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Visions of Rome in 4Th-Century Gloucestershire1

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Visions of Rome in 4Th-Century Gloucestershire1 Trans. Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society 130 (2012), 13–30 Visions of Rome in 4th-century Gloucestershire1 By HENrY HUrST Presidential Address delivered at Highnam Community Centre, 31 March 2012 What sort of a vision of Rome do we get from 4th-century Gloucestershire? What are the strands which make up the familiar, but quite elaborate ‘later Roman’ culture of the region? A stimulus to address these questions is given by two publications of 2010: the fine fourth volume of theRoman mosaics of Britain by Stephen Cosh and David Neal, which covers our region; and Peter Stewart’s ‘Geographies of Provincialism in Roman Sculpture’, which gives new insights into the sculpture produced in the Cotswold area (Fig. 1; Stewart 2010). My attempt to give an answer will focus on the top end of society since this had the resources to display material culture in the most ambitious way, and I intend to look especially at the county’s grandest residence, the villa at Woodchester, but also at other material. I will argue that Roman culture was made in this region and that this came about through the projection of ideas rather than direct contact with Rome. (For the Roman period generally in Gloucestershire and the Bristol area reference may be made to an excellent review of recent evidence by Holbrook (2006), which I have used in the present study. ) However, even to pose this question and to answer it along the lines proposed is out of line with current thinking by some British archaeologists. ‘By concentrating on “Roman” monuments, classical archaeologists have effectively used Roman culture within a Eurocentric discourse. Gentleman scholars, military officers, imperial officials and academics felt a natural association with the achievements of the Roman ruling classes ... and this attitude has been projected onto the contemporary world to affect both the archaeological approaches that we have inherited and the information that we have available ....’ says Hingley (2005, 92; see also Hingley 2000). Particularly objectionable to those who would describe their approach to Roman Britain as ‘postcolonial’ would probably be the idea of ‘Roman’ culture, with or without inverted commas, being constructed in Gloucestershire, as opposed to something defined more locally. The idea of ‘making’ Roman culture also differs from a widely-held view of Romanization, when this is taken to mean the imposition or reception of Roman culture as more of a finished product. According to Gardner (2007): ‘[Romanization] tended to fix the ideas of native and Roman, it perpetuated a sense of the superiority of Roman civilization ... there was little room for multiple perspectives on identity ... It is only with the introduction of post-colonial critiques in the 1990s that the essentialism of these identity categories [Roman and native] has really been attacked.’ (Gardner 2007, 27). Mattingly also rejects ‘the Romanisation paradigm’: ‘Instead I advocate an 1. I would like to express my appreciation to the Society for the honour of the presidency. For this paper I would like to thank: Dr. Lacey Wallace and the Imaging Services staff at Cambridge University Library for their help with the preparation of illustrations; the authors or their representatives mentioned in the figure captions for allowing the reproduction of images; and Prof. Martin Millett for kindly reading a draft of this text and making helpful suggestions; the faults remain my own. 013-030 Hurst - Pres Address (COLOUR).indd 13 11/01/2013 15:34 14 HENrY HUrST Fig. 1 Finds of Roman sculpture in Gloucestershire and the neighbouring areas (as Stewart 2010, Map 4, with permission; from 90m Digital Elevation Model: CIAT http://srtm.csi.cgiar.org). approach based on the concept of “discrepant identity”...“Being Roman” meant different things to different social groupings and produced varied practical manifestations. This translated into different patterns of behaviour, not simply varied acceptance of elements of Roman culture.’ (Mattingly 2008, 53; see also Mattingly 1997; 2006, 17–19, 520–28). Without wishing to add to the many discussions of Romanization, it must be acknowledged that it is a difficult term partly because it has undergone a shift in meaning from its first prominent use in Haverfield’sThe Romanization of Roman Britain (1905; 1923). There it referred to the acceptance and adaptation of Roman culture by native communities, but later, as in Frere’s Britannia (1967), it came to be seen more as an instrument of colonization, with the Roman army acting as a main agent. Hingley, Gardner and Mattingly can be seen as reacting especially to this later usage. But it is not necessary to think in this way. While not denying the coercive basis of the Roman empire, Millett’s Romanization of Britain (1990) and Woolf’s Becoming Roman, on Gaul (1997; cf. Trow et al. 2009), make native communities the prime movers, with