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Home , Bodhisattva, Sudhana, Xuanzang

The Case ofAmoghapasa

DOROTHY C. WONG (University ofVirginia, Charlottesville, VA)

Amoghapasa AvalokiteSvara (Avalokitesvara 5. Bukongjuansuo zhou xin jing /f~'t:\'~~I~{A1]~ (T 1095), with the Unfailing Rope; Ch. Bukongjuansuo ::f2 translated in 693 by (Ch. Putiliuzhi :{H~~)t~, d. 'j'~W -,]. Fukukenjaku Kannon) is one ofthe popular eso­ 722), in Ijuan teric forms ofAvalokiteSvara, with widespread worship ofthis 6.Bukongjuansuotuofuonijing ::f~~~IY8~ -~~ (T 1096), in , the Himalayas, East and Southeast Asia from translated in 700 by Li Wuchan *r~g8, with preface by 'd,'j" around the latter part of the eighth century. However, the Bo Iun ItXFiil beginnings ofthis bodhisattva in in the seventh and 7. Bukongjuansuo shenbian zhenyanjing /f;:~ 'j-j ]tfrj3~;~B eighth centuries remain unclear, with only a small number of ~£ (T 1092), translated in 707-709 by Bodhiruci, in 30juan examples dating from this early period. Scholars ofIndian art 8. Bukongjuansuo Pifuzhenajo daguanding guang zhenyan/f have been confounded by the lack ofIndian examples predat­ 2~'~ ~l1i~;!jI\{Jt*)~m7tJ@.;B(T 1002), translated by ing those in the east, assuming that there must have been (Ch. Bukong +27°5-774) Indian precedents prior to the East Asian images. I And yet, the 9. Foshuo Bukong;uansuo tuofuoni yigui jing {Jt~>i::f::!:gj'~ earliest extant representation of this bodhisattva-an impos­ fS'8f:ifb{~.UM-£(T 1098), translated by Amoghavajra ing statue ofFukLlkenjaku Kannon in the Sangatsuda - J1 ¥ 10. FOJ'huo Sheng Guanzizai pusa Bukong wang mimi xin (Hall ofthe Third month) ofTadaiji *7(~, -indicates tuofuonijing{Jtg>t~tmEl:tF::g:Wi::f2r7£'·&;{j\Il'Gtrf.JLt,~ the significance attached to the rise ofthe cult ofthis bodhisat­ (T 1099), translated by Danapala (Ch. Shihu HiEiWiL act. 982.­ tva (Fig. I). Dating to around 748 and over three meters high, 101 7) the dry lacquer statue was probably one ofthe largest bodhisat­ tva statues created in up till that time. It was ensconced Amoghapasa, with the lasso as his principal weapon, is the in a chapel originally known as the Konshaji ~iliill~, the pri­ bodhisattva who catches and save sentient beings OLlt ofcom­ vate hermitage ofRaben ~ft (689-773), who was a scholar passion. The narrate that the bodhisattva teaches the monk ofAvataqlsaka . Raben was instrumental in containing the dhdrm;.i in his palace in Potalaka, and the founding ofTadaiji, which became the premiere temple of advocate the efficacy of chanting the dhdra'(li, which include state Buddhism in mid-eighth century Japan. Under what cir­ twenty benefits in this life, and an additional eight at the brink cumstances was the cult ofAmoghapasa introduced toJapan? of death. Bei ngs will recover from il1nesses, be saved from What were the antecedents ofthe worship ofthis bodhisattva imprisonment and other ill fortunes, be protected from injury in China? TIle present paper attempts to reexamine some of in battles and all kinds ofharm, curses, and demon, the prom­ these questions, and includes discussion of a few later images ise of good health, wealth, etc.3 In addition, the sutras also to compare with these early representations. describe the iconography in making images of this bodh isat­ tva, and the rituals attending the worship. The texts describe the bodhisattva as seated or standing, with four, six or more TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION arms, one or more heads, different kinds ofemblems (includ­ ing the lasso), and a piece of deer skin covering the shoulder. Several versions of the Amoghapdfa-dhdrani-sutra have been Study ofextant images show that there is wide lati tude in fol­ translated into Chinese, most of them between the sixth and lowing these descriptions and it seems that there are no exam­ eighth centuries: ples of images following any specific text closely." However, l.lost or kept hidden, translated during the Sui period (')81-617) certain iconographiC traits distinguish this deity from others, T7'Cn-n~nll¥"i oo h·· (T )2 2. BU k ong;uansuo Z ouJing 'I'-= ;;;L"RJ1..,~';;: 1093, trans­ namely, the lasso and the deer skin. lated by JJlanagupta (Ch. Shenajueduo I~JfJI)~f&~) in 587 Regarding the rise of the cult ofAmoghapasa in China and 3. Bukongjuansuo .lhenzhou xin jing /F2~~~($5'-L{A£ its introduction to Japan in the early part ofthe eighth century, (T (094), translated in 659 by z;,~ (602-664) only texts nos. 2 through 7 concern us. These six translations 4· Bukongjuansuo tuofuoni zizaiwang zhou jing::f2: %J'1;;W8 were based on two distinct versions: those translated rtrlb