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Die folgenden fünf Kapitel behandeln dann die Ergebnisse zu den einzelnen Perioden. Die Befunde und Funde der Früh- (Kap. 3, „Traces of Early Complexity“, S. 25-51, R. Mat- thews) und Mitteluruk-Zeit (Kap. 4, „Developing Comple- xity“, S. 53-95, C. Felli) in Tell Brak haben sich als Teil einer weitreichenden Kontaktzone zwischen Nordmesopotamien und den benachbarten Gebieten — Südostanatolien einerseits, Südmesopotamien andererseits — während des fünften und frühen vierten Jahrtausends erwiesen. In einer sprachlich sehr dichten und inhaltlich sehr umfassenden Darstellungsweise wird nicht nur die Keramik (und andere Funde) beschrieben und eingeordnet, sondern die Autoren weisen immer wieder auf den Zusammenhang zwischen technologischer Entwick- lung und dem gesellschaftlichen Kontext hin (z.B. S. 37-38; 73-75). Der chronologische Rahmen der einzelnen Perioden wird zusätzlich durch insgesamt 39 C14-Analysen von ver- kohltem Getreide abgesichert. Eine der zentralen Aufgaben der Kampagnen 1994-96 war es, die in Tell Brak erst seit 1988 nachgewiesene Bebauung der Ninive 5-Zeit intensiver zu untersuchen (Kap. 5, „A Chief- dom on the Northern Plains“, S. 97-191, R. Matthews). Offen- bar lassen sich in diesem Zeitraum umfassende gesellschafts- politische Veränderungen aufzeigen: Die Kontakte zu ARCHEOLOGIE Südmesopotamien enden plötzlich und um etwa 3000 v. Chr. setzt eine neue, eigenständige kulturelle Entwicklung ein, die spätestens um 2500 v. Chr. zu dem aus den Eblatexten bekann- MATTHEWS, R. (ed.) — Excavations at Tell Brak, vol. 4: ten Königreich Nagar führt. Aus diesem Zeitraum ist eine ein- Exploring an Upper Mesopotamian Regional Centre, räumige Tempelanlage belegt (HS4, Phase1) 5-4), die Paralle- 1994-1996. Oxbow Books, Oxford, 2003. (26 cm, XVIII, len zu Bauten in Kashkashok, Schicht III, Chagar Bazar, 446). ISBN 1-902937-16-3. £ 75,-. Schicht 4 und Tell al-Raqa'i, Schicht 3 besitzt (S. 109-115). Das vorliegende Buch darf als ein für die Archäologie des Der Bereich HS4 hat eine sehr wichtige Abfolge für die Vorderen Orients sehr wichtiger, in vielerlei Hinsicht sogar Ninive 5-Periode erbracht (Phasen 11-4), beginnend mit der grundlegender Beitrag angesehen werden. Tell Brak ist zwei- vor-Ninive 5-zeitlichen Phase 11 (Periode H nach Oates) und fellos einer der bedeutendsten mehrperiodigen Siedlungs- einer über mehrere Phasen reichenden Entwicklung von plätze in Nordostsyrien. Die dort bisher nachgewiesene geritzter (incised) zur kerbschnittverzierten (excised) Ware Besiedlung reicht von dem Spätchalkolithikum (LC 1) bis in (Perioden J und K nach Oates). Das gesamte Inventar dieser die Eisenzeit (vgl. Tabelle 1.1.). Die hier behandelten Gra- Periode wird ausführlich besprochen und anhand von Ver- bungskampagnen von 1994-1996 haben vor allem neue gleichen in einen regionalen Kontext gestellt (S. 123-134). Ergebnisse zu den frühen Perioden bis hin zur Akkadzeit Dabei finden die entsprechenden Funde und Befunde aus sowie zur Mittleren Bronzezeit erbracht. Schon durch Kapi- Tell Chuera nur ansatzweise Berücksichtigung — zweifellos telüberschriften wird jeweils ein historisch-gesellschaftlicher eine Folge der derzeitigen Publikationslage für Tell Chuera. Zusammenhang impliziert, der gleichzeitig als grundlegende Einige Bemerkungen seien daher erlaubt. Für die jüngste Forschungsausrichtung anzusehen ist: von den Spuren früher Phase, HS4, Phase 4 (Periode K nach Oates), ist, allerdings gesellschaftlicher Komplexität — LC 1-4 — über sogenannte mit nur sehr wenigen Beispielen, das erstmalige Auftreten Häuptlingstümer (chiefdom) — FBZ I-II — zum Territorial- von Metallischer Ware in Tell Brak belegt. In Tell Chuera staat — Akkad. Dieser Zusammenhang wird dann noch ein- kommt diese Ware erstmals in der Periode Tell Chuera IB mal in Kap. 8 „Ceramics and society“ wieder aufgenommen, vor. Diese Periode ist in eine späte Phase (Bauphasen 10-12 kommt aber auch in allen anderen Kapiteln deutlich zum in Tell Chuera, Bereich K und 9-11 in Kharab Sayyar) und Ausdruck und darf als Grundlage der wissenschaftlichen in eine frühe Phase (Bauphasen 13-22 in Tell Chuera, K, und Konzeption des Herausgebers und seiner Mitarbeiter ver- 12-15 in Kharab Sayyar) zu unterteilen (J.-W. Meyer, R. standen werden. Hempelmann, Bemerkungen zu Mari aus der Sicht von Tell In Kap 1 („Issues and Approaches“, S. 1-6, R. Matthews) Chuera — Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der ersten Hälfte des finden sich eine allgemeine Einleitung sowie Erläuterungen 3. Jts. v. Chr., AfO 33, 2006, 22-41, bes. 26-27). In beiden zur verwendeten Grabungs- und Dokumentationsweise. In Phasen kommen vor allem konische Becher der Metallischen dem 2. Kap. („Surface Investigations“, S. 7-23, R. Matthews) Ware zusammen mit kerbschnittverzierter (excised) Ninive wird die Anwendung inzwischen bewährter archäologischer 5-Keramik und mit Karababa-Ware vor; aus Bauphase 18 in Methoden der Oberflächenuntersuchungen — das intensive Tell Chuera stammt darüber hinaus eine Scherbe der geritz- Absammeln in begrenzten Flächen und das Abkratzen der ten Ninive V-Ware. Die Standardware der früheren Phase Oberflächen („collecting and scraping“) — deutlich. Mit lässt sich am ehesten mit Keramik aus Hammam VI east, Tell Hilfe dieser Vorgehensweise war es möglich, der Fragestel- lung entsprechende Grabungsbereiche zu lokalisieren, und gleichzeitig konnten zudem weiterreichende Aussagen über 1) Für den englischen Begriff „level“ wird hier die deutsche Überset- die verschiedenen Siedlungsperioden getroffen werden. zung „Phase“ verwendet. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 93

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Bi'a und Kurban Hüyük, Periode IV vergleichen, während mehrere Beispiele) sowie zahlreichen weiteren frühdynasti- sich keramische Vergleiche für die spätere Phase in Tell Lei- schen und akkadischen Siegeln ein. lan IIId und Tell al-Raqa'i, Schicht 3 finden; aus den betref- Im Hinblick auf die relative Chronologie Nordostsyriens fenden Schichten in Tell Leilan und Raqa'i sind darüber hin- sei eine Anmerkung gestattet: offenbar lässt sich keine so aus auch Siegelabrollungen bekannt, die stilistisch und feste Trennlinie zwischen stilistisch und ikonographisch ein- ikonographisch Beispielen aus Tell Chuera gleichen, sich dort deutig spätfrühdynastischem Material und solchem der frühen aber in sekundärer Fundlage befanden. Auffallend sind wei- Akkadzeit ziehen, wie es das zur Zeit vorherrschende Chro- terhin Ähnlichkeiten zu Siegeln aus dem Diyala-Gebiet, die nologiesystem (M. Lebeau, Stratified archaeological evidence FD II datiert werden; gleiches gilt auch für die bekannten and compared periodizations in the Syrian Jezirah during the Statuetten, die zwar in einem Bauzusammenhang der Periode third millennium BC; in: K. Marro, H. Hauptmann, Chro- Tell Chuera ID gefunden wurden, aus ikonographischen nologies des Pays du Caucase et de l'Euphrate aux IVe-IIIe Gründen aber am ehesten der Periode IB früh (Bauphasen 13- Millénaires. Varia Anatolica XI, Paris 2000, 167-192) vor- 22) zuzuordnen sind. gibt (vgl. die entsprechende Kritik in Meyer, Hempelmann, Der so umschriebene Zeitraum gehört nach unserer Auf- AfO 33, 2006, 28-29 mit Anm. 43 und 44). Vielmehr scheint fassung zur Frühen Bronzezeit II, bzw. FD II in Südmeso- es — und das legen auch die betreffenden Befunde in Tell potamien. Gegen Ende dieses Zeitraums (oder eher zu Beginn Chuera nahe — einen ununterbrochenen Übergang zwischen von Tell Chuera IC) wurde die äußere Stadtmauer in Tell diesen beiden (südmesopotamischen) Perioden gegeben zu Chuera errichtet, d.h. zu diesem Zeitpunkt wurde, wie in Tell haben; eine erkennbare Veränderung tritt erst im Verlaufe Leilan, die Stadterweiterung durchgeführt. der Akkadzeit ein. Die Antwort auf die von den Autoren S. Demnach kann die Periode IB in Tell Chuera am ehesten 194 gestellte Frage, ob eine auf südmesopotamischen Ereig- mit den jüngeren Phasen von HS4 in Tell Brak — vielleicht nissen und Funden beruhende Terminologie und Typologie sogar nur mit der Phase HS4, Phase 4 — gleichgesetzt wer- ohne weiteres auf die nördlich gelegenen Gebiete übertragen den, da das Material aus Tell Chuera IA keine direkten Ver- werden darf, sollte daher mit „Nein“ beantwortet werden. gleiche mehr mit Tell Brak und dem Osten erlaubt. Vielmehr Auch in Tell Chuera finden sich stilistisch vergleichbare weisen vor allem die keramischen Beispiele auf Verbindun- Objekte (Siegelbilder, Keramik, Statuetten) in Kontexten der gen mit dem Norden und Osten hin. Anzuführen sind in die- Periode Tell Chuera ID, die anhand von C14-Daten um etwa sem Zusammenhang sowohl Töpfe mit der „reserved slip“- 2450 v. Chr. beginnt und bis in die Akkadzeit reicht (nun ist oder mit Kammstrich-Dekor, vor allem aber die recht zahl- ja auch in Südmesopotamien frühsargonidisches Material von reichen Belege für cyma recta-Schüsseln, die gute Ver- spät-frühdynastischen [FD IIIb] kaum zu unterscheiden). gleichsmöglichkeiten mit der FBZ I-zeitlichen Keramik in Zunächst im Gesamtkontext etwas isoliert wirkend findet Südanatolien erlauben (z.B. Kurban Höyük V, Samsat II, aber sich in Kap. 7 („A House on the Hill“, S. 271-319, H. McDo- auch Qara Quzaq, Schicht V und Tell Raqa'i, Schicht 5-7). nald, N. Jackson) ein Beitrag zu den Ergebnissen im Bereich Dieser Horizont entspricht aber zeitlich den älteren Phasen HN. Ziel war es, weitere Hinweise auf die Siedlungsstruktur im Bereich HS4 von Tell Brak. während der immer noch schlecht belegten Zeit um 2000 v. Das anschließende Kap. 6 („Impact of Empire“, S. 193- Chr. zu finden, den Übergang von der Frühen zur Mittleren 269, C. Steele, H. McDonald, R. Matthews, J. Black) behan- Bronzezeit (Perioden N und P nach Oates). Diese Hoffnung delt den Zeitraum vom späten Frühdynastikum bis in die frühe erfüllte sich allerdings nicht; vielmehr konnten ausschließ- Akkadzeit (Perioden L und M nach Oates; ca. 2400-2300 v. lich mittelbronzezeitlich — altbabylonisch und mitanni-zeit- Chr.). Die Bedeutung von Tell Brak als regionales Zentrum lich (Khabur- und Nuzi-Ware) — zu datierende Befunde frei- in Obermesopotamien geht vor allem aus den Texten in Tell gelegt werden. Beydar und Ebla hervor, die eine Identifikation mit dem Die Kapitel 8-12 sind dann speziellen naturwissenschaft- Königsitz Nagar belegen. Eine Einbindung in die umfangrei- lichen Untersuchungen vorbehalten. In dem Beitrag von M. chen wirtschaftlichen Interaktionen dieser Zeit geht nicht nur Eiland zur Keramikproduktion in Tell Brak (Kap. 8, „Cera- aus den entsprechenden schriftlichen Quellen hervor, sondern mics and Society, S. 321-362) werden die umfassenden Mög- wird auch durch die zahlreichen Funde von Siegelabrollungen lichkeiten einer Anwendung moderner naturwissenschaftli- bestätigt. Auf der Basis der grundlegenden Arbeit zur Glyp- chen Analysen für die Interpretation einer der wesentlichen tik aus Tell Brak (D. M. Matthews, The Early Glyptic of Tell Fundgattungen archäologischer Feldforschung überaus deut- Brak. OBO, Series Archaeologica 15, Göttingen 1997) wird lich. Auf der Basis petrographischer und chemischer Unter- das neue Material detailliert behandelt. Es erfolgt in diesem suchungen des Rohmaterials Ton werden nicht nur Aussagen Zusammenhang eine Unterteilung der Darstellungen hin- zur Herstellungstechnologie getroffen, sondern auch zu dem sichtlich der verwendeten Motive und Stile; dabei wird zwi- sich im Laufe der Zeit verändernden gesellschaftlichen Kon- schen einem mesopotamischen und syrischen Stil sowie dem text, in dem diese Produktion stattfindet: Haushalt oder Brak-Stil unterschieden. Darüber hinaus belegen zahlreiche Werkstatt. In eindrucksvoller Weise gelingt es dem Verf. die Objekte aus einem Hortfund (HS3; S. 203-209) die in dieser eigenen Untersuchungsergebnisse mit den bisher bekannten Zeit wieder recht engen Beziehungen zu Mesopotamien. zu verbinden und so eine Entwicklung der Keramiktechno- Zu den Hortfunden gehören auch ein löwenköpfiger Adler logie von der Halafzeit bis in das 2. Jt. v. Chr. aufzuzeigen aus Lapislazuli und mit einem Kopf aus Gold sowie ein Gold- (S. 342-354). blech mit zwei sich überkreuzenden Löwen, deren en face Die in den Kap. 3-7 beschriebenen politischen Verände- wiedergegebenen Köpfe plastisch ausgebildet sind. Matthews rungen und wechselnden Beziehungen zu den benachbarten interpretiert die Löwenpranken als Adlerkrallen und stellt so Gebieten werden durch die Veränderung der Keramikpro- eine Verbindung mit löwenköpfigen Adler her. Stilistisch fügt duktion, vor allem aber der Importstrategie bestätigt; so lässt sich diese Darstellung jedoch durchaus in die Wiedergabe sich z. B. während der Urukzeit typologisch, petrographisch von Löwen auf Siegeln aus Tell Brak selbst (z.B. Abb. 6.71, und chemisch ein größerer Anteil an importierter Keramik 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 94