their elites exercising a choice over how Roman to become and the pattern of native society influencing how Roman a community might become. The idea of ‘making’ Roman culture fits with this. In his Presidential address to the Society in 1994, Keith Branigan argued against some of the new ‘post-colonial’ thinking as it had then developed (Branigan 1994). Some of its more punchy expressions can provoke grumpy-old-person responses in those brought up on Britannia, but it has also been stimulating – for example, the focus on multiple identities has reinvigorated the study of artefacts of daily life and dress – and there are touches of humour, like Millett, who identified himself as part of the postcolonial generation (1990, xv), being viewed as the ‘most sophisticated’ 013-030 Hurst - Pres Address (COLOUR).indd 14 11/01/2013 15:34 viSiONS Of rOmE iN 4TH-cENTUrY glOUcESTErSHirE 15 spokesman of the ancien régime (Gardiner 2007, 27). However, the way ‘discrepant experience’ is used to account for difference while not addressing similarity is a serious flaw. Why are similar architecture and planning, similarly-built masonry walls covered in similar painted plaster, mosaic floors, red shiny pottery and coins found in places as far apart as Gloucester, Knidos in Turkey, Carthage in Tunisia and Rome (to give my own excavating experience)? Why in 4th-century Gloucestershire, as in most of Roman Britain, do things have a tendency to become more ‘Roman’ as time goes on? For example, masonry ‘villa’ buildings appear for the first time at Frocester Court (Fig. 2; Price 2000) and Barnsley Park (Webster 1981; summary plans in Holbrook 2006, fig. 2) in the late 3rd century, and baths were added to both during the 4th century. Yet both sites had long previous histories: so far from ‘discrepancy’, there seems to be convergence from different starting points. This gives encouragement to think in a different way, and so to pursue the idea of ‘making’ Roman culture. The 4th-century residence at Woodchester (Fig. 3) has sometimes been compared under the heading of ‘palatial villas’ with the much earlier site of Fishbourne near Chichester (for Woodchester generally, Clarke 1982, referring back to the late 18th-century discoveries of Samuel Lysons; Cunliffe 1971 and 1998 for Fishbourne). Clarke makes the comparison on grounds of grandeur and axial planning, drawing attention also to the possibility of a late 1st/ early 2nd century phase at Woodchester marked by the use of internal wall facing in cut pieces of coloured marble (opus sectile) such as is also found at Fishbourne (Clarke 1982, 210–11). As Clarke shows beyond doubt, Woodchester had a sequence of development before reaching its greatest extent in the 4th century. However, if we compare it at that stage with Fishbourne, more striking than any similarities are the different ways in which the two buildings expressed a Roman identity. Fishbourne drew inspiration from the imperial palace in Rome.* It can be compared with the ‘public’ part of the Domus Augustiana (or Flavia) built under Domitian, since both had in common an axially laid out plan of a grand entrance hall leading to a colonnaded court containing water features at the end of which was an apsidal-ended dining hall (often referred to as the ‘audience chamber’ at Fishbourne). (*Russell 2006, 117–33, makes the comparison, but tries to reverse the dating provided by the excavated evidence, in which Fishbourne appears to be slightly earlier than the Domus Flavia; both buildings could have had a common prototype in an earlier phase of the imperial palace). As mentioned, Fishbourne had internal wall facing in opus sectile, like the imperial palace and other grand Roman buildings of the Mediterranean area; both the marbles and probably the craftsmen were imported from Italy. Its early black-and-white mosaics were like contemporary mosaics at Ostia, with the same implication about craftsmen. So, whoever Fishbourne’s owner was – the client king Togidubnus or another – the model for his house was the imperial palace in Rome and craftsmen from Italy were the means of realising his desire. One could say that this was borrowed rather than ‘made’ Roman culture. At 4th-century Woodchester, by contrast, a much more original process of making took place, which we can explore in several aspects. Starting with its plan, Clarke is surely right in seeking Romano-British comparisons (1982, 219–20). The villa as so far known is arranged around three courtyards: the innermost or most northerly of these seems to have been the residential nucleus; the central court was flanked to E and W by two probable aisled buildings; only parts were found of the buildings in the outer court. Aisled buildings have varying characteristics and have accordingly been interpreted in different ways, as between agricultural and storage functions, residences and communal reception and meeting spaces (Perring 2002, 53–55, with citations; Wallace, forthcoming), so that it is useful first to refer to Clarke’s judicious account of these two structures (1982, 203–4).
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