r:-I tE:f.J-E~£(T 1097), translated in 693 by Manicintana by Jilanagupta, Xuanzang and Bodhiruci are ofone text (nos. (Ch. Baosiwei itf~tfI,'11t d. 721) 2, 3, 5, 7), while those translated by Manicimana and Li Wuchan (nos. 4, 6) are of another text. 5 Much secrecy sur­ legitimacy, including the Foshuo Baoyujing ~mf-,~ (Ratnam­ rounded the latter version, probably because of the belief in egha Sutra, T 660), Fone pointed out that it was significant the efficacy and potency ofthe dharaJ:li and other secret tantric that the poem was first composed in Sanskrit, for rhe author's rituals prescribed in this text, suggesting that the text was prob­ goal was to propagate the idea that the China that Empress ably restricted for circulation.6Textual comparison ofthe twO Wu presided over was the center of the Buddhist world. He versions indicates that the latter version devotes lengthy por­ concluded that: "It is in fact possible that the cult of tions to the dharaJ;i. 7 Amoghapasa AvalokiteSvara was closely bound up with the Apart from nos. 2 and 3, the other four translations were all ideas of royalty as conceived by Buddhists of the day, with the undertaken between 693 and 709, a concentration ofactivities figure of the Cakravartin, and consequently also with the idea and intense interest in this bodhisattva in a short time span of the protection of the Chinese Buddhist state. That there is that corresponded approximately to the reign of Empress WU some connection between these things is suggested by the fE\:J-; (62 4-705, 1'. 684-705). Furthermore. the translatOrs existence of the painted mural and by the Sanskrit composi­ themselves represented a coterie of foreign monks present at tion of Huizhi, fated to reverberate throughout the whole at the time and were largely responsible for the prop­ Buddhist world at the very same time that \Vu Zhao officially agation of esoteric elements in Tang Buddhism, sometimes assumed her as Cakravartin."14 called "Empress Wu's Esoteric Buddhism."8 Among them were For Empress Wu, Buddhism was an instrument to augment Manicintana, a Kashmiri monk who held the title of"Master her political status and legitimacy. She promoted the cults of ofthe Tripi~aka" and was considered by Subhakarasimha (Ch. Amoghapasa and other esoteric AvalokiteSvaras, notably the Shanwuwei og:m-&:, 637-735) to be the greatest Tantric mas­ Eleven-headed AvalokiteSvara and the Thousand-armed ter, Li Wuchan, a layman. who was a political representative AvalokiteSvara, invoking their powers to protect the state. from Lampaka (the Laghmin region of ), and Similarly, her sponsorship of the Avatarpsaka doctrine, with Huizhi ~~ (fl. 676-703; see below).9 Both Manicintana and Buddha at the center of this , Li Wuchan translated texts on Amoghapasa. In Bolun's preface reinforced the state ideology and it was the same ideological to the translation undertaken by Li (T 1096), he noted his principles that took material forms in Japan about half a cen­ request to have this special text translated (alluding to the fact tury later, focusing on Todaiji. 15 that this was the same lost and "secret" version first translated in the ; no. 1).10 Another request to have a copy of this text came from Myonghyo B)=]I1Jt, a Korean monk from EARLY EXAMPLES OF AMOGHAPASA Silla, who expressed that he came from afar for "the civilizing IN CHINA AND JAPAN transformation of the Tang" and was principally interested in the "dhdraJ:li method;' in order that the "secret teaching" can It is unfortunate that there are currently no extant representa­ be transmitted to his" border" territory. I I tions of this bodhisattva dating to the late seventh and early In 693, Huizhi, an Indian monk who was the son ofa Brah­ eighth centuries from China (the only known example comes min ambassador born in China, composed a poem called Odes from Cave 148. which dates to 776; the statue is in Praise ofthe Bodhisattva Avafokitefvara (Zan Guanshiyin lost but there are murals depicting the benefits of worshiping pusa song g~1~ ill:~~ii*~f[) after viewing a mural depiction this bodhisattva; see below). Of other esoteric forms of of Amoghapasa in a Buddhist , probably in AvalokiteSvara, the Eleven-headed AvalokiteSvara was the first Luoyang. 