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nachweisen, als während der Ninive 5-Periode. In der zwei- NICOLLE, C. — Travaux de 1992-2000 sur les buttes A et ten Hälfte des 3. Jts. nehmen die Importe dann wieder zu. B. (Tell Mohammed Diyab 3). Éditions Recherches sur Zu diesen importierten Gefäßen gehören auch die Beispiele les Civilisations, Paris, 2006. (23,4 cm, XI, 273). ISBN der bereits häufig untersuchten Metallischen Ware. Anhand 978-2-86538-309-2. / 45,-. der Tonzusammensetzung lassen sich im wesentlichen zwei Tell Mohammed Diyab has been excavated since 1987 and Varianten unterscheiden — eine kalkarme und eine kalkrei- reported on in various preliminary and final reports. The first che. In einer gerade abgeschlossenen Dissertation (Chr. Falb, final report contains the results of the 1987 and 1988 seasons. Untersuchungen an Keramikwaren des dritten Jahrtausends The following 1990 and 1991 seasons are reported on in the v. Chr. aus Nordsyrien, Diss. Frankfurt a.M. 2006) konnte second volume of the Tell Mohammed Diyab series. Between festgestellt werden, dass die insgesamt sehr viel häufiger auf- 1992 and 2000, the site was annually excavated with the tretende kalkarme Variante zwar im gesamten nördlichen Teil exception of 1994, and the results are discussed in the pre- der syrischen Djezirah verbreitet ist, sich in der chemischen sent volume. This suggests that the excavators have decided Zusammensetzung aber grundlegend von der kalkreichen to publish the excavation results per season, rather than orga- Variante sowie von allen lokalen Waren unterscheidet. Das nize and publish them thematically. This means that data on Ursprungsgebiet, zumindest des Tons, sollte daher an ehesten any given topic must be gathered from multiple volumes, and in Südostanatolien vermutet werden. that information from earlier reports must be checked for later Die vier abschließenden Kapitel beschäftigen sich wie- revisions. This organization, however, has the far greater derum jeweils direkt mit den gesellschaftlichen Konsequen- advantage of allowing speedy publication, which can only be zen, die sich aus einer entsprechenden Analyse von bestimm- congratulated. As will be seen, the excavators have realized ten Fundgruppen ergeben. Bisher sehr wenig berücksichtigt the drawback of publishing excavation results per season in den Grabungspublikationen sind die Steinwerkzeuge, rather than thematically, and have gone to some lengths to obwohl sie eine der größten Fundgattungen darstellen. Der help the reader (re-)interpret the results published earlier. hier vorgelegte Beitrag von J. Conolly (Kap. 9, „Tools and The excavation report is well organized. It starts with short Debitage of Obsidian and Flint“, S. 363-375) behandelt die notes by the previous and current excavators of Tell betreffenden Objekte unter technologischen und typologi- Mohammed Diyab, Jean-Marie Durand and Christophe schen Aspekten. Ziel ist es, für die einzelnen Perioden Unter- Nicolle respectively, on the historical and scientific context schiede und Entwicklungen in der Produktion herauszuar- of the excavation. Following these is an introductory chapter beiten. Die Verwendung von Obsidian geht nach der Frühen on excavation history and methodology, and on the con- Urukzeit deutlich zurück und die Werkzeuge selbst, jetzt vor- struction of the chronology employed at Tell Mohammed wiegend aus lokalem Flint, werden deutlich größer und weni- Diyab. The remainder of the book is organized in two parts. ger sorgfältig gearbeitet The first part, containing chapters 2-6, deals with the stratig- Die Nutzung und die unterschiedlichen Konzepte von raphy of the various excavation areas. Chapters 7-8 make up Raum — in Häusern, Höfen, Strassen — stehen im Mittel- the second part and discuss the pottery chronology and the punkt von Kap. 10 („Microstratigraphic Sequences: Indica- occupational and cultural sequence of Tell Mohammed tions of Uses and Concepts of Space“, W. Matthews, S. 377- Diyab. 388); daraus schließt die Verfasserin auf bestimmte Chapter 1, ‘Présentation de la fouille de Tell Mohammed Produktionsweisen. Es folgen archäobotanische (Kap. 11, Diyab’, actually provides the backbone of the entire volume, „Plants and People“, S. Colledge, S. 389-416) und archäo- namely the chronology that is employed at the site. The chap- zoologische Untersuchungen (Kap. 12, „Diet, Economy and ter starts with a short history of research at Mohammed Status: Evidence from the Animal Bones“, K. Dobney, D. Diyab. It then continues with an outline of the excavation Jaques, W. Van Neer, S. 417-430). Auffallend sind die Ver- strategy and recording conventions. The choice for a partic- änderungen in der Anbau-Strategie nach der Uruk-Zeit, vor ular strategy already influences results and interpretation, and allem in Bezug auf die Düngung der Felder, sowie der über- such an outline should therefore be part of every excavation raschend hohe Anteil an Fischen (besonders Karpfen). Das report, even though the strategies themselves will be famil- Vorkommen von Gazellen und Onager lässt zudem Rück- iar. Following this is an essay on the construction of the schlüsse auf natürliche Umwelt zu. chronology that is used in the remainder of the book. First, Der Band 4 der Grabungsberichte von Tell Brak stellt the site surface surveys by Weiss and Lyonnet are consid- somit eine umfassende Erweiterung unseres Wissens über die ered. Weiss interpreted the survey evidence in light of the Siedlungsgeschichte in Nordsyrien dar. Jeder einzelne sequence derived from Tell Leilan, and his chronology was Abschnitt darf als ein in sich geschlossener, jeweils gut und later extended by Lyonnet. The results from her survey are äußerst umfangreich illustrierter Betrag angesehen werden. illustrated by a series of site maps indicating sherd densities Die überaus reichhaltige Vorlage von Material (Keramik, for the various periods recognized during the survey. As is Glyptik usw.) erweitert nicht nur unsere Kenntnisse über die customary for this type of survey, the site was divided in mul- materielle Kultur dieser Schlüsselsiedlung in Nordostsyrien, tiple areas based on site morphology and topography, allow- sondern ist auch wichtig für die chronologische Einordnung ing to crudely model settlement shifts through time. und den Vergleich mit anderen Siedlungen. Dem Herausge- As the excavation proceeded, new information led to the ber und den einzelnen Autoren sei für dieses in vielerlei Hin- establishment of increasingly precise chronologies, also aided sicht vorbildliche Werk gedankt. by the simultaneous refinement of the periodization for the Upper Khabur region as a whole. This process is nicely illus- Frankfurt, Januar 2008 Jan-Waalke MEYER trated by two tables showing the periodization for Mohammed Diyab as it was known in 1990 and 1996, respec- ** tively. Before a final periodization for Mohammed Diyab is * 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 95

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presented, the author discusses the problems associated with cal developments of the Jezirah region than the traditional sys- dating third and early second millennium pottery assem- tem with its southern Mesopotamian political divisions, but it blages. For the third millennium, this discussion focuses on is not necessarily clearer and certainly lacks the flair of the the definition of pottery associated or contemporary with more traditional periodization. This is, however, only a minor Akkadian presence in the Upper Khabur area, and on the comment that probably does not deserve so much attention. presence of recognizable pre- en post-Akkad pottery phases. All in all, this is a solid excavation report that adds con- The periodization, classification, and beginning of Khabur siderably to the already overwhelming body of data from the Ware pottery also remain problematic and hamper the defin- Upper Khabur region. The detailed analysis of stratigraphy ition of a detailed early second millennium chronology. Tak- and pottery provides a solid basis for future reports hopefully ing these difficulties into account, the author then proposes dealing with, e.g., faunal and botanical analyses needed to a chronology for Tell Mohammed Diyab, and for the Upper contextualize the now well-established architectural and cul- Khabur region as a whole. This chapter, then, brings together tural developments of Tell Mohammed Diyab. old and new data on Upper Khabur chronology and provides a useful contextualization and update of earlier publications Leiden, February 2008 Arne WOSSINK on Mohammed Diyab. Chapters 2-6 provide a detailed discussion of the stratig- ** raphy of excavation areas 1, 2, 5a, 5b, and 6 on the main tell. * Some of these areas are described in less detail, as they will be the subjects of upcoming publications, but in general the YENER, K.A. (Ed.) — The Amuq Valley Regional Projects, level of detail is quite high. Every chapter starts with a short Volume 1. Surveys in the Plain of Antioch and Orontes introduction of the work that was conducted, and the research Delta, Turkey, 1995-2002. (Oriental Institute Publicati- questions driving the work. On this introduction follows a ons Volume 131). Oriental Institute of the University of table identifying the main phases that were encountered, as Chicago, Chicago 2005. (30,5 cm, XLII, 293 + 6 Pls.). well as the nature of occupation. The chapters then proceed ISBN 1-885923-32-5. ISSN 0069-3367. £ 40,00. with a description of phases in chronological order, focusing heavily on the architectural development. Special attention is Bei dem hier vorliegenden Buch handelt es sich um den given to the dimensions of mudbricks, which are compared ersten Band einer geplanten Reihe von Veröffentlichungen, in several tables. Every phase is illustrated with a map indi- die die Ergebnisse der zwischen 1995 und 2002 unternom- cating locus numbers, mudbrick alignments, elevations, and menen Geländebegehungen im Amuq-Gebiet zum Inhalt significant finds. Several section drawings are also provided, haben sollen. Das Amuq-Gebiet ist eine fruchtbare Ebene, allowing control of the diachronic development. die vom Orontes durchflossen wird und so mit dem Mittel- The second part of the volume, called ‘Datation et rythmes meer in Verbindung steht. Schon in den 30er Jahren des 20. d’occupation’, contains a detailed pottery analysis (Chapter Jhs. wurde das Gebiet durch die Syro-Hittite Expedition der 7, ‘La périodisation de la céramique de Tell Mohammed Universität Chicago unter Leitung von R. Braidwood inten- Diyab’), and a synthesis combining all available evidence siv erforscht. Es konnten 178 Siedlungen nachgewiesen (Chapter 8, ‘Rythmes d’occupation et rythmes culturels à Tell werden; in acht von ihnen — u.a. Tell Ta’yinat, Tell Judai- Mohammed Diyab’). In chapter 7, the principal reference dah, Chatal Hüyük, Tell Kurdu, Tell Dhahab, Tell ’Imar al- sites are discussed, as well as the pottery repertoire from Sharqi — fanden mehr oder weniger umfangreiche Ausgra- Mohammed Diyab. This chapter focuses on the third and bungen statt. Außerdem sind besonders noch die Arbeiten early second millennium pottery. Pottery from phases XIV von Sir Leonard Woolley in Tell Atchana (Alalakh) hier zu (EJ I-II) to VIIIa (OJ II) is presented and discussed exten- erwähnen. Die im Verlaufe dieser Arbeiten etablierte Kera- sively, with particular attention paid to the question of miksequenz reicht vom Neolithikum bis in die islamische Khabur Ware origins. Chapter 8 presents a picture of archi- Zeit und bildet noch heute die Basis für die Chronologie der tectural and cultural developments at Tell Mohammed Diyab. Levante sowie großer Teile Syriens. Im Jahre 1995 wurden Tell Mohammed Diyab’s close proximity to Tell Leilan adds die Arbeiten vom Oriental Institute Chicago unter Leitung to the importance of this report in the discussion of late third- von K. A. Yener als Amuq Valley Regional Project (AVRP) early second millennium developments in the Jezirah. The wieder aufgenommen; die archäologische und geoarchäo- excavators, then, logically devote considerable attention to logische Feldarbeit stand dabei unter Leitung von Tony J. this discussion. They specifically remark that they do not see Wilkinson. evidence for a phase of imperialization contemporary with Das derzeitige Projekt findet in einem deutlich größeren Leilan IIb, and also that there may have been a considerable regionalen Gebiet statt und umfasst neben der eigentlichen post-Akkadian occupation at Mohammed Diyab. The chap- Amuq-Ebene auch das Orontes-Delta. Darüber hinaus bein- ter further details the two phases of “Amorite” occupation at haltet es neben den archäologischen Untersuchungen in Ala- the site, including a discussion on the causes of the strati- lakh, landschaftsarchäologische Fragestellungen, wie die graphical break between them. Rekonstruktion der antiken Umwelt und deren Veränderun- There are some small, potentially confusing errors, or per- gen durch den Menschen, das Entstehen und die Verände- haps more correctly typos. At several places EJ I or EJ II is rung von Siedlungssystemen außerdem archäometallurgische written where OJ I/II is meant (e.g., pp. 169, 240). Such errors Fragestellungen (vgl. K. A. Yener, The Domestication of are not really problematic, but they may be confusing for those Metals. The Rise of Complex Metal Industries in Anatolia. who are unfamiliar with north Mesopotamian chronology and CHANE 4, London, Boston, Köln 2000). Dieser erste Band its complexities. These errors also illustrate the weakness of enthält die Ergebnisse einer Reihe von jeweils untereinander trying to introduce a uniform periodization. The EJ/OJ/MJ koordinierten Feldarbeiten entsprechender interdisziplinärer system perhaps better reflects the archaeological and histori- Untersuchungen. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 96

