Ccoperative Agreement on Human Settlements And

CCOPERATIVE AGREEMENT ON HUMAN SETTLEMENTS AND NATURAL RESOURCE SYSTEMS ANALYSIS DOCUMENTS REVIEW AREA FOOD AND MARKETI C; DEVELOPMENT PROJECT Zaire Richard Downs Cyril K. Daddich Clark University Institute for Development Anthropology International Development Program Suite 302. P.O. Box 818 950 Main Street 99 Collier Street Wo-cester, MA 01610 Binghamton. NY 13902 DOCUMENTS REVIEW AREIA FOOD AND MARKETING DEVELOPMlENT PROJECT, ZAIRE Richard Downs Cyril K. Daddieh Cooperative Agreement in Human Settlement and Natural Resource Systems Analysis October, 1985 PREFACE This report presents reviews of materials available in Kinshasa relevant to AID Project No. 660-0102 on Agricultural Production and Marketing in the region of Bandundu. The purpose of the reviews by Richard Downs (anthropolo gist, University of New Hampshire, and Cyril Daddieh (economist, University of Iowa) was to inventory available information so as to support a possible future project in Bandundu Region focusing upon rural-urban dynamics. In earlier dis cussions with USAID/Kinshasa staff, the notion was conveyed that, in the con text of Project 102, what is now needed is a better understanding of the rural urban relationships and the dynamics among the four large towns (as well as with the largest city, Kikwit) and between the towns and the agricultural areas of tiie region. It was felt that before appropriate interventions are put in place, studies of their impacts upon the rural-urban dynamic would greatly strengthen any benefits of the investments. Professors Downs and Daddieh spent one month in Kinshasa reviewing docu ments and visiting several rural villages. In their reports, they summarize the informational content of the material, and they offer their impressions of the context of rural society within which a possible development program based upon rural-urban issues might be undertaken. In summary, their reports high light the fact that thtre is a dearth of reliable information and virtually no data with which to put forward actionable programs, such that planners may reliably assess the impact of investment projects. The only reliable source of information is a small farmer household survey, which has been recently com pleted (it arrived in Kinshasa on the eve of the team's departure). Clearly, then, there is a dire need for specific data to permit Project 102 planners to more carefully program the location and structure of investments so that maxi mum benefits are accrued. G. Karaska Clark University DOCUMENTS REVIEW Area Food and Marketing Development Project, 660-0102 Prepared by Richard Downs In order to understand the nature and significance of rural-urban linkages in Bandundu Region envisaged by project 660-0102 it is necessary to see them, to the extent possible, in the total context within which they operate. I will, therefore, first summarize what appear to be the most salient facts in that context before making suggestions as to the kinds of interventions and research which seem most essential. Physical environment. There is a uniformly hot and humid climate (ave. annual temperature of 25 c., annual rainfall between 1500 and 1600 mm), with a three-month dry season from June to September and a short one from January to February. Most of the region consists of plateau savanna cut by numerous rivers and streams running soutli to north into the Kasai River, creating steep valleys where forest and relatively fertile soils are found. Elevations decreae gradually from about 700 m in the south to about 300 m along the Kasai River. The soils consist either of Kalahari or Karroo sands and are basically low in fertility, though more clay is found in some of the more northerly regions and the forest cover provides more vegetal matter. At one time the whole was apparently forested, but by the early 1960's forest covered 37.5 percent of the surface of Kwilu sub-region (#49: 78) and it was disappearing at a good rate. No figure could be found for the present forest cover, but Holtzman reports (#24: 5) that .. cultivated land as a proportion of total land area in Idiofa Zone increased from 1.4 percent in 1970 to 13.1 percent in 1981 and 29.9 percent in 2. 