12 Huizhi wrote this poem in Sanskrit, which he also to become popular in seventh- and eighth-century China, and translated into Chinese; the translated text was deemed impor­ there are also records of a mural depiction of the 1housand­ tant enough to be included in the canon (T 1052). In the poem, Armed AvalokiteSvara dating to the early eighth-century.16 the first part describes what the author saw in the mural depic­ However, there are also sporadic represen tations of multi­ tion, which includes mentioning of iconographiC features armed in Sui and early Tang art. For example, in unique to the depiction of Amoghapasa, namely that the Dunhuang Cave 284, the ceiling incl udes depictions ofa three­ bodhisattva's left shoulder is covered by a piece ofdeer skin (T headed and eight-armed bodhisattva and a three-headed and 1052, 2O:67b04)Y Thus there is no doubt about the identity six-armed bodhisattva. 17 Clearly they represent esoteric forms of the bodhisattva, and this represents the first record of the ofbodhisattvas, but their identities remain unclear. Their three bodhisattva portrayed in China. Huizhi resided at Foshoujisi heads point to the strong resemblance to Hindu such {9t3~~~G~ (Monastery of the Buddha's Prophecy, known as as Siva. The inclusion ofmultiple arms and multiple heads sig­ Jing'aisi ~~~ before and after Empress Wu's reign) at nifies the superhuman power and efficacy ofthe deity, indicat­ Luoyang, one ofthe most important translation centers during ing the incorporation ofHindu influences in the development the reign of Empress Wu. Huizhi's odes ended with a tribute ofesoteric Buddhist iconography. In the Amoghapdfa dhdraJ;i to the empress, addreSSing her as the Cakravartin who turned sutra, the prescription for making the images of Amoghapasa the Golden Wheel. Since Huizhi participated in translating mentions the bodhisattva's likeness to Mahdvara, a form of the key texts that buttressed Empress Wu's claim to political Siva. ls In Cave 341, of mid-seventh-century date, there are depictions of two eigh t-armed bodhisattvas Ranking a seated were two very large embroidered hangings (35 shaku R tall), Buddha, though by this time the Eleven-headed AvalokiteSvara one depicting Amoghapasa and the other depicting is already recognizable with distinct iconography.19 AvalokiteSvara.29 Due to the perishable nature of the material, At Longmen a group of esoteric images dating to late sev­ the hangings no longer exist, but more than 1000 characters enth and early eighth centuries reRects the inRuence of Eso­ ofthe inscriptions along the borders ofthe hangings have been teric Buddhism fostered by the patronage ofthe Empress Wu.20 recorded. They were commissioned by Empress Koken +:~* In the North Cave of Leigutai m~sz:if, flanking the entrance 7C.¥ (also Empress ShOtoku ~;]\t~~:*~, r. 748-759, 764-770) on the inside are two reliefcarvings ofesoteric AvalokiteSvara, in honor of her mother, Empress Komyo :YCEJA Er J - (701­ both ofabout one and a halfmeters tall. One ofthem is a two­ 760) in 754. At Daianji 7\!J!.""$f in Nara, in 749 a painting of armed Eleven-headed AvalokiteSvara, whose head is currently Vairocana Buddha (30 shaku tall) was installed as the main in a Japanese collection (Fig. 2).2l The bodhisattva on the icon, flanked by paintings of Amoghapasa and Thousand­ opposite side has eight arms.22 The Thousand-armed armed Avalokitesvara (15 shaku tall each). These were thought Avalokitesvara is also represented at Longmen, in Wanfogou to anticipate the iconography of the triad ofVairocana and ~{'fI',)ji'} north cliff(Fig. 3), dating to the first halfofthe eighth two AvalokiteSvaras at Todaiji.3o Daianji was an important century.23 Among the various forms ofesoteric AvalokiteSvara, state-sponsored temple in the first half of the eighth century the Eleven-headed and the Thousand-Armed ones are easily before being eclipsed by Todaiji when the latter was dedicated recognizable because of their distinctive iconography. They in 752. Thus it seems that by the middle of the eighth century, both were promoted by Empress \Xlu and were among the first Amoghapasa was widely popular in Japan's . to appear in China. (CintamaJ:licakra AvalokiteSvara appeared From Daianji is also a group ofesoteric AvalokiteSvara images later; from the late Tang onward at Dunhuang Amoghapasa dating to the last quarter of the eighth century: was usually paired with CintamaJ:licakra. Hayagrlva and Cun<# AvalokiteSvara, Amoghapasa, Hayagrlva, AvalokiteSvara were introduced somewhat later than these other forms.) Thus Holding a Willow Branch, and Eleven-headed AvalokiteSvara. 