187 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXV N° 1-2, januari-april 2008 188

In der Einleitung (Kap. 1: „The Amuq Valley Regional Berücksichtigung der bereits bestehenden Informationen. Projects“, S. 1-23) von K. A. Yener findet sich ein Überblick Außerdem haben geophysikalische Messungen in der Unter- über den Forschungsstand sowie die Hintergründe für die stadt Hinweise auf weitere Gebäudestrukturen ergeben (Fig. Weiterarbeit und den aktuellen Neuanfang. Im Mittelpunkt 7.8-7.11). In dem abschließenden Kap. 8 („Conclusions“, S. standen zunächst eine ausgedehnte Geländebegehung und 193-202) legt K. A. Yener eine Zusammenfassung der bis- kleinere Untersuchungen einzelner Siedlungen durch Sonda- herigen Ergebnisse vor. Neben der bereits erwähnten Liste gen; erst in einem späteren, zweiten Abschnitt sollen umfas- der Siedlungsplätze (Appendix A), beschließen die Bearbei- sendere Ausgrabungen erfolgen. Insgesamt konnten 346 Sied- tung eines Skarabäus aus dem Neuen Reich (Appendix B lungen nachgewiesen und zum Teil vorgestellt werden „Scarab“, S. 281, von R. K. Ritner) und ein recht nützlicher (Appendix A: „Site Gazetteer“, S. 203-280 von J.-J. Casana, Index der geographischen Namen sowie acht Fototafeln mit T. Wilkinson); dabei handelt es sich vor allem um Talsied- unterschiedlicher Objekte den insgesamt sehr gut illustrier- lungen, solche in Gebirgslagen sind einem späteren Band vor- ten Band. behalten. Zweifellos hat dieser fundierte und im Rahmen einer Die folgenden fünf Kapitel bilden das eigentliche Herz- modernen interdisziplinären archäologischen Feldforschung stück des Buches. Kap. 2 („Settlement and Landscapes in the stehende Band unser Wissen um die Besiedlung des Amuq- Amuq Region“, S. 25-65 von J.-J. Casana, T. Wilkinson) Gebiets deutlich erweitert; jedoch handelt es sich dabei, wie behandelt die Ergebnisse der geomorphologischen Untersu- die Herausgeberin selbst schreibt, erst um einen Zwi- chungen im Hinblick auf die Nutzung und Veränderung der schenstand. Wir warten mit Spannung auf weitere Ergebnisse. Landschaft sowie durch die Ausbeutung der natürlichen Res- sourcen. Weiterhin wird die daraus resultierende komplexe Frankfurt, Januar 2008 Jan-Waalke MEYER soziale Einbindung der Menschen thematisiert und zu einer Siedlungsgeschichte des Gebietes vom Paläolithikum bis zur ** islamischen Zeit zusammengefasst. Auffallend ist das Fehlen * von präkeramischen Siedlungsplätzen — weder in der Ebene noch im Hochland —, das der Verfasser mit einer massiven PARZINGER, H., and H. SCHWARZBERG — A≥agı Pınar Sedimentierung begründet oder deren vollständigen Über- II. Die mittel- und spätneolithische Keramik. (Studien bauung durch jüngere Strukturen. Erst im frühen keramischen im Thrakien-Marmara-Raum 2). Verlag Philipp von Neolithikum (Amuq A) lässt sich eine Besiedlung nachwei- Zabern GmbH, Mainz am Rhein, 2005. (30,5 cm, VIII, sen. Seit der Frühen Bronzezeit scheint ein mehrschichtiges 422). ISBN 978-3-8053-3541-6. / 75,80. Siedlungssystem zu bestehen mit Zentren u.a. in Tell Ta’yi- nat, Tell Atchana und Tell Salihiyyah. This book is the second in a series of final reports on the Die Erweiterung der aktuellen Untersuchungen bis an die Northwest Turkish site of A≥agı Pınar. Where Volume 1 was Mittelmeerküste, um so Hinweise auf die historische Ent- concerned with the stratigraphy and architectural remains1), wicklung und die soziokulturelle Interaktion in diesem Gebiet the present work in a comprehensive way deals with the sowie mit der Amuq-Ebene zu erhalten, wird in Kapitel 3 ceramics (Parzinger) and, in a separate section, with one spe- („The Orontes Delta Survey“, S. 67-98) von H. Pamir behan- cial form here called ‘small cult tables’ (Kulttischchen) delt. Auffallend ist das nahezu vollständige Fehlen von Sied- (Schwarzberg). While the excavations on A≥agı Pınar are still lungen im Deltabereich vor der Mitte des 2. Jts. v. Chr. — continuing, the book under review is limited to the material vermutlich ebenfalls eine Folge der Sedimentierung. from seasons 1993-1998, covering phases AP2-AP5, and Die Kap. 4-6 befassen sich mit neueren Untersuchungen equivalent to the Middle and Late Neolithic periods. Earlier in Tell Atchana, die aus den alten Grabungen entstandenen deposits currently being excavated date to the Early Neolithic. Fragen klären sollen. Kap. 4 („Alalakh Spatial Organisation“, Later periods, including a large Hellenistic tumulus and an S. 99-144 von K. A. Yener) beschreibt die Ergebnisse der extensive Iron Age occupation, are not the subject of this book. Ausgrabungen (s. Fig. 4.28-4.34) und stellt sie in einen To be noted is that the periodisation follows Southeast Euro- Zusammenhang mit den mittel- und spätbronzezeitlichen pean conventions; in Anatolian prehistory the periods would Zentren Ebla, Qatna und Bogazköy. Kap. 5 („The Tell belong to the Middle Chalcolithic. This aspect already signals Atchana Mapping and GIS Project“, S. 145-152, von S. the main characteristic of A≥agı Pınar: situated in Turkish Batiuk, A. A. Burke) ist der Versuch, die alten Grabungs- Thrace the site links up in the first place to Bulgaria and North- pläne mit Hilfe von GPS-Daten in das UTM-Koordinatensy- ern Greece rather than to the Turkish mainland. The careful stem einzufügen. Kap. 6 schließlich („Surface Ceramics, Off- excavation, as reported in Vol. 1, coupled with a good series Site Survey, and Floodplain Development at Tell Atchana of 14C dates make A≥agı Pınar a key-site in current Balkan (Alalakh)“, S. 153-169 von J.-J. Casana, A. R. Gansell) ent- research. The present ceramic studies strengthen that position. hält die Ergebnisse einer intensiven Begehung des Sied- Parzinger proceeds by giving an overview of the wares lungsgebietes sowie der näheren Umgebung. Darüber hinaus present, differentiation of which is based largely on surface fanden Untersuchungen zur geomorphologischen Struktur der treatment (‘fine, high-burnished’, ‘plain burnished’, and ‘sur- Umgebung statt. Als wichtigste Resultate dürfen die Fest- face roughened’), and subsequently on surface colour. A tight stellung, dass Tell Atchana (Alalakh) offenbar keine Unter- typological scheme based on some main categories (dishes, stadt besessen und dass ein Mäander des Orontes diese Sied- pots strictu sensu, and large vessels), but independent of the lung von Tell Ta’yinat getrennt hat, angesehen werden. ware division, leads, unfortunately, to a cumbersome perusal Kap. 7 („The Ta’yinat Survey, 1999-2002“, S. 171-192, von S. Batiuk, T. P. Harrison, L. Pavlish) beschäftigt sich mit Tell Ta’yinat selbst. Auch auf diesem Siedlungsplatz wurde 1) N. Karul, Z. Eres, M. Özdogan and H. Parzinger. Asagı Pınar I. Ein- führung, Forschungsgeschichte, Stratigraphie und Architektur. Mainz am ein topographischer Survey unternommen — wiederum unter Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 2003. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 97

189 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARCHEOLOGIE 190

of text, catalogue description and illustrations in order to The main part of Schwarzberg’s contribution consists of an check the ware group of a given sherd. A rough count on the exhaustive study of the phenomenon of the ‘cult table’ in the diagnostic sherds is used to statistically evaluate shifts in Near East and SE Europe, from its earliest occurrence in Ana- ware groups and types over AP5-AP2. Decorative techniques tolia in the 7th millennium to its demise in SE Europe in the are a third element adding to the variation present in the 5th millennium. All the cult tables in this area and within this sequence, and decorated sherds form a substantial part of the time span are grouped by Schwarzberg along four main types individual assemblages, where it should be noted that simple and ordered in what he calls five distinct ‘date groups’ surface roughening is counted as a decoration, as are also, (Datierungsgruppen). In an evaluation of the possible func- and less convincingly, handle extensions (the famous ‘horns’) tion of these vessels, a topic which has kept the attention of (cf. p. 28). Most dominant decorative methods, i.e., rippling scholars since their first retrieval in the early 20th C, the author (‘Kannelur’) and incision neatly alternate in the sequence, does not really make headway. He prefers to see the cult tables with the former the main technique in AP5-AP3, and the lat- as having ritual connotations, mainly on the basis of ‘their ter in AP2/3-AP2 (p. 30, table 36). This shift signals a kind being very conservative’ (i.e. basically unchanging in form and of reorientation in the sequence, where the AP3 assemblage decoration over 2000 years) (p. 305), while, simultaneously, displays newly emerging tendencies within the established the find evidence clearly points to domestic contexts only. tradition, without that there is, as Parzinger is careful to stress Schwarzberg’s main assumption, viz. of these vessels having several times, anything like an abrupt change. The A≥agı played a role in domestic, all-day ritual, perhaps as mobile Pınar ceramic development is gradual and slow-moving. Such altars is attractive, but cannot be substantiated as long as any an outcome is, actually, normal as soon as pottery assem- ideas of their immediate function(s) are not buttressed by blages from continuous phases are studied comprehensively actual use-wear and chemical analyses — for which this thor- and in a detailed way, as is the case here. A similar pattern ough investigation would have been the best possible keeper. of continuity and change happened to be the case when this The ceramic studies in the present work are another proof reviewer studied the Ilıpınar ceramics. Effectively, such of the necessity to study pottery of complex stratified sites in results contrast to older, impressionistically studied assem- great detail; backed up by dry-to-the-bone counting work and blages highlighting pre-selected, salient ‘types’, efficiently a wealth of illustrations (the pottery part contains 119 plates used in determining inclusion or exclusion of a given site of line drawings and some excellent photographs). The only within preconceived concepts on the researcher’s agenda. drawback is that Schwarzberg’s date groups are not up to pre- It is ‘normal’ too that the best links are with the Lower sent day information and standards, and a more refined Tundza area, best represented by the Drama micro-region chronological ordering would certainly have been called for sites excavated by Lichardus et al., whereas the connections in view of the fact that he treats the cult tables as part of the with the Turkish mainland are strenuous at best, certainly so outdated concept of the ‘Neolithic package’ in an east-west when reviewing Parzinger’s interpretation of the 14C evi- neolithization process. Recent publications show that this dence. While he maintains that Ilıpınar VB and AP5 corre- process was less coarse than presented here, to say the least late 14C-wise (‘widerspruchslos’ — p. 61), in fact the VB (p. 310ff.)3). These criticisms aside, A≥agı Pınar II is a solid series of dates most likely fall in the 56th millennium cal BC, study into the ceramic assemblage (including the special form whereas the AP5 dates sum at 5465-5225 cal BC (at 1s), but of the cult table) of a Neolithic SE European site, based on are peaking strongly between 5375-5290 cal BC. These cal- a good stratigraphy and backed up by a reliable series of (26) culations suggest the 54th Century cal BC as being the most radiocarbon dates, which are also published in this volume likely time span for AP52). This estimate, by the way, would (Görsdorff, p. 417ff.). The book will serve as a reliable source make AP5 also largely later than the burnt level at the Kara- for study of the Neolithic in Turkish Thrace and the wider novo site, Phase III (summing at 5485-5355 cal BC at 1s). region of Bulgaria and Greek Thrace, complementing the With both Ilıpınar VB and Karanovo III older than AP5, the Karanovo sequence. chronological scheme on p. 63 is already in need of revision. Heiner Schwarzberg’s treatment of the Kulttischchen in the Amsterdam, December 2007 Laurens THISSEN second part of this volume deals with all the fragments of this special ceramic form retrieved from the 1993-1998 seasons ** at A≥agı Pınar. He lets his analysis precede by useful chap- * ters on the form’s definition and its history of research. A next chapter on the distribution of the 202 cult tables that are THALMANN, J.-P., et al. — Tell Arqa - I. Les niveaus de attributable to a specific AP phase makes clear that these l’âge du Bronze. Deux volumes - volume I: Texte; vol- types were not restricted to specific contexts, but instead are ume II: Planches; et plans de repérage (dépliants). (Bib- a common part of the material retrieved from any excavation liothèque archéologique et historique, 177). Institut area (p. 277). An interesting attempt at a spatial analysis of français du Proche-Orient, Beyrouth, 2006. (28 cm, VI, decoration motifs fails to establish a contextual pattern, and 256 avec partie arabe + 145 pls.). ISBN 2-35159-032-5. the author rules out the possibility of specific symbols link- ISSN 0768-2506. ing up to social structure, mainly due to insufficient sup- porting evidence (p. 277). The present volume Tell Arqa I discusses the excavation results from the Bronze Age gathered by the Institut français

