Two forms of Revelation What about Revelation 22:18-19? Is all Scripture to be interpreted in the same way? Why was the Catholic Church careful in making Bibles available to individual believers? Why do Catholics have more books in the Old Testament than Protestants or Jews? Chapter II: The Church Who’s your founder? Was Constantine the founder of the Catholic Church? Was there a great apostasy? Is the Catholic Church the “Whore of Babylon”? Who founded the Church in Rome? Peter, the Rock upon which Jesus built his Church! Are the popes antichrists? Why is the pope so important? Without the popes, the successors of St. Peter, there would be no authentic Christianity! Why is apostolic succession so important? The gates of hell will not prevail against it! The major councils of the Church and the assurance of the true faith! Why is there so much confusion in belief among Protestants? What gave rise to the birth of Protestantism? Chapter III: Sacraments Are sacraments just symbols? What do Catholics mean by being “born again” and why do they baptize children? Baptism by blood and desire for adults and infants Does baptism require immersion? Baptism of the dead? Where do we find the Sacrament of Confirmation? Why do Catholics believe the Eucharist is the
    [Show full text]
  • PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen
    PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is an author's version which may differ from the publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/94472 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2021-09-30 and may be subject to change. Identities of emperor and empire in the third century AD By Erika Manders and Olivier Hekster1 In AD 238, at what is now called Gressenich, near Aachen, an altar was dedicated with the following inscription: [to Iupiter Optimus Maximus]/ and the genius of the place for/ the safety of the empire Ma/ sius Ianuari and Ti/ tianus Ianuari have kept their promise freely to the god who deserved it, under the care /of Masius, mentioned above, and of Macer Acceptus, in [the consulship] of Pius and Proclus ([I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)] et genio loci pro salute imperi Masius Ianuari et Titianus Ianuari v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito) sub cura Masi s(upra) s(cripti) et Maceri Accepti, Pio et Proclo [cos.]).2 Far in the periphery of the Roman Empire, two men vowed to the supreme god of Rome and the local genius, not for the safety of the current rulers, but for that of the Empire as a whole. Few sources illustrate as clearly how, fairly early in the third century already, the Empire was thought, at least by some, to be under threat. At the same time though, the inscription makes clear how the Empire as a whole was perceived as a communal identity which had to be safeguarded by centre and periphery alike.
    [Show full text]