31 the eight-armed bodhisattva at Longmen could have been an Carved in wood in the Single-block technique, the standing incipient form of Amoghapasa.24 Amoghapasa has eight arms; the attributes held in various hands The earliest extant statue ofAmoghapasa in Japan is in the have been lost (Fig. 4). The face and body are rendered fully, Sangatsudo, or Hokkedo )~~~ (Hall ofthe ), of while the jewelry and drapery on the surface are naturalistically Todaiji, thought to date to 748 (Fig. 1).25 Standing at an carved and detailed. The rather heavy style is antiCipated in impressive height of 3.62 meters, it was rendered in the dry of mid- to late eighth-century associated with the lacquer technique newly introduced from China. The dhdrani Todaiji and Toshodaiji workshops, including the Sangatsudo sutras focusing on Amoghapasa circulated in Japan from the Amoghapasa. This group offive esoteric AvalokiteSvara images 730S onward.26 The first group-those translated byJnanagupta, represents an incipient stage in the development of esoteric Xuanzang, and Manicintana, were circulating in 737, 738, and imagery in Japan before the ninth century. 739-suggesting that the inRux of these came after Gembo's return from China in 736 with some 5,000 juan of . The second group-including Li Wuchan's translation ElGHTH- TO TENTH-CENTURY EXAMPLES IN and the 30juan version by Bodhiruci-were also circulating DUNHUANG, in Japan by 747 and 753. The Sangatsudo Amoghapasa statue has eight arms, and a From the latter part ofthe eighth century onward Amoghapasa third eye on the forehead. Two hands are pressed in front in and other forms ofAvalokiteSvara, both exoteric and esoteric, the praying gesture, while the other hands hold emblems that were extremely popular at Dunhuang, and also in Sichuan. For include a lotus, pilgrim's staff, and lasso. A separate piece of Amoghapasa alone there are about eighty murals from Dun­ lacquered cloth covers the shoulders to represent the deer skin. huang (not including those on silk) and a dozen relief sculp­ The halo and light rays behind the statue are rendered in open­ tures from Sichuan.32 It will not be possible to examine all work metal, with attached Rame patterns. The figure is some­ these examples in the present context, but I will select a few what heavy, with regular drapery folds hanging on the two legs. examples for comparison with the eighth-century ones. The bodhisattva's face has an austere expression characteristic The largest group of extant esoteric AvalokiteSvara images ofesoteric deities. The creation ofthis image is thought to have comes from Dunhuang Cave 148, dated to 776. The been a response to Emperor Shomll's decree that provincial AvalokiteSvara images represented include four-armed and temples install statues of this divinity,u The Amoghapasa eight-armed ones, Thousand-armed AvalokiteSvara, images, ofeighth- to tenth-century dates, at Ratnagiri in India Amoghapasa, and Cintamarucakra, along with other esoteric all have four arms and do not show the deer skin, and they deities.'3 Earlier examples ofesoteric AvalokiteSvara found in seem to have no connections to this early Japanese example. 28 Japan and China seem to have been based on texts that focused In the Daibutsuden7\1L~ (Great Buddha's Hall) of on individual deities, whereas the configuration of a large Todaiji, originally Ranking the colossal statue ofVairocana group of esoteric deities in a ma(1dafa-like arrangement sug­

153 gests the influence of a fully developed esoteric iconography. representative of most depictions from Dunhuang, with vari­ Since we know that Amoghavajra, one of the three Tantric ations in minor details of iconography (some have three or masters, has spent some time in the northwest around 750, the eleven heads, while the size of the attendant group varies). spread of esoteric Buddhism to Dunhuang at this early date Similar configurations are also found among the Dunhuang can be attributed to his initial activities. In later periods Dun­ banner paintings.-19 huang was exposed to esoteric Buddhism from Himalayan and Another banner painting, dated to 956, shows only a stand­ Tibetan sources. ing Amoghapasa with four donor images at the bOttom (Fig. Dunhuang Cave 148 includes traditional subjects 6);'JO at Dunhuangonly a small number ofAmoghapasa images that include the large reclining statue of and are shown standing. The bodhisattva has three eyes and eight murals of various pure lands (Amitabha, Bhai~ajyaguru, arms, similar to the Sangatsud6 example. With a deer skin on Mairreya). However, on the south and north walls are two the shoulders, the bodhisattva holds tWO tridents, a willow recessed niches, dedicated ro Cintamanicakra and Amoghapasa, branch, two lotus stems, a rosary, and a vase. In form and ico­ respectively. Inside the niches were clay statues ofthe bodhisat­ nography this perhaps comes closest to the Sangatsud6 statue. tvas (no longer extant), while the wall panels depict scenes of Several Amoghapasa texts mention that the bodhisattva looks the benefits of worshipping these two bodhisattvas.34 Like like Mahdvara (a form of Siva), who is described as having most other Dunhuang murals that include narrative vignettes, three eyes and eight armS in Nagajuna's Commentary on the rhe vertical panels show groups oftwo or three figures (in Chi­ Mahaprajilapdramita Sima (Da zhidu fun A?