2) While only cursorily treated by Parzinger, preceding AP6 has 14C dates summing at 5720-5625 cal BC (1s), making it roughly contemporary 3) See, e.g., the studies in In C. Lichter (ed). How did farming reach with Ilıpınar Phases VII-VI. The summed range also suggests a hiatus of Europe? Anatolian-European relations from the second half of the 7th about 250 calendar years between AP6 and AP5. All calculations here are through the first half of the 6th millennium cal BC. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları, calibrated with the OxCal 4.0 programme, based on the IntCal04 curve or any recent volume of Michael Budja’s Documenta Praehistorica. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 98

191 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXV N° 1-2, januari-april 2008 192

d’archéologie du Proche-Orient in yearly campaigns from These descriptions have been supplemented with good top 1978 to 1981, 1992 to 1996 and in 1998. Tell Arqa is one of plan and section drawings, which combined with the exca- the most important tell sites in northern Lebanon, located ca. vation photographs depicted in the plates volume and the 20km east of Tripoli along the Arqa river in the Akkar plain. occasional reconstruction drawings provide the reader with a The excavations at the site are not only of a far-reaching clear overview of the excavation results per stratum. The importance for the history of northern Lebanon but are also numbering of the excavated zones and structures helps in this of significance for the archaeology of the larger Near East. respect. After the excavations all zones and structures were Tell Arqa is a large tell of 150x250m at its top and mea- renumbered for clarity. Instead of the original excavation suring 300x400m at its base. It is located on a natural hill on number that consisted of the last two numbers of the year of the northern side of the river Arqa. Previous excavation cam- excavation followed by a serial number, each structure or paigns have attested remains from the Mamluk (strata 1 and zone got a new unique number that contained the number of 2), Crusader (strata 3 and 4), Byzantine (strata 5 and 6), Hel- the stratum and a serial number. This renumbering of all lenistic (strata 7 and 8) and Iron Age II and III periods (strata excavation units must have been rather labour intensive and 9 and 10). During the first millennium BC a lower village is an additional possibility for making mistakes, but for the developed on a terrace on the northern and western foot of reader it adds to the clarity of the report and the ease of find- the tell extending over an area of ca. 12 hectares. The previ- ing the context of structures or objects. Objects are namely ous excavations had already touched upon Bronze Age put into context by the same manner of numbering plus a ser- remains and established their exceptional state of preserva- ial number per excavation unit, but the original number of tion. The later excavations were, therefore, specifically aimed the find location and year of excavation are preserved in the at uncovering these layers and exposing a large area of the object number that consists of the original excavation num- settlement, which was possible on the western side of the tell ber complemented with a serial number. In this way both the in area 1 covering ca. 600-700 m2. This volume discusses the old and the new system of numbering are visible in the pub- Bronze Age remains uncovered in area 1 dating to the sec- lication. ond half of the third and the entire second millennium BC. The second part of the text volume (p.91-206) is a descrip- From 1992 onwards the immediate vicinity of the site was tion of the artefacts discovered. In the first section consider- also investigated in order to demarcate an area of archaeolog- ations regarding the context and stratigraphy of the finds are ical importance that was to become a protected zone. Within discussed, e.g. open and closed contexts, intrusive objects, a radius of 3km both to the east of the tell and south of both etc. Furthermore, the methods of quantification and seriation the tell and the river remains of a cemetery were discovered. are elaborated on and the principles on which assemblages In the part of the cemetery farthest removed from the tell were defined are discussed. A second introductory section tombs dating to the Bronze Age have been found. Part of the (p.97-108) gives a practical overview of the principles and material from the cemetery is incorporated in this volume. techniques of the classification of ceramics. In this section The report is divided into an orderly text volume, a com- topics relating to the production of ceramics are considered. prehensive and well-printed plates volume and an additional An introduction into the manner of classification and pottery folder containing separate top plan and section drawings of typology is given. Definitions are given of what diameter and all strata on a scale of 1:50. What immediately springs to the height dimensions constitute, for example, a bowl, jar or eye is the quality of the layout, especially of the drawings plate. Furthermore, different types of ware are described and and plates. All excavation and object drawings have been dig- related to the different phases. Additionally, diachronic trends itized and depicted in manner giving sufficient detail but visible in the production process (e.g. slow and fast turning retaining a sober and systematic layout. The homogeneity that wheel), the surface treatment (e.g. paint, burnishing, slip, and can be reached by producing identical lines and colours by combing) and firing techniques are touched upon to be computer allows a wider differentiation in line thickness and described in detail in the discussion per phase. From page shades of grey to be used without becoming chaotic. 109 onwards descriptions of the pottery per phase are given The text volume is divided in three parts and includes an including parallels with other sites and evidence of absolute Arabic summary. It discusses the Bronze Age strata (niveau) dates (dates provided by radiocarbon samples are shown in 17 to 11 or phases R to K covering the final part of the Early an appendix). For each stratum a description of the different Bronze Age III until the Late Bronze Age II-III. The first part vessel types present is given. Each type is illustrated by a gives a description of the site and its stratigraphic subdivisions standardized vessel shape and has references to the examples (p.7-87). The first twelve pages are taken up by a description from the excavation depicted in the plates volume. Each of the site and an explanation of the excavation and registra- phase section ends with a conclusion. tion techniques. In contrast to many other Near Eastern exca- The general description of the pottery assemblage is fol- vations the main unit of excavation was not the locus, which lowed by a section written by Hanan Charaf-Mullins on was deemed less suitable as it is besides a topographical entity imported ceramics (p.173-192). In this section the Cypriotic occasionally also used in an architectural, chronostratigraphic and Mycenean imports of strata 11 to 13 are discussed. The or functional sense. All units of excavation were, therefore, subsequent section on stone artefacts is started by the descrip- either referred to as zones (layers) and structures (roads, walls, tion of a few basalt artefacts by the author himself (p.193- tannurs, etc), which should be understood in a strictly topo- 194) and followed by Éric Coqueugniot who discusses the graphic sense. Apart from the excavation and registration knapped stone tool assemblage and the Canaanean blades in methodology, terms and premises used in the interpretation and particular (p.195-202). The artefacts section is closed by periodisation are elaborated on in this section. Guillaume Gernez discussing the metal objects that were dis- In pages 17 to 87 a detailed description of each stratum or covered (p.203-206). niveau is given including accounts of the stratigraphy, the The third part of the text volume stretches from page 209 structures encountered and an interpretation of the finds. to 228 and contains conclusions about tell Arqa and its 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 99

193 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARCHEOLOGIE 194

regional context during the Bronze Age. In this section both This is nothwithstanding the conclusion by this reviewer that the environmental and social aspects of Bronze Age occupa- the DPV has been very German, while the PEF is very tion in the Akkar plain are discussed. Thalmann, for exam- British. Having been a member of both societies for some ple, ordered the other sites in the Akkar plain according to forty years, I appreciate both of them very much. Both soci- size for each phase of Tell Arqa. In this way he is able to eties originated in the middle of the nineteenth century when evaluate in which periods the region was densely occupied the Near East became far more open and safer for European and how tell Arqa compares to the general trend of occupa- visitors and scholars, due to the changing political situations tion in the region. He further proposes an interpretation of in the Eastern Mediterranean and to the opening of the Suez- the settlement network and social organisation during the canal in 1869. After 1870 it was possible to travel from Ams- Early, Middle and Late Bronze Ages and relates the trends terdam to Jaffa in about ten days. in the Akkar region to the larger Near East. While discussing Reading this volume it struck me how aristocratic and elit- topics like the expansion of agriculture, the emergence of ist the society was up to World War II. Kaiser Wilhelm II urbanisation and the increased importance territoriality, and was “member no. 1” untill his death in Holland in 1941. I the changes in pottery production and long distance trade, he have learned much from this volume about the society and places the final part of the Early and the Middle Bronze Age their efforts for the scholarly exploration of Palestine and against the Late Bronze Age. The changes that occur during especially how much it owed to the Kaiser. Several contri- the Late Bronze Age, e.g. the organisation of territories, the butions mention this. As I see it there are at least four expla- effects of the Egyptian presence in the region and the rise of nations given for this imperial engagement with Palestine. the kingdom of Amurru are considered to be essentially dif- The first is the political fact that Germany had good relations ferent from the changes and the society during the Early and with Turkey and the Sultan. As a result of this half of the area Middle Bronze Age. in the middle of the Old City of Jerusalem, known as Muris- On the whole this report is a valuable addition not only to tan ( and today a centre of especially Armenian and Greek the archaeology of the Akkar Plain or northern Lebanon, but presence in the city) was presented to then crown prince Wil- also to the understanding of Bronze Age societies in the Near helm at the occasion of his visit to Jerusalem in 1869 after East as a whole and the changes that take place during this participating in the festivities marking the opening of the important formative period. The report as a whole has a clear Suez canal. During his second visit in October1898, this time and well-ordered layout and in general shows a high level of as Emperor and accompanied by Empress Augusta Victoria, care and eye for detail. The homogeneous rendering of all the Church of the Redeemer (Erlöserkirche) was consecrated. digitized section drawings, top plans, pottery drawings and The church is built in the Northwest corner of Muristan. In other figures provides a clear and tranquil appearance. The 1898 another piece of land was given to him on Mt.Zion. computerized photographic rendering of pottery surfaces Efforts to acquire land to the East of the Old City, near the should be especially mentioned, as this gives a more objec- Mt. of Olives, were started but only completed in 1903. Here tive and hence comparable view of surface finishing and dec- the Augusta Victoria-complex was built. The Jerusalem base oration. The organisation of the report makes it accessible of the DPV was the Deutsches Evangelisches Institut für both for people interested in the stratigraphic results of the Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes founded in 1903. excavation but also for those searching for ceramic or other A second explanation is the growing awareness of the Kaiser parallels. In short the volume is a welcome addition to the that his emperorship was a continuation of Mediaeval tradi- archaeology of the Bronze Age in the Near East as a whole. tions, he began to view himself even as a new Constantine. In the third place there was the need felt by Wilhelm to Leiden University, December 2007 Eva KAPTIJN lead and stimulate Christian life and Church life in general, after the difficult times of the Kulturkampf. The fourth expla- nation is the growing need of imperial Germany to do every- ** thing that Britain did bigger and better * The seventeen chapters of this volume contain biographi- cal studies of the founding fathers of the society and on the HÜBNER, U. (Hrsg.) — Palaestina exploranda. Studien zur early excavations. Although the papers were read in 2002, as Erforschung Palästinas im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert the society existed 125 years, there is almost nothing on the anlässlich des 125jährigen Bestehens des Deutschen more recent years after World War II. The contribution by Vereins zur Erforschung Palästinas. (Abhandlungen des Davies on the PEF is already mentioned. The present pres- Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 34). Verlag Otto Harras- ident U.Hübner writes on the founding and early history of sowitz, Wiesbaden, 2006. (24,5 cm, XX, 332 + 30 Tfln). the society. Further we have papers on German Exploration ISBN 978-3-447-04895-8; 3-447-04895-6. ISSN 0173- in Palestine before World War I and one on the vicissitudes 1904. / 68,-. of the society during the time the Nazi’s were in power and The German society for the exploration of Palestine during World War II. [After long discussion it was decided (Palästina-Verein) was founded on the 28th of September to ask Jewish members politely by letter to resign, in order 1877. This volume consists mainly of the papers read at a not to endanger to continuation of the society. According to symposium to memorialize the jubilee year in 2002. The DPV the then young Martin Noth there were only three or four is a typical nineteenth century society, comparable for known Jewish members]. After World War II the society was instance with the British “Palestine Exploration Fund” disbanded between 1945 and 1952. The society suffered a founded in 1865. Therefore, it was a good idea to include a severe blow when the complete archives and materials in contribution by Graham Davies on “the Contribution of the their possession were lost in the bombardment of Leipzig Palestine Exploration Fund to Research on the Holy Land”. in 1944. But many letters referring to matters of the society In addition the chairman of the PEF attended the celebration. that were exchanged between for instance K.Galling, A.Alt 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 100