1982," which suggests the rapidity of its destruction. The region is furthermore not blessed (or cursed) with any known mineral resources. Population The population of the project area, including the collectivities of Kemba and Batere north of the Kasai, amounted to some 850,000 in 1982. With a total 2 area of 32,000 km , it has an average density of 26.6 km2 , though densities vary from 11.9 to 70.6. This makes it, along with some regions of Kivu, one of the most densely populated areas of Zaire. There are three towns within the area: Bulungu, with a population of 45,000 and Idiofa and Dibaya-Lubwe, with about 22,000 each. Just outside the area there are the major regional center of Kikwit, with some 156,000, Bandundu, the regional capital, with 104,000, and Bagata with some 9,000. It should be added that these towns have a substantial agricultural base. The people are divided into some fourteen different ethnic groups speaking separate languages, which, however, fall into two language families of northern and southern origins. Two lingia franca, Kikongo and Lingala, are also spoken. All of the peoples below the Kasai River are organized into matrilineal clans and lineages which once tended to occupy separate villages until many were con solidated together by the Belgians in the 1920's to combat sleeping sickness and for administrative convenience. Present villages range in size from 20 to well over 1,000. The population is young, 53 percent female, and growing at a rate of possibly 3 percent a year. There is 3 significant rural exodus, chiefly of young men, which is only partially compensated for by reverse migration. 3. Communications. The area is connected to Kinshasa by river, but barge traffic is irregu lar, slow, and highly insecure. By road it is linked to Kinshasa by the paved road between it and Kikwit, but it is also connected by dirt road to Tshikapa to the southeast. Internally there are many dirt roads which vary considerably in condition, depending primarily on whether or not they are maintained by private contractors. Many are impractical in the rainy season owing to the ravages of heavy trucks and broken bridges. Commercial transport is in the hands primarily of city-based merchants. There is bus service, however, both private and state, between Kikwit and Kinshasa. There are serious problems for villagers in attempting to sell their pro duce because of the remoteness of some of their villages, the irregularity of purchases bytraders, low prices, and lack of storage. Government officials at the collectivity level are, furthermore, severely handicapped by a total lack of vehicles available to them. Telecommunication services are non-existent. Socio-political system. The political system is a combination of a national administrative struc ture, with regions, sub-regions, zones, "collectivit~s,. "groupeme[its," and "localits" superimposed on a traditional clan-based structure, which extends upward i; far as the "chef de groupement." Within the "localit6" or village there is normally a "conseil de notables," consisting of all the "chefs de clan," one of which will be recognized by the "Chef de Collectivit6" as representing the village. He will be assisted by a kapita, a position created by the Belgians, who is also appointed. The "chefs de clan" will have control 4. over clan land and whatever other property, such as cattle, their clans may own. The "collectiviti" collects taxes and is responsible for carrying out orders and regulations emanating from above, providing for various services, promoting development, and maintaining order. The extent to which they can and do carry out these responsibilities varies considerably. As mentioned above, people are divided into matrilineal descent groups of various sizes: clans, lineages, and localized sub-lineages, for example, among the Bapende. At least at the lineage level these groups are exogamous, but the degree of corporateness and control that they exercise over their members varies considerably among the different ethnic groups. Marriage, once under lineage or clan control, now seems to be more a function of individual inter ests and passions, and marital residence varies again according to circum stances. In one Basoigo village, for example, it was said that a man could stay with his father after he married until his father died, at which time he would have tj move to his mother's brother's village, where as a clan member he would have a right to its land. However, particular circumstances could dic tate such a move much earlier. There also seems to be a shift toward increasing recognition of the inter ests of the father as opposed to those of the mother's brother, as in the case of marriage payments. Whereas it was said that traditionally a bride's mothe2 's brother and father would share the payment equally, now the former would get 300 zaires, whereas the latter would get as much as 7,000. Curiously enough, however, the mother's brother i: rpoonsible for the whole payment in case of divorce. 5. In 1963 Nicolai mentions a once characteristic, but by then less signifi cant, distinction between slaves and free men. One would likp to know how important this might be now and in what circumstances. Th2 same applies to the apparently once frequent presence of age classes. Production system. With the exception of palm nuts, coffee, and irrigated rice, the latter two of which are relative.ly rare in most areas, the normal system of cultiva tion is slash and burn, with ever declining fallow periods.

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