~ffljiin).41 It nese costumes), often seated on diagonally-placed mats. The might be possible that this banner paiming and the eighth­ scenes are separated by zigzagging green and white stripes that century examples from Japan are both based on individual suggest some kind oflandscape elements and are occasionally texts on the bodhisattva, whereas other Dunhuang examples accompanied with cartouches with inscriptions. Clearly these show the bodhisattva in the maJ:74afa configuration. The sculp­ picrorial depictions were interpreted and rendered in local tures of Amoghapasa at Rarnagiri are rendered in four or six conventions. arms and do not include the deer skin.42 Examples from the In the ceilings of these two niches are further depictions of Himalayas, however, often include such a feature. 43 Later ar multi-armed esoteric AvaloiteSvaras and other esoteric Dunhuang, AvalokiteSvara maJ:ujafas, including those of bodhisanvas (including Bhai~ajyarajaand K~itigarbha).Above Amoghapasa, in Himalayan style are also found.44 the entrance on the east wall is also a mural of the Thousand­ Finally some mention can be made of the examples from armed AvalokiteSvara.35 The Thousand-armed Guanyin is por­ Sichuan. In Fowan {9f,)~ Cave 136 in the Beishan jCll I caves, trayed as a central, seated figure surrounded by twenty attendant Dam *JE, Sichuan, dated to 1142-1146, Amoghapasa is por­ figures. The bodhisattva's full, fleshy face and rather somber, trayed seated with six anTIS, holding tWO round discs in the remOte expression echo those oflate Nara images in Japan. upper two hands (for Sunlight and Moonlight Bodhisattvas), In Dunhuang Cave 384, of late eighth- to early ninth-cen­ a bowl and possibly a willow branch in the middle twO hands, tury date, Amoghapasa is depicted at the east end ofthe south and a sword and an axe in the outer two hands (Fig. 7 ).-i5 The wall (Fig. 5), juxtaposing CintamaI)icakra at the east end on bodhisattva has an elaborate floral crown (the small Amitabha the north wall (bOth are depicted outside recessed niches of at the top is probably lost) and florid jewelry on the chest. The High Tang date).36 Seated on a lotus pedestal and below a twO attendants by the side of the pedestal portray one male canopy, Amoghapasa is portrayed with a bejeweled crown with and one female, most likely represent Vasigha and Lak~mi. In an effigy of Amitabha; behind is a halo and a mandorla. A later Chinese iconography the two attendant figures for piece ofdark brown cloth with white patterns (to indicate the AvalokiteSvara have evolved into a young boy and a young girl : deer skin) covers the left shoulder; this distinguishing icono­ and Dragon Girl, revealing a process oflocal adapta­ graphiC feature is present in most examples of Amoghapasa tion. from Dunhuang.37 The bodhisattva has six arms and holds This cursory examination ofAmoghapasa images suggests attributes that include (clockwise from top right): vase, lotus that the cult ofAmoghapasa in East Asia arose in the late sev­ flower, water vessel, lasso, willow branch, and an axe. The lasso enth to eighth centuries, first with imperial patronage because (an identifying attribute for Amoghapasa) and the axe are of the esoteric AvalokiteSvara's ties to the concept of royalty weapons that esoteric deities use to save sentient beings, while and their efficacy in protecting the state. While the prolifera­ the others are common attributes for AvalokiteSvara. In front tions ofesoteric forms AvalokiteSvara coincided with the rise ofthe bodhisattva is a lotus pond shown with two naga kings. ofesoteric Buddhism in India, different traditions ofrepresen­ Other attendants include Sunlight and Moonlight Bodhisat­ tation, such as those ofIndia and East Asia in the eighth cen­ tvas in the top right and left, respectively, the four heavenly tury, seem to have come about independently. Later the cult kings on two sides, Vasigha (as an old man and holding a was widespread at Dunhuang and in Sichuan, receiving further staff)3S and Lak~mi (the goddess of wealth) to the right and impetus from the Himalayan tradition as well as local adapta­ left of the pedestal, and two wrathful deities in the bottom tions. A more thorough understanding of the cult of right and left. This depiction of Amoghapasa in Cave 384 is Amoghapasa, however, still awaits further investigation.