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and Martin Noth, have been saved in their private archives. experiences in the field — except where explicitly ethno- It is remarkable to read how well German postal services graphic investigations have been undertaken in the service of could function until late in the war.We find further a contri- archaeological goals — archaeologists are more likely to bution on the history of the Augusta Victoria Foundation. On invoke what they consider appropriate ethnographic analogies. the early excavations at Megiddo (Schumacher and In some cases, those analogies spring from anthropological lit- Watzinger) Jerusalem (Guthe). Persons who receive special erature on places where the archaeologist has never set foot. attention in a paper are: Emil Kautzsch; Albert Soccin; Con- In others, the analogies chosen clearly reflect personal travels rad Schick; Hermann Guthe; Gottlieb Schumacher; Carl and experiences, even if they are bolstered less by one’s own Watzinger; Tawfiq Canaan; Alex Carmel. Someone I missed field notes, than by scholarly literature on the communities, in this enumeration is Ernst Sellin and his excavations at regions or social groups in question. One concrete example of Taanach and Shechem. the impact of fieldwork life experiences on archaeological This jubilee volume focusses mainly on the origins and interpretation occurs when archaeologists confront nomadism. early history of the DPV. The accent is clearly on the years As the specific case under discussion here comes from Iran, before World War II. A second flowering took place in the most of what follows will concern Iran in particular, rather than two decennia between 1950 and 1970, with names as Martin nomadism and Near Eastern archaeology in general. Noth, Albrecht Alt and Kurt Galling. When I studied a short In the 1960’s and 1970’s, when Western archaeologists time with Galling in Tübingen in 1968 there existed twelve worked with relative freedom in Iran, many were able to chairs for Biblical Archaeology/Near Eastern Archaeology in observe nomadic groups at close range, particularly in Luris- the German Federal Republic, now there is only one left. This tan, Khuzestan, Fars and Kerman. For most Western archaeol- volume convinces us of the great past of the Palästina Wis- ogists, excavations were so time-consuming that there was lit- senschaft in Germany, but does it have a future? Regrettably tle opportunity to actually study these nomadic groups1), but the present board of the DPV decided that the festivities in the impressions made on Western minds by a close encounter 2002 should not be disturbed by any visions on the future. In with a family or tribe, whether grazing in its summer pastures the half century behind us, good and up to date departments or starting out on its migration at the end of a season, were not of archaeology came into being at the universities in modern easily forgotten. Moreover, countless European travellers, Israel and Jordan. Also the Palestinian Beir Zeit-University diplomats, missionaries, doctors and merchants before them had has a training for archaeologists. In Jerusalem and Amman left often vivid accounts of nomadic groups encountered dur- there are still the German Institutes and the British Schools ing their sojourns in Iran in earlier times, before the great of Archaeology (and the American). All with splendid upheavals in tribal life that occurred during the reigns of Reza libraries. Will Germany (and Britain) have and keep the Shah and his son. The rich travel literature on Iran ranges from intention to maintain these? How will the future cooperation superficial works based on only a few days of observation2), to with the national Antiquities Authorities develop? Some studies reflecting months3) or even years spent in the country4). Israeli archaeologists consider the foreign institutes as out- Alongside the worlds of personal experience of nomadic dated remnants of a colonial past. Reading of this volume life by archaeologists and travel literature is a third, parallel might strengthen this conviction. Another unanswered ques- universe of scholarly studies on nomadism in antiquity, albeit tion is the relation of the traditional Palestine-studies with in areas, for the most part, outside of Iran itself. Studies on their roots in theology and semitic studies and the develop- the pastoral nomads in the kingdom of Mari (middle ments in archaeology, both in Europe and in the Near East. Euphrates) during the 19th and 18th centuries B.C., for exam- ple, began appearing in the late 1930’s5). An influential vol- Groningen, October 2007 C.H.J.DE GEUS ume on ancient pre-Islamic Bedouin society in Arabia was

** * 1) Notable exceptions include Watson, P.J. 1966. Clues to Iranian pre- history in modern village life. Expedition 8: 9-19; Hole, F. 1978. Pastoral nomadism in Western Iran. In: Gould, R.A., ed. Explorations in ethnoar- ALIZADEH, A., et al. — The origins of state organizations chaeology. Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico, pp. 127-167; Hole, F. in prehistoric highland Fars, southern Iran. Excavations 1979. Rediscovering the past in the present: Ethnoarchaeology in Luristan, at Tall-e Bakun. (Oriental Institute Publications, vol. Iran. In: Kramer, C., ed. Ethnoarchaeology: Implications of ethnography for archaeology. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, pp. 192-218; Watson, 128). Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, P.J. 1979. Archaeological ethnography in Western Iran. Tucson: Univ. of Chicago, 2006. (30,5 cm, XLIV, 275, 26 pls.). ISBN Arizona; Kramer, C. 1982. Village ethnoarchaeology: Rural Iran in 1-885923-36-8. ISSN 0069-3367. £ 40.00. archaeological perspective. New York: Academic Press. 2) E.g. Sackville-West, V. 1928. Twelve Days: A journey across the As a rule, anthropologists who conduct fieldwork are Bakhtiari Mountains in South-Western Persia. London: Hogarth Press. acutely sensitive to the role played by their own experiences 3) E.g. Stack, E. 1882. Six months in Persia. New York: G.P. Putnam’s of cultures other than their own in shaping their understand- Sons. 4) E.g. Sykes, P.M. 1902. Ten thousand miles in Persia or Eight years ing of their objects of study. Western archaeologists, it could in Iran. London: John Murray. be argued, have a history of being no less impressionable than 5) Dossin, G. 1939. Benjaminites dans les textes de Mari. In: Mélanges their anthropological colleagues, but perhaps less up front offerts à M. René Dussaud, vol. 2. Paris: Geuthner, pp. 981-996; cf. Lee- about the influence of experiences during fieldwork amongst mans, W.F. 1957-58. The contribution of the nomads to the Babylonian population. JESHO 1: 138-145; Kupper, J.-R. 1959. Le rôle des nomades living societies on their understanding of the ancient remains dans l’histoire de la Mésopotamie ancienne. JESHO 2: 113-127; Klengel, they excavate. One sleight of hand that allows archaeologists H. 1959. Halbnomaden am mittleren Euphrat. Das Altertum 5: 195-205; to avoid revealing just how great some of those impressions Klengel, H. 1962. Zu einigen Problemen des altvorderasiatischen Nomaden- have been, goes by the rather bland name of ‘ethnographic tums. Archív Orientální 30: 595-596; Luke, J.T. 1965. Pastoralism and st politics in the Mari period: A re-examination of the character and politi- analogy’. Instead of writing in the 1 person about one’s cal significance of the major West Semitic tribal groups on the Middle 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 101

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published in 19596). During the 1960’s and 1970’s M.B. The Qashqa’i as an ethnographic model in pre-modern Rowton’s papers on nomad-sedentary relations in ancient archaeological research Mesopotamia came out7). Nor has nomadism in prehistoric 8 Alizadeh’s discussion of the archaeological remains from Anatolia ) and the southern Levant been neglected in recent Tal-e Bakun, ostensibly the raison d’être for the publication years9), and the trend towards further production in this rich 10 itself, is sandwiched between an introduction (Ch. 1) and dis- vein of scholarship shows no signs of abating ). cussion of methodology and theory (Ch. 2), where the modus It is not surprising, therefore, that these three lines of inspi- operandi — interpretation via the Qashqa’i analogy — is intro- ration related to nomadic society — vivid personal experi- duced on p. 1, and a conclusion (Ch. 9), where we are treated ences, thoroughly engaging travel literature and academic to more of the same, albeit in greater detail. The first mention scholarship on ancient examples from all over the Near East of the Qashqa’i informs us that they, like the Bakhtiyari, are — eventually coalesced in the minds of some archaeologists mobile pastoralists or mobile herders of the Zagros Mountains concerned with ancient Iran, leading them to make a deter- occupying ‘primary agricultural regions with high population mined effort to identify nomads in the archaeological record. density’ who are ‘only highly mobile while migrating…have Abbas Alizadeh’s volume on Tal-e Bakun, although con- high social and economic interactions with…settled farm- cerned with the entire body of excavated material from that ers…stay in one place for several months in regions with high site, is at heart an apologia for this perspective, and indeed population density…own villages…routinely practice farming an impassioned appeal for archaeologists to embrace a par- in both winter and summer pastures; and…developed com- ticular ethnographic analogy by interpreting the later prehis- paratively complex political organizations and hierarchy’ (p. tory of Fars through the lens of Qashqa’i social and economic 1). As of this point, we have not been told why the Qashqa’i organization, which he has observed at first hand. are relevant to an understanding of Tal-e Bakun, although a Early in his account of ‘methodology and theoretical con- few pages later we read that the winter pastures of ‘the mobile siderations’, indeed in a summary of his conclusions that pre- pastoralist tribes of the Zagros Mountains include the fertile cedes the presentation of his actual data, Alizadeh describes intermontane valleys in Fars’ (p. 4). From this, a reader know- some aspects of Qashqa’i socio-economic and political ing nothing about the Qashqa’i might deduce that the Qashqa’i behaviour. He then muses, ‘If the same situation existed in live in that part of Fars where Tal-e Bakun is located. This antiquity — and there is no good reason to believe it did premise of geographical proximity, while as yet only indicated not…’ (p. 25). These two phrases encapsulate what is for me obliquely in words, is made clearer in the photographic plates the major defect running through this entire volume. As I which include, among other things, a picture of a Bakun- shall attempt to demonstrate below, there are actually many related site, Tall-e Kharestan Soflan, with a Qashqa’i village reasons why we should hesitate to believe that ‘the same sit- ‘built on its slope’ (Pl. 9A); the Bakun-related site of Tal-e uation’ existed in antiquity. Deh Sokheh with a Qashqa’i village ‘next to it’ (Pl. 9C); a Bakun-related site near the village of Asupas with a ‘newly Euphrates, ca. 1828-1758 B.C. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan PhD diss.; established settlement…of settled Qashqa’i tribesmen’ just Rowton, M.B. 1967. The physical environment and the problem of the below it (Pl. 10A); and a Qashqa’i ‘itinerant vender (sic) in nomads. In: Garelli, P., ed. La civilisation de Mari. Paris: Geuthner, pp. Dasht-e Bakan, northwest of Marv Dasht’ (Pl. 10B). 109-122; Matthews, V.H. 1978. Pastoral nomadism in the Mari Kingdom Elsewhere, we learn from a broad-brush account of ‘tradi- (ca. 1830-1760 B.C.). Cambridge: American Schools of Oriental Research Dissertation Series No. 3. tional geographical zones in Fars’, that the summer pastures 6) Dostal, W. 1959. L’antica società beduina. Rome: Studi Semitici 2. (sardsir) of the Qashqa’i and Khamseh tribes lie between 7) Rowton, M.B. 1967a. The topological factor in the Hapiru problem. Marv Dasht and Isfahan (p. 30), although again no explicit In: Güterbock, H.G. and Jacobsen, T., eds. Studies in honor of Benno connection is made with Tal-e Bakun, apart from the fact that Landsberger on his seventy-fifth birthday, April 21, 1965. Chicago: Assyri- ological Studies 16, pp. 375-387; Rowton, M.B. 1967. The physical envi- it too lies in Marv Dasht. Further on we learn that the ‘upper ronment and the problem of the nomads. In: Garelli, P., ed. La civilisation Kur River Basin (the Ujan Plain)’, where ‘a number of flint de Mari. Paris: Geuthner, pp. 109-122; Rowton, M.B. 1973. Urban auton- sites were found…is traditionally used as a summer pasture omy in the nomadic environment. JNES 32: 201-215; Rowton, M.B. 1973. by the mobile tribes of the Qashqa’i (p. 51). Additional detail Autonomy and nomadism in Western Asia. Orientalia 42: 247-258; Row- ton, M.B. 1974. Enclosed nomadism. JESHO 17: 1-30; Rowton, M.B. is given on the seasonal migrations of the Qashqa’i, the routes 1976. Dimorphic structure and the problem of the ‘Apirû-‘Ibrîm. JNES 35: taken, the strategies for animal husbandy employed, dairy 13-20; Rowton, M.B. 1976. Dimorphic structure and topology. Oriens production and agriculture (pp. 34-36), although Alizadeh Antiquus 15: 17-31; Rowton, M.B. 1976. Dimorphic structure and the tribal admits, apropos ‘mobile pastoralism in Fars’, that ‘this elite. In: Thiel, J.F., ed. Al-Bahit: Festschrift Joseph Henninger zum 70. Geburtstag am 12. Mai 1976. St Augustin bei Bonn: Studia Instituti Anthro- ancient way of life is rapidly disappearing’ (p. 19). Finally, pos 28, pp. 219-257; Rowton, M.B. 1977. Dimorphic structure and the on p. 95, Alizadeh comes right out and tells us, ‘The loca- parasocial element. JNES 36: 181-198. tions of the summer and winter pastures of the tribes of the 8) E.g. Cribb, R. 1991. Nomads in archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge Qashqaii, Bakhtiyari, Khamseh, Mamasani, and Boyr University Press; Yakar, J. 2006. Traits of nomadic people: Ethnoarchae- ological and archaeological research in Turkey. In: Hauser, S., ed. Die Ahmadi confederacies correspond to the pattern of geo- Sichtbarkeit von Nomaden und saisonaler Besiedlung in der Archäologie. graphical distribution of the Bakun painted pottery’ (p. 95). Halle: Orientwissenschaftliche Hefte 21, pp. 45-63. The logic, although unstated throughout most of the book, 9) Finkelstein, I. and Perevolotsky, A. 1990. Processes of sedentariza- seems to be this: proximity of ancient sites (Tal-e Bakun et tion and nomadization in the history of Sinai and the Negev. BASOR 279: 67-88; Bar-Yosef, O. and Khazanov, A. 1992. Pastoralism in the Levant: al.) to modern Qashqa’i settlements, camps and pastures Archaeological materials in anthropological perspectives. Madison: Mono- demonstrates the relevance of the latter phenomena for our graphs in World Archaeology 10; Rosen, S.A. 1992. Nomads in archaeol- understanding of the former. This is the basis for the choice of ogy: A response to Finkelstein and Perevolotsky. BASOR 287: 75-85; ethnographic analogy which underpins Alizadeh’s thesis about Finkelstein, I. 1992. Invisible nomads: A rejoinder. BASOR 287: 87-88. 10) Barnard, H. and Wendrich, W.Z. in press. The archaeology of mobil- socio-economic and political dynamics at Tal-e Bakun in the ity: Nomads in the Old and in the New World. Los Angeles: Cotsen Insti- 5th millennium B.C. A sub-text in Alizadeh’s argument seems tute of Archaeology. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 102

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to be this: the Zagros environment (climate, vegetation, hydrol- Interestingly, the Tohfe-ye Sahi, a late Safavid record, prin- ogy, topography) imposes constraints on its inhabitants, ergo cipally of tax receipts from nomadic tribes dating to 1128 most if not all of its inhabitants through time will have reacted AH/1715-1716 AD, does not even mention the Qashqa’i in similarly. Hence, mobile pastoralists in antiquity can be the list of tax-paying Turkic tribes16). The closest we can expected to have behaved much like the modern Qashqa’i or, come to identifying any Qashqa’i in this source is a reference ‘since the geographical and ecological features of this region to the Qaraxlu branch of the Afsar, who may be a clan impose certain migration patterns between summer and win- (tireha) of the ‘Amaleh or Darrehshuri tribe (tava’ef), accord- ter pastures, particularly in the case of vertical mobile pas- ing to various sources17) but who, according to the Tohfe-ye toralism, it is reasonable to assume that they have remained Sahi, lived in Khorassan and Azerbaijan. more or less the same from the beginning of mobile pastoral Following the exile of their leaders and the abolition of life in highland Iran’ (p. 95). Thus, Alizadeh alleges, ‘in areas their traditional titles (ilkhani and ilbegi) in 1956, the where mobile pastoralism has flourished for millennia, much Qashqa’i Confederation met its demise as a political force18). can be gained from ethnographic data’ (p. 26). In effect, then, the Qashqa’i have been in Fars for less than These statements encapsulate two contentious points: 1. that 600 years, and in Iran for only about 900 years. This is not mobile pastoralism in the Zagros, as opposed to nomadism — a social group with a long history of living in the environ- a term restricted by Alizadeh to describe the herders of the ‘vast ment in which Tal-e Bakun and its Chalcolithic neighbours steppes and agriculturally marginal zones’ of Central Asia, the were located. Yet should we nonetheless assume, with Jazirah, Sinai, the Negev and the Sahara (p. 1) — has a history Alizadeh, that their exploitation of that environment might stretching back in time for millennia; and 2. that ethnographic provide valuable insights into prehistoric utilization of the data, specifically on the Qashqa’i, provide a key to under- same environment, or prehistoric social organization in the standing the behaviour of mobile pastoralists in antiquity. These region? two tenets are mutually dependent, in a logical sense, and yet Alizadeh seems not to have asked these questions, and yet it can certainly be questioned whether the Qashqa’i (or the the likelihood of either proposition seems slim. Many schol- Bakhtiyari, mentioned less often but occasionally invoked by ars have emphasised how profoundly the entire history of the Alizadeh) provide an appropriate template for understanding Near East since the 11th century has been shaped by the influx any pre-modern societies in southwestern Iran. of hundreds of thousands of Guz Turks19). As a result, ‘the The Qashqa’i of recent decades are an amalgam of Luri, basic fact of the social and political organization of Persia Kurdish, Arab and Turkic clans, the majority of whom are has been the dual character of its population, namely the Guz Turkic. Their arrival in Iran almost certainly dates to opposition between the native Iranians on one hand, and the the Seljuk period (1055-1194) but their presence in Fars is Turkic invaders and newcomers on the other’20). Yet, this more recent still11). The probability that the Qashqa’i were mass migration resulted in more than just increased ethnic in Azerbaijan prior to their migration to Fars is suggested diversity. On an economic level, as Kunke observed, the suc- by the widely held belief that Ardebil was their ancestral cessive incursions of Arabs, Guz, Seljuks, Mongols and home. Furthermore, the fact that one former Qashqa’i clan Timurids transformed Iran from a land in which the popula- was called Moghanlu suggests a link with the Moghan tion was largely sedentary into one in which roughly half its steppe in Azerbaijan12). A movement southward, however, population was nomadic21). is indicated by the fact that in 1415 the summer quarters But to draw analogies with either the social or the economic (yaylaq) of the Qashqa’i were at Gandoman in northern organization of the Qashqa’i is of doubtful validity. As Ober- Fars, c. 160 kms. southwest of Isfahan, according to Ibn ling noted, ‘Among the Turkic nomads “tribe” is a political Shahab Yazdi13). This is near Darvish where the grave of rather than an ethnic concept. A “tribe” is a group of fami- Amir Ghazi Shahilu (fl. c. 1500?), the first attested Qashqa’i lies, or clans, whose only bond is their pledge of allegiance to ancestor, is buried14). The head of the Farsimadan tribe of a common chief. Traditionally, the chief’s job was to make the Qashqa’i, Abu-l-Qasem Beyg Farsimadan, is attested in war (i.e., to get booty), and protect his tribesmen from other Fars in 1590 but the first ruler of any real stature was Jani tribes whose leaders were similarly inclined. As a rule, there Muhammad Aqa (the great, great, great, great-grandson of was a direct correlation between the military prowess of a Amir Ghazi) whose sons fought the Afghans when they chief and the size of his following….When a tribe was dis- invaded Fars in 172415). persed, or its chief removed, the nomads simply gravitated towards the strongest leader, or candidate for that position, available, regardless of his tribal or ethnic affiliations — and 11) Oberling, P. 1960. The Turkic peoples of Southern Iran. New York: Columbia University PhD thesis [Ann Arbor: University Microfilms], p. 175; Oberling, P. 1964. The tribes of Qaraca Dag: A brief history. Oriens 17: 60. 16) Kunke, M. 1991. Nomadenstämme in Persien im 18. und 19. 12) Oberling, P. 1960. The Turkic peoples of Southern Iran. New York: Jahrhundert. Berlin: Islamkundliche Untersuchungen 151, pp. 84-85. Columbia University PhD thesis [Ann Arbor: University Microfilms], p. 17) Oberling, P. 1974. The Qashqa’i nomads of Fars. The Hague and 175; Oberling, P. 1974. The Qashqa’i nomads of Fars. The Hague and Paris: Mouton, pp. 225-226. Paris: Mouton, p. 28. 18) Oberling, P. 1960. The Turkic peoples of Southern Iran. New York: 13) Aubin, J. 1955. Références pour Lar médiévale. Journal Asiatique Columbia University PhD thesis [Ann Arbor: University Microfilms], p. 143: 504, n. 24. 177; Oberling, P. 1974. The Qashqa’i nomads of Fars. The Hague and 14) Oberling, P. 1960. The Turkic peoples of Southern Iran. New York: Paris: Mouton, p. 203. Columbia University PhD thesis [Ann Arbor: University Microfilms], p. 19) Oberling, P. 1998. review of R. Tapper, Frontier nomads of Iran: A 178; Oberling, P. 1974. The Qashqa’i nomads of Fars. The Hague and political and social history of the Shahsevan. Journal of Anthropological Paris: Mouton, p. 31. Research 54: 566. 15) Oberling, P. 1960. The Turkic peoples of Southern Iran. New York: 20) Minorsky, V. 1943. Tadhkirat al-Muluk. London: Heffer & Sons, p. Columbia University PhD thesis [Ann Arbor: University Microfilms], p. 187. 202; Oberling, P. 1974. The Qashqa’i nomads of Fars. The Hague and 21) Kunke, M. 1991. Nomadenstämme in Persien im 18. und 19. Paris: Mouton, p. 35. Jahrhundert. Berlin: Islamkundliche Untersuchungen 151, p. 18. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 103