154 Notes

1 For discussions oflndian representarions ofAmoghapasa sec Prarapad­ China roJapan in rhe Sevenrh and Eighrh CenrurieS:' Huaxlte 9 (2.007). in irya Pal, "The Iconography of Amoghapiisa LokcSvara-I;' Oriental Art 22, prinr; and "Doji and his Role in Sino-Japanese Buddhisr Arr Exchanges," no. 4 (1966): 2H-39; P. Pal, "The Iconography ofAmoghapasa Lokdvara­ paper read ar rhe 2.007 Associarion for Asian Srudies annual meering. Bos­ II;' Oriental Art 23, no. 1(1967): 21-28; R. O. Meisezhal, "Amoghapasa, ton. Some Nepalese Represenrarions and Their Vajrayanic Aspens:' Nlonumenta 16 See Wong, "Early Transmission of Esoreric Images from China to Serica 2.4 (1967): 455-505; Janice Leoshko, "TheAppearanceofAmoghapasa Japan." in Pala Period An," in A. K. Narain, cd., Studies in oJ'South 17 Dunhuang yanjiuyuan :Zk~ln6ff1tr"-fG (ed.). Dunhuang shiku quanji!i':!( Asia (New Delhi: Kanak Publicarions, 1985), 128-39. The largest group of r'TI:rtl!P.1:$!-:; [Collecred Edirion of rhe Dunhuang Caves. vol. 10. Peng Indian examples, daring berween rhe eighrh and renth cenruries, are found Jinzhanged.. Mijiao huaJuan \t:f,5(]fd'~ (Esoreric Painringsj, (Hong Kong: in rhe Rarnagiri sire in Easrern India, see Nancy Hock, "Buddhisr Ideology 111e Commercial Press. 2.003), pI. 4. and rhe Sculprure of Rarnagiri, Sevenrh Through 1hirreenrh Cenruries" IR An example of rhe rhree-headed Mahdvara is in Roderick \Vhirfield (PhD. dissenarion, Universiry ofCalifornia, Berkeley, 1987),70-89. and Anne Faner. Caves ofthe Thousand Buddhas: Chine.le Art/rom the Silk 2 Tis rhe abbreviarion for Taisho shinshu daizokyo },jE*'l~*f~~&\. Route (London: The Brirish Museum, 1990), car. no. 134. [New Edirion of rhe Tripiraka of rhe Taisho Period], eds. Takakusu Junjiro I? PengJinzhang, cd., Nlijiao huaJuan, pI. 14­ l!iiff.yHlVi~~r, and Waranabe Kaigyoku ;!fVtJ.il'fjj@" 85 vols. (Tokyo: Taisho 20 See Li \Vensheng 4')(~. "Longmen Tang dai mizong zaoxiang tI~llIj issaikyo kankokai, 1924-1932.). 111e number following T refers ro rhe num­ )tif-\';!,±;*Jtif~;' IEsoreric Sculprures from rhe Longmen Caves from rhe ber of rhe ren, foJ lowed by volume number, page, column, and line (if Tang Dynasry]. I/Venwu, no. 1 (1991): 61-64; Su Bai 1M E3, "Dunhuang included). Mogaoku mijiao yiji zaji (shang) ~j(tr;r~iE/jn~~~¥j:jj1I1~HU~(l~)"(Dis­ 3 For a derailed discussion of rhe coments of rhe suuas see ~,;laria Reis­ cussing Esoreric Remains from rhe Dunhuang Mogao aves; Firsr parr], Habiro, "The Amoghapdfa Ka/pardja Slltra: A Hisrorical and Analyrical I/Vemvu. no. 9 (19 89): 45-53. Srudy; Studies in Central andEast Asian Religions, no. 11 (1999): 39-67; YLi 21 Nara NarionalMuscum, Komikkyo.· iV/hon mikkyo no taido I.~i\'f.:f;z: H ChLin-fang, The Chinese Transformation ofAvalokitefvara (New York: :$:;'f}'\'!zO).ij€JlIi)] [Komikkyo: rhe Incipicm Srages of Japanese Esoreric Columbia Universiry Press, 2.001), 56-58. Buddhism] (Nara: Nara NarionaJ Museum. 2.0°5). pI. 4­ j See n. I, for discussion ofChinese examples see PingJinzhang !'LJilz.1'it 22 Li Wensheng. "Longmen Tang dai mizong zaoxiang:' 62., fig. 2.. "Dunhuang Bukongjuansuo Guanyin jing bian yanjiu ~)!::t~Ff~~~~i;f "Zhongguo shiku Longmen shiku bianweihui t.j I~ I il;gfJt!.rn:ili.ti~.Q ~J[!i!2IiffJ'C" [Research on Transformarion Tableaux ofSurras on Amoghapasa ¥J:: e. ed., Zhvngguo shiku: Longmen shiku Lll ~ Ulm: m~r~Il@ [Chi nese AvalokireSvara from Dunhuang], Dunhuangyanjiu, no. 1 (1993): 1-24. Cave Temples: The Longmen Cave Temples] (Beijing: Wenwu Press, 1992.). \ Anronino Fone, "BriefNores on me Kashrniri Texr ofrhcDharani Sutra pr. 2.. pI. 2.53. Anorher reprcsenrarion ofrhe Thousand-armed AvaJokircSvara