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their day-to-day existence remained substantially unchanged. projecting patterns of nomadic land-use and economy from Thus, while individual tribes tended to be ephemeral, the tribal the present (as opposed to technologies, which may be very system itself displayed great resilience’22). Similarly, Salzman relevant) onto the past, as Alizadeh suggests we apply the observed, ‘patterns of economic organization and relations Qashqa’i case to an understanding of prehistoric Fars. between various ethnic groups are most heavily conditioned Finally, there is evidence to suggest that the Qashqa’i sys- by access to the means of coercion and the balance of power, tem of marriage is an important factor which must be con- rather than primarily by environmental exigencies or the logic sidered in any attempt to project a Qashqa’i-style social sys- of technology’23). G.R. Fazel’s study of the encapsulation of tem onto a prehistoric context. As Oberling observed, the nomadic societies in Iran, which stressed the fact that the Qashqa’i are monogamous31). Whether or not this was the Qashqa’i and Basseri ‘have highly centralized political sys- case amongst the prehistoric populations of Fars was have no tems, the khans being powerful and privileged, and supported way of knowing, but it is certainly true that Qashqa’i mar- by private armies…with government military officials at the riage patterns have not been static and those observed in the tribal and subtribal levels’24), would seem to invalidate the ethnographic present by people are unlikely to have been sim- application of Qashqa’i socio-political characteristics in ilar to those in the past. In the 1970’s it may have been true attempting to understand the remote past. As Lindner noted, that each Qashqa’i ta’efeh (tribe) ‘is generally an endoga- ‘The tribe served, first and foremost, a political purpose: the mous group’, but ‘formerly alliances were often established protection and enhancement of the position of its tribesmen by marriages between children of khans and tribal elites of in the face of the wider world’. In short, ‘politics is…the rai- differing tiefehs’32). son d’être of medieval nomad tribes’25). When we take into consideration, furthermore, that in more recent centuries ‘the Nomads in ancient Iran Qashqai have often acted as an independent polity in opposi- It would certainly be wrong to deny the existence of all tion to the government26), frequently colluding with foreign forms of nomadic society in pre-Islamic Iran. Far from it. As powers’27) and standing in direct competition with the settled Wheeler Pires-Ferreira33) showed, vertical transhumance, Persian agriculturalists of their territory28), then it becomes which may involve small numbers of shepherds belonging to clear that the desire to draw analogies between the Qashqa’i sedentary communities who accompanied herds to their win- and the ancient inhabitants of Fars is ill-advised. Similarly, ter or summer pastures, or watched over fallow herds while Lindner observed, ‘For an anthropologist, government control the bulk of the group stayed in their village, is attested in the reduces a tribe to an exhibit of a particular ecological adapta- Zagros from the late 7th or early 6th millennium B.C.34) For tion, one that can no longer enforce its ideology on the encap- as long as people living in Iran have managed herds, this sort sulating society’29). Furthermore, in 1945 it was observed that, of vertical transhumance almost certainly occurred. ‘partial abandonment of agriculture (post-1941) combined But even the much-vaunted nomadism of the Persians and with the need for carrying on trade through rapacious agents the Medes is a distortion of reality. The Medes may have and intermediaries and the difficulty in obtaining goods that been considered nomadic by Herodotus and some later com- are a government monopoly and the consequent resort to the mentators, but the Assyrian sources are replete with the free [meaning “black”?] market is the prime cause of the gen- names of their towns35) and their reliefs show walled settle- erally low standard of living of the Qashqa’i’30). In view of ments that are certainly not nomadic encampments. As Lan- data like these, archaeologists would be well-advised against franchi, Roaf and Rollinger stress, ‘Towns, villages, and fortresses are the main characteristics of the Zagros landscape as recorded in the textual [Assyrian] sources, and particularly 22) Oberling, P. 1964. The tribes of Qaraca Dag: A brief history. Oriens of the “Median” landscape…It is now clear that the image 17: 61. of a “nomadic” society transmitted by the classical authors 23) Salzman, P.C. 1978. The study of ‘complex society’ in the Middle is largely due to the elaboration of specific historical and East: A review essay. International Journal of Middle East Studies 9: 541. 24) Salzman, P.C. 1978. The study of ‘complex society’ in the Middle social concepts developed within the Greek cultural milieu East: A review essay. International Journal of Middle East Studies 9: 544, to categorise “barbarians”’36). referring to Fazel, G.R. 1973. The encapsulation of nomadic societies in Iran. In: Nelson, C., ed., The desert and the sown: Nomads in the wider society. Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, pp. 129-142. 31) Oberling, P. 1998. review of R. Tapper, Frontier nomads of Iran: A 25) Lindner, R.P. 1982. What was a nomadic tribe? Comparative Stud- political and social history of the Shahsevan. Journal of Anthropological ies in Society and History 24: 699. Research 54: 567. 26) Cf. Wilson, Sir A. 1941. SW. Persia: A Political Officer’s diary, 32) Page, L.B., Vandevert, D.E., Nader, K., Lubin, N.K. and Page, J.R. 1907-1914. London/New York/Toronto: Oxford Univ. Press, p. 184. In 1981. Blood pressure of Qash’qai pastoral nomads in Iran in relation to cul- 1911, ‘the Qashqai were so well armed that they could defy with success ture, diet, and body form. The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 34: not only the Persian Government troops but the gendarmerie under Swedish 528. officers’. 33) Wheeler-Pires Fereira, J. 1975-1977. Tepe Tula’i: Faunal remains 27) Cf. von Niedermayer, O. 1925. Unter der Glutsonne Irans: Kriegser- from an early campsite in Khuzistan, Iran. Paléorient 3: 275-280. lebnisse der deutschen Expedition nach Persien und Afghanistan. Dachau 34) Gilbert, A. 1983. On the origins of specialized nomadic pastoralism bei München: Einhornverlag, p. 31, who noted that the Qashqa’i (and in western Iran. World Archaeology 15: 108; Bernbeck, R. 1992. Migra- Bakhtiyari and Pusht-i Kuhis) all sought closer ties with Germany, in spite tory patterns in early nomadism: A reconsideration of Tepe Tula’i. Paléori- of the fact that England viewed them as allies. The responsibility for cur- ent 18: 77-88; contra Hole, F. 1974. Tepe Tula’i: An early campsite in rying favour with them lay with the German Consul in Shiraz, p. 235. Khuzistan, Iran. Paléorient 2: 219-242. 28) Salzman, P.C. 1978. The study of ‘complex society’ in the Middle 35) Radner, K. 2003. An Assyrian view on the Medes. In: Lanfranchi, East: A review essay. International Journal of Middle East Studies 9: 545. G.B., Roaf, M. and Rollinger, R., eds. Continuity of Empire? Assyria, 29) Lindner, R.P. 1982. What was a nomadic tribe? Comparative Stud- Media, Persia. Padua: History of the Ancient Near East Monograph 5, ies in Society and History 24: 691. Tables 2-3, 5-6. 30) Magee, H.G.F. 1945. The tribes of Fars. London: India Office 36) Lanfranchi, G.B., Roaf, M. and Rollinger, R. 2003. Afterword. In: Records Library (L/P&S/12/3449, Collection 28-#44a, p. 19, quoted in Lanfranchi, G.B., Roaf, M. and Rollinger, R., eds. Continuity of Empire? Bradburd, D. 1997. Nomads and their trade partners: Historical context and Assyria, Media, Persia. Padua: History of the Ancient Near East Mono- trade relations in southwest Iran, 1840-1975. American Ethnologist 24: 898. graph 5, p. 400. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 104

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Amongst the Persian tribes (genea), Herodotus distin- that even in prehistoric times, bands of mobile pastoralists guished between those that were agriculturalists (aroteres: would have been superior to agriculturists in terms of mili- Panthialai, Derusiai, G[K]ermanii) and those that were tary and organizational aspects’ (p. 37). But this is yet nomadic (Daei, Mardi, Dropiki and Sagartii)37). Texts deal- another fallacious analogy. As Garthwaite noted 30 years ing with herds are common in the Persepolis fortification ago, apropos the impression that the Bakhtiyari confedera- archive38), but the herds were managed by shepherds, and tion was a a phenomenon of long standing, ‘the first ilkhani, tribes of the sort envisaged by Alizaeh are nowhere to be Husain Quli Khan, was not appointed until 1867, and pos- found, even though this is an archive from the heartland of sibly only during his tenure in office (d. 1882), and again Fars. In the late Achaemenid and Parthian periods there were during the Persian Revolution, have the Bakhtiyari func- certainly diverse ethnic groups in Iran, described in consid- tioned as a true confederation’43). Indeed, he even suggests, erable detail by Strabo, but nothing suggests these were any- ‘both the office [of the ilkhani] and the confederation may thing like the Qashqa’i. have emerged directly from the attempted concentration and The Arab geographers of the 9th and 10th centuries make it centralization of power which was reinforced, or even made clear that Iran was peopled largely by a settled agricultural possible, by Anglo-Russian support for the Qajars’44). So population and even the later mediaeval Arab geographers much for the antiquity of the Bakhtiyari and the social, eco- make little mention of nomads. Ibn Khurdadbih mentions nomic and political system adduced by Alizadeh as an only four areas with nomads in Fars, all but one of which was appropriate analogy for understanding Iranian prehistory. in close proximity to Shiraz39). Ibn Hauqal and al-Istakhri simply called the nomadic groups in Iran ‘Kurds’, noting their Post-Seljuk nomadization presence in Kerman, Sistan, Khorassan and Fars40). In 1907 Herzfeld noted that the occupation of the Pust-i The ethnic identity of these ‘Kurds’ is unknown. Mas‘ûdi Kuh by Kurdish Lurs, who had only arrived there in the 14th related three traditions, viz. that they were originally Arabs, century, and the absence of settled towns, was to be under- that they were descendants of King Solomon, or that they stood as a direct correlation of the Mongol destruction of set- were of Persian descent; Abu’l-Fida, who was a ‘Kurd’, also tlements in the Mesopotamian plain. The ruination of Iraq by related three traditions, viz. that they were Arabs or the Mongols, he believed, spelled the demise of settled life Nabataeans (i.e. the settled, Aramaic-speaking population of in the economically dependent Pust-i Kuh, leading to a Iraq), that they were Persian Arabs, or that they were Per- nomadization of the region45). More recently, Peder and Inge sians related to the Jilî and Dailamites; Ibn Batuta and Ibn Mortensen reached a similar deduction based on years of pio- al-Athir were both told the Kurds were Arabs; Abu’l Faraj neering work in Luristan: ‘In recent years various theories identified them as Lurs; while the Armenian writer Haitun directly linking ancient and modern nomadism in the Zagros considered them to be Medes41). But it is clear that not all of have been put forward. There is, however, at the moment these ‘Kurds’ were nomadic, for among the various Kurdish nothing to support this assumption. Quite to the contrary does tribes, sub-tribes, clans and families enumerated by Mas‘ûdi the archaeological evidence indicate the existence in Parthian, were some classified as having a fixed residence (khanah) Sassanian and Early Islamic times of a well-organized seden- and some as settled labourers (akinji), while others were clas- tary population whose towns, villages, and irrigation systems sified as tent dwellers (ahl khaimah) and still others as were devastated by the Mongols in the 14th century’46). nomads (kuchar)42). Whether or not this is the whole story, it at least under- Commenting on the military threat posed by mobile pas- scores the fact that two massive changes in settlement pat- toralists and their ability ‘to rule supreme in their regions terns may have precipitated the modern nomadic phenome- over the settled communities in the absence of a strong cen- non in southwestern Iran: 1. the migration of the Guz Turks; tralized state’, Alizadeh notes that ‘it took the Pahlavi and 2. the Mongol invasion. The interpretation of prehistoric, regime several decades of military campaign, aided with transhumant herders in light of the behavioural patterns fighter jets, gunship helicopters, and artillery, to subdue the (political, social and economic) of the Qashqa’i, Bakhtiyari Qashqaii and the Bakhtiyari. One, therefore, can envisage or any other group attested in recent centuries in Fars cannot be sustained. Archaeological problems 37) Herodotus 1.125. Cf. Kunke, M. 1991. Nomadenstämme in Persien im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Berlin: Islamkundliche Untersuchungen 151, In spite of his professed belief in the Qashqa’i analogy, pp. 17-18; Briant, P. 1996. Histoire de l’Empire Perse de Cyrus à Alexan- Alizadeh is still only able to suggest that ‘mobile pastoralism dre. Paris: Fayard, pp. 25-26. might have been a crucial variable in socioeconomic and 38) Briant, P. 1982. L’élevage ovin dans l’empire achéménide, VIe-IVe siècles avant notre ère. Rois, tributs et paysans: Études sur les formations political development in highland Iran, particularly in Fars, tributaires du Moyen-Orient ancien. Paris: Annales littéraires de l’Univer- as early as the late fifth and early fourth millennium B.C.’, sité de Besançon, pp. 331-356; Kawase, T. 1980. Sheep and goats in the noting, however, that ‘Direct archaeological evidence for the Persepolis royal economy. Acta Sumerologica 2: 37-51.. presence of mobile pastoralists in Fars is limited’ (p. 51). We 39) Schwarz, P. 1912. Iran im Mittelalter nach den arabischen Geo- graphen, vol. 3. Leipzig: Wigand, pp. 136-138. They were Zumm Hasan ibn Giluja (14 farsakhs from Shiraz); Zumm Ardam ibn Guwanah (26 farsakhs from Shiraz); Zumm Kasim ibn Sahrebaraz or Kurijan (50 43) Garthwaite, G. 1977. The Bakhtiyariilkhani: An illusion of unity. farsakhs from Shiraz); and Zumm Hasan ibn Salih (7 farsakhs from Shi- International Journal of Middle East Studies 8: 146. raz). 44) Garthwaite, G. 1977. The Bakhtiyariilkhani: An illusion of unity. 40) Schwarz, P. 1912. Iran im Mittelalter nach den arabischen Geo- International Journal of Middle East Studies 8: 150. graphen, vol. 3. Leipzig: Wigand, p. 156. 45) Herzfeld, E. 1907. Eine Reise durch Luristan, Arabistan und Fars. 41) Driver, G.R. Studies in Kurdish history. BSOAS 2: 492-493. Cf. Lim- Petermanns geographische Mitteilungen 53/3: 60. bert, J. 1968. The origins and appearance of the Kurds in pre-Islamic Iran. 46) Mortensen, I.D. and P. 1989. On the origin of nomadism. In: De Iranian Studies 1/2: 41-51. Meyer, L. and Haerinck, E., eds. Archaeologia Iranica et Orientalis: Mis- 42) Driver, G.R. Studies in Kurdish history. BSOAS 2: 495-496, n. 1. cellanea in honorem Louis Vanden Berghe, vol. 2. Gent: Peeters, p. 930. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 105