ofAvalokitesvara ofthe Unfailing Rope Inrroduced ro China by Manicimana ar Longmen is in rhe 1110usand-eye 1110usand-armed Guanyin Cave. daring (d. 721);' in Gu Chengmei cd., Buddhism andBuddhist Art ofthe Tang(Xin­ ro rhe second half of rhe eighrh cemury; Zhongguo shiku: Longmen shiku. zhu, : Chuefeng, 2.006), J3-28; see also PengJinzhang, "Dunhuang 2.IS. fig. 177. BukongJuansuo Guanyin jing bian yanjiu:' 1-2. The 30-juan version by Bod­ 14 Nara Narional Museum, KomikkYo, p. 15S. hiruei (no. 7) includes marerials of developed esoreric Buddhism and is ~\ Uehara Shoichi I~JmRF{. er al. (cds.), Tenpyo no bijutSlt 'k"'j! 0),7'; considered ro have been revised ar a larer dare; see Osabe Kazuo *nBfoli!E, WI. Nihon bijutsu zenshu L1.f;:~lilij:£~l~ 4-5 [Collecced Edirion ofJapa­ Todai mikkyo shi zakko 1,IH\i>f,'4&~~\l[~' (Tokyo: Keisuisha. 1990; origi­ nese Arr: Arr of rhe Tenpyo Reign] (Tukyo: Gakushu Kcnky'-Isha, 1977­ nally published in 1971).39-40. 1978). pI. 2. 6 Fone, "BriefNores on rhe Kashmiri Ten:' 17-22. 2(, Sec Ish ida Mosaku U ffl rtf1=', Shakyo yori Narmho bukkyo no kenkyu 7 Sec Reis-Habiro's discussion in "The Amoghapdfa Kalpardja Sutra: A ~~~~.t f') xt:.:;, ~ H$l:jH~~o)fiH7't [A Srudy ofNara Buddhism Based Hisrorical and Analyrical Srudy." on Buddhisr Tens] Ookyo: 'foyo Bunko. 1930, rpr.), 83-90. s Osabe Kazuo. "Sokuren Buko jidai no mikkyo "'IJ/- j[-t:J§Il.;!ff-\,;O);"'f;~" 27 Penelope Mason, A History ofJapane,-e Art (New York: Harry N. [Esoreric Buddhism During rhe Reign ofEmpress Wu Zerian]' To Sormkkyo Abrams. 1993),68. shi ronko 1~;,f~~d';{!)Z ,£;jffi) -;" (Kobe: Kobe Joshi daigaku rosai bunka 28 Hock. "Buddhisr Ideology and rhe Seu Iprure of Rarnagiri:' 70-89. kenkyujo, 1982.). 1-33. "n1e essay was originally published in ivlikkyo bunka ~? Inagaki Shinsho ~·il.tIifT;~. "Daibursuden Kannon ZIlZO 111 (1975): 28-52. shucho *fbl%Z~AHTilN~l'Zlf~tll1l~tt' [Iconograpny ofrhe Embroidered ? See Anronino Forre, "111e Acriviries in China of rhe Tanrr"ic Masrer Hangings ofAvalokireSvara in rhe Mandara Grouping ofrhe Grear Budd ha Manicimana (Pao-ssu-wei: ?-721 A.D.) from of his Nonhern Hall] Kannon nokenkyu Wi.§-o)liJJ-~.Nam 13 (1930): 2.7-30­ Indian Collaborarors," East and Hlest H, no. 1-3 (1984): 301-45; see also .10 Horiike Shllnpo thIlm:~lk't.. "Kegonkyo kosersu yori mira Ryoben ro Forre. "BriefNores on rhe Kashmiri TexL" Shinjo JP.iltjH&~Mi f') ~t::: E-J: I~ t 'lli'"H:' [Ryoben and Shinjo as seen 10 Forre. "BriefNores on rhe Kashmiri Ten:' 16-w. from 111eir Lccrures on rhe ] Nanto bukkyoshi no kenkyu II Ibid.. 2.0-2.2.. Myonghyo's requesr is recorded in Yuanzhao l r", i$i-MlH' ~9:. O)liJf9C, vol. I lodaiji **Jd'ffi' (Kyoro: Hozokan. 1970. Zhengyuan xin ding shijiao mulu t:j51:1frjE'f"f-:\& fI tt T 2157, 5):866c2.0­ 2,,,1 priming 2.003), 4J3-15. 867al. .11 These sculprures arc published in Kono Seiko ;iiJlJi};'fi YrJ~. Shotoku Tai­ 12 T 1052; for discussion of Huizhi see Antonino Fone. "Hui-chih (A. shi to Daianji l~tt..kT" t k'!i'!f [Prince Shoroku and Daianji] (Tokyo: 676-703 A .0.), a Brahmin Born in China:' Annali delf'lstituto Orientale di Gyosei, 1984). pI. I, 110-17. Napoli 4S (198S): lOS-H· '2 For an overview sec PengJinzhang, "Dunhuang Bukongjuansuo GlIan­ 1.\ Reis-Habiro poimed our rhar Huizhi's odes also mention rhe bodhisar­ yin jing bian yanjiu." Many examples are illusrrared in PengJinzhang. ed .. rva wearing a necklace in form ofa dragon-king, a detail which corresponds Mijiao huajuan. only ro Manicimana's rranslarion, in "The Amoghapdfa Ka/pardja Sutm: A .1.1 PengJinzhang, cd., JVlijiao huajuan, 37-54­ H isrorical and Analyrical Srudy," 48. 3' PengJinzhang. cd., Jvli)iao huajuan, pI. 23. In h~r analysis ofrhe inscrip­ 1', Fone. "BriefNores on rhe Kashmiri Text;' 23-24­ rions recorded in rhe carrouehe, Fan Jinshi 1')!f.>I1i14 concludes rhar rhe con­

I) See Dororhy C. Wong, "Early Transmission of Esoreric Images from rems of rhe murals are based on Xuanzang's rranslarion, see her Xuanzang

ISS he Dunhuang bihurl ~~;:(,1~~W~7!Zfr~.kJ,ffrL" [Xuanzang's Transla­ >,2 Nancy Hock. "Buddhisr ideology and rhe Sculprure of Rarmgiri;' tions and rhe Mural Paintings of Dunhuang] Dunhuangyanjiu 2 (2004): 70-89. pIs. 29-39. See also Research Cemer for Silk Roadolgy (Nara Pre­ 3-4· fecrure). The Origin andDevelopment ofAvalokitefuara images-FoCllsingon ); PengJinzhang. ed.. Mijiao huajuan, pI. 27 the Esoteric Avalokitefvarasfom india to Japan. Silk Roadology II (2001). .\" PengJinzhang. ed.. iVlijiao huajUa1I. pIs. 54-59. 57-60. pIs. 51, 52, 55-57. 7 3 Pengo "Dunhuang Bukongjuansuo Guanyin jing bian yanjiu," rabies 43 A Kashmiri bronze image. of renrh- ro elevemh-cemury dare. shows a 1-4. 17-23. six-armed seared bodhisarrva wirh an anrelope skin on rhe len shoulder. see .18 Vasistha is a r-yi. or . and is one of rhe devas included in rhe Deborah Klimburg-Salrer. The Silk Route and the Diamond Path: Esoteric mant;l.ala. Buddhist Art on the Trans-Himalayan Trade Routes (Los Angeles: UCLA .\9 A close example is a banner paiming in rhe .Musee Guimer. of renrh­ Arr Council, 1982). 104-05. pI. 31. century dare, rhough in rhis case rhe bodhisarrva has eighr insread of six ,4 Klimburg-Salrer. The Silk Route, pl. 61. arms; seeJacques Gies. Le.' Art.' de IA.'ie centrale: la collection Paul Pelliot du ·is Dazu shiku diaosu quanji bianji weiyuanhui :*JEE!ii1~E~~:i~~R~ musee national des arts asiatique.'-Guimet (Paris: Reunion des Musees ~~iifq. Dazu shiku diaosu quanji: Beishan shiku },Ji:Ehilm'!j!.J::£ t~: Narionaux, 1995). vol. I. pI. 78. Jl::rJJEj,:j':( [Collecred Edirion of Dazu Cave Temples: Beishan Cave 40 Gies, Art.' de IAsie centrale, pl. 75. Temples] (Chongqing, Sichuan: Chongqing Dazu shiku yishu bowuguan, ", Trans. Kumarajiva, T 1509, 25:73a6-7. Zhongqing press, 1999), pI. 103. Fig. 2 Head of Eleven-headed Avaloki­ rcSvara, Tang dyna~ry, lare sevemh - ear­ ly eighrh eenrury. Chinese, Longmen, Leigurai Norrh Cave. Limesrone, h. S3.S em, Ohara Art Museum. (After Nara National Ivhlseum, Komikkyo: Nihon mikkyo no taido, pI. 2).

Fig. I Amoghapasa, Nara period, c. 7+8, Japanese. Tadaiji, Sangarsuda. Dry lacquer, h. 362 em. (After Uehara Shoiehi, cr al. (eds.), Tenpyo no bijutsu, pI. 2).

Fig. 3Thousand-armed AvalokireSvara, Tang dyna~ry, Firsr halfofrhe eighrh Fig. 4 Amoghapasa, Lare Nara period, 3,,1 quarter eighrh eenrury. Japanese, eemury. Nonh cliff: Wanfogou, Longmen. Limesrone, h. 230 em. (After Daianji. Wood, h. 189.9 em, Imponam Cultural Properry. (After Kano Zhongguo shiku Longmen shiku bianweihui, cd., Zhont-.r;uo shiku: Longmen Seika, Shotoku Taishi to Daianji, p. 116). shiku, pI. 2S3). IS7 Fig. 5Amoghapasa, Tangdynasry,lare eighrh - eady eighrh cenrury. Chinese, Dunhuang Cave 384-, sourh wall. Wall mural (Afi:er PingJinzhang, "Dlln­ huang Bukongjuansuo Guanyin jing bian yanjiu," 4-, fig. I).

Fig. 6 Amoghapasa, Tang dynasry, d. 956. Dunhuang sealed library. Hemp, h. J6r.5 em, Musee Guimer £0.1176 (© Reunion de~ Musces Narionaux / Arr Resource, NY; Musee des am asiariques - Guimer, Paris, France)

f- Fig. 7 Amoghapasa, South , 114-2-4-6. Chinese, Fowan Cave 136. Dazu, Sichuan, Srone, h. 14-7 em (Afi:e< Dazu shiku diaosu quanji bianji

weiyuanhlli, Dazu shiku diaosu quanji: Bei.rhan .rhiku, pI. J03). ournalof nner Asian Art and Archaeology

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