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are meant to believe that ‘small size, location, apparent lack we simply cannot say anything very reliable about the nature of architecture, and midden deposits of ash and debris indi- of the unexcavated sites in Fars on which Bakun-type sherds cate that at least some Bakun A mounds were occupied sea- have been recovered — and there are certainly many more sonally’ and further that, ‘It must be noted…that although it than these. To draw the conclusion that settlement is limited seems obvious that hunters or sedentary herders may have and, where it occurs, that it reflects campsites of mobile pas- used these sites, it is equally possible that mobile groups had toralists, flies in the face of the fact that — in Mamasani, for occupied them’ (p. 51). example — there is plenty of water, good soil and agricul- Further on, Alizadeh reports on his 1995 survey in north- tural potential, and more than enough evidence of sedentary western Fars, ‘the most important part’ of which ‘was the occupation to suggest that life in villages was the norm in all information…gathered on the modern demographic makeup periods of the pre-mediaeval past since about 6000 B.C. of the Qashqaii territory and on the interaction between the nomadic tribes and farming villages in the valleys northwest Conclusion of the Marv Dasht Plain’ (p. 52). Observations at Qashqa’i In 1907, Herzfeld noted that the governor of Behbehan villages suggested to Alizadeh that, ‘If such villages were left lived outside the city in a large camp of tents, guarded by two deserted long enough, they may form low mounds similar to rows of ‘schöne Zelte nach indischer Art’ in which his sol- the Bakun A sites we discovered in the region’ (p. 51). diers were quartered. A two foot-wide irrigation canal flowed Indeed, ‘One of our main objectives in the survey was to dis- between the town and the governor’s camp50). Why did the cover Bakun A sites in the intermontane Qashqaii territories’ governor live like this? Because he was a nomad? Hardly. (p. 53). Of ten sites found with Bakun A type pottery, all but Behbehan had fallen into a state of near complete ruin, its two were located ‘not at the bottom of the valleys, but on bazaar virtually devoid of anything useful. Typhus and fever hillsides, a characteristic of settlements in predominantly (presumably malaria) reigned supreme. The governor of mobile pastoralist territories’ (p. 54). Behbehan lived in tents in order to remain in the district he Alizadeh suggests that, ‘Unlike southern Mesopotamia, was meant to be governing, without actually having to live lowland Susiana, and the Central Plateau, highland Fars in a place where he could have contracted a fatal disease. seems to lack large and multi-period settlements. The only There were certainly tent-dwellers in all periods of Iran’s one I know of is the mound of Tall-e Nourabad’ (p. 26). Else- past but until the early Islamic period, when ‘Kurds’ were where (p. 91-92) he notes that all of the Bakun A sites known said to be widespread and, more especially, from the 11th cen- to him were between 1 and 3 ha. These points are used by tury, when the influx of the Guz Turks occurred, Iran was Alizadeh to buttress his argument that such small sites are predominantly a land of agricultural villages and towns. more likely to have been those of mobile pastoralists than Herds there were aplenty, but these were managed in a pat- sedentary farmers (p. 25-26). tern of vertical transhumance that did not entail large-scale Unfortunately, deductions such as these are indefensible in migrations by mobile pastoralists of the Qashqa’i sort. The the face of excavated stratigraphic deposits. Tol-e Nurabad, archaeological record of Tal-e Bakun A and, for that matter, for example, stands 23 m. above the surrounding plain, cov- most of western Iran, reflects millennia of settled occupation. ers 9 ha., and shows abundant evidence of occupation from Culture change most definitely occurred, but the behaviour c. 6000 B.C. to the Parthian period, including the period con- of the large pastoralist confederacies of the past few centuries temporary with the occupation of Tal-e Bakun A47). At is not the place to look if we are to understand the funda- nearby Tol-e Spid, our soundings have revealed c. 9 m. of 4th mental changes that have taken place in this region over the millennium B.C. occupation alone48). The presence of resid- past 10,000 years. ual Tal-e Bakun-type Chalcolithic sherds in later deposits (which like Tol-e Nurabad extend roughly to the Parthian Sydney, October 2007 D.T. POTTS period) is a clear indication that, buried well beneath the plain, a heavily alluviated land surface that masks, without ** doubt, earlier levels of occupation, is precisely the sort of * occupational evidence that Alizadeh finds so hard to detect. Bakun-type ceramics were found at a further ten sites in our NYS, K., and P. ÅSTRÖM — Corpus of Cypriote antiqui- survey of the Rostam-e Yek and Do plains49). Obviously ties 23. Cypriote antiquities in public collections in Den- these discoveries were made after Alizadeh had already writ- mark. (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Vol. XX, ten his thesis, but that is not the point. Rather, it is clear that 23). Paul Åströms Förlag, Partille, 2004. (269,7 cm, 124+41). ISBN 91-7081-193-8. 47) Weeks, L.R., Alizadeh, K.S., Niakan, L., Alamdari, K., Khos- The present volume in the well-known series Corpus of rowzadeh, A. and Zeidi, M. Excavations at Tol-e Nurabad. In: Potts, D.T. Cypriote Antiquities is an overview of all the Cypriote objects and Roustaei, K., eds. The Mamasani Archaeological Project Stage One: that are preserved in the following public collections in Den- A report on the first two seasons of the ICAR-University of Sydney Expe- dition to the Mamasani District, Fars Province, Iran. Tehran: Iranian Cen- mark: ter for Archaeological Research, pp. 31-88. – The Antikmuseet of Aarhus University 48) Petrie, C.A., Sardari Zarchi, A., Alamdari, K. and Javanmard Zadeh, – The Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen A. 2007. Transforming economies in the 4th millennium BC: Further exca- – The Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen vations at Tol-e Spid. Iran 45: 301-310. 49) Zeidi, M., McCall, B. and Khosrowzadeh, A. 2006. Survey of Dasht- – The Syddansk Universitet in Odense e Rostam-e Yek and Dasht-e Rostam-e Do. In: Potts, D.T. and Roustaei, – The Kunsthistorisk Museet in Rander K., eds. The Mamasani Archaeological Project Stage One: A report on the first two seasons of the ICAR-University of Sydney Expedition to the Mamasani District, Fars Province, Iran. Tehran: Iranian Center for Archae- 50) Herzfeld, E. 1907. Eine Reise durch Luristan, Arabistan und Fars. ological Research, pp. 152-153. Petermanns geographische Mitteilungen 53/3: 81. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 106

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The authors have chosen not to include any artefacts in pri- in the excavation reports of this expedition are not included in vate collections, since these items may not have been legally the present catalogue. Most of the 838 objects entered the exported with an export permit of the Department of Antiq- National Museum in the 19th and 20th centuries. They came uities of Cyprus. The present catalogue follows the example from known private collections, such as from the Danish con- of the Corpus of Cypriote Antiquities 13, Cypriote Antiqui- sul and a ship-broker in Alexandria, London, Vienna and Paris, ties in Belgium. It contains, in addition to its five main sec- as well as from antiquities dealers in those cities. As well as tions devoted to the public collections mentioned above, two anonymous donations, there were also objects donated to the Appendices, an extensive Bibliography, Concordance Lists National Museum by Danish citizens. These include purchases of the Cypriote collections of the five museums, Indices refer- made in Cyprus, Lebanon, Phoenicia and Syria, Jaffa in Israel, ring to objects recorded in this volume and 41 Plates repre- Athens and Rhodes in Greece, and Turkey. senting 1059 objects. Pottery The pottery (including sherds) consists of 222 items, com- I. ANTIKMUSEET, AARHUS UNIVERSITY prising nos. 29 to no. 251. Whereas nos. 29-171 belong to prehistoric periods including the Neolithic IB and II period, The collection consists of 28 objects, of which most items the EC, MC and LC periods of the Bronze Age, nos. 172-251 have come from the Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen. are dated to the CG I-III, the CA I-II, the CC I-II and the Hel- lenistic I-II periods of the Iron Age. Pottery Of the first group there are 11 Red-on-White Neolithic IB There are 17 items of pottery, nos. 1-17. The oldest pieces potsherds from Troulli. There are also seven Combed Ware, are three Chalcolithic fragments of vessels (nos. 1-3) and five Red-on-White Ware potsherds and one Red Lustrous eight Bronze Age vessels. They are three Red-Polished III- Ware potsherd from the Neolithic II period at Sotira. In addi- VI vcssels (nos.4-6), one White Painted IV small bottle (no. tion, there are 54 Red Polished vessels or fragments of ves- 7), a Red-on-Black juglet (no. 8), a Proto-Base Ring juglet sels belonging to various classifications of this characteristic (no. 9) and a Base Ring II jug from Abydos in Egypt (no. ware of the EC-MC period nos. 54-107). Notable among 10), a White Slip II bowl fragment from Ras Shamra in Syria these are nos. 60-61, identified as “RPIII bowls with two (no.11). Cat. no. 6 is a unique example of an early LC IA2 spouts” but which look like parts of twin-necked jugs, a RP V (?) bowl with copper rings attached to its handles. Pot- RPIII askos or duck-vase (no. 83), part of the rim of a RP III tery of the Iron Age is represented by six items: a Bichrome amphora (?) decorated with impressed plastic straps (no. 96), V jug (no.12), three Black-on-Red I(III) juglets and an an unparalled late RP III juglet with carinated body (no. 103), amphora (nos.13-16) and a Black Slip I jug (no.17). a BS V juglet with unique decoration (no. 147), an LH IIIA2a three-handled pithoid jar decorated with spirals and floral Limestone Sculpture motives (no. 166) and part of the sloping lip of a pithos with There are four small Archaic limestone sculptures (nos.18- an unique stamp impression of LC Pithos Ware (no. 167). 21; all from the Acropolis of Lindos on Rhodes). They are: Nos. 63, 168 and 170-171 lack photos. two small animals, a bird and a lion, the upper part of a Nos. 172-151 belong to the subsequent proto-historic and female figure and an enthroned figure with a ram’s head, gen- historic periods of the Iron Age. Most of these relatively com- erally regarded as Zeus Ammon. mon vessels belong to various classifications of Wheel-made Bichrome and White Painted Ware (35 items). There are also Terracotta Sculpture 15 Black-on-Red vessels, nine Bichrome Red I (IV), two Of the five small Archaic figurines in this collection, three Black Slip, a Grey Polished, 10 Plain White, a Coarse and are common type mould-made upper parts of a male and a Plain, a Cypriote and an Eastern Sigillata vessel, a Green and female (nos. 22-33) and a Dea Gravida (no. 24). The other Brown Sgraffito, a Green Painted Sgraffito and a Glazed Red two are handmade figures: a Horse-and-Rider (no. 25, from Sgrafitto vessel. Of these items, the shape of the Black-on- Melos?) and a Male Head (no. 26, from Jaffa in Israel). Red II(IV) juglet (no. 216), the small size of the Black Slip I jug (no. 233) and the caprine shaped Plain White vase (no. Other Arts and Crafts, bronze 248) are rather unusual. No. 246 lacks a photo. The collection contains two Hellenistic bronze mirrors of a common type. Limestone Sculpture Twelve of the 28 objects are presented with a photo on This remarkable collection consisting of 65 pieces gives Plate 1 of the present catalogue. For images of the other 15 an excellent overview of Cypriote stone sculpture from the objects in this collection, the authors refer to the relevant pub- 7th century BC through the Classical and Hellenistic periods. lications in the Bibliography. No. 1 lacks a photo. The pieces range from small to over-life size; many still show traces of polychromy (black and red). These soft lime- stone sculptures in Cypriote style were not only found on II. NATIONALMUSEET COPENHAGEN Cyprus (Kition). While some come from Syria, Israel, Egypt and Greece, most of them are votives from the sanctuary of Although the authors have attempted to record all Cypriote Athena in Lindos on Rhodes. As well as humans (flute-play- objects in the huge collection of the National Museum, they do ers and persons holding animals), they represent deities or not exclude the possibility there may still be a few objects here semi-divine creatures including a lyre-playing merman, a that have not yet been noted. Several find groups from the winged female holding snakes, lions, birds and sphinxes, No. Swedish Cyprus Expedition 1927-1931 were acquired by the 252 is a life-size head of Herakles/Melkart, the Cypro- National Museum in 1935. Those artefacts that are published Phoenician version of Greek Herakles. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 107

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None of these sculptures are illustrated. All objects have finger-rings (nos. 493-4; Pl. 11). Rather rare is nos. 495, a been presented in various earlier publications to which the pair of earrings decorated with an Eros of late Hell.-early authors refer. Roman date (no. 495) and a Roman finger-ring with inscrip- tion, no. 498; Pl.11). Terracotta Sculpture There are two lead anchors of which one is illustrated on According to the provenances, the great majority of the ter- Pl. 12. racotta sculptures come from Cyprus, but some of them also The silver collection comprises six objects (nos. 502-507). are from the sanctuary of Athena in Lindos on Rhodes. Except for no. 502, two pairs of silver and electrum earrings Although there are 13 (nos. 319-331) large and medium size joined together, illustrated on Pl. 10, the other silver objects figures, most are small terracottas of the CAI-II periods. are presented on Pl. 12. Noteworthy are seven silver rosettes There are 120 items (nos. 332-452) in the catalogue. While with traces of gold of uncertain date (no. 503). 12 objects are shown with a photo on Plates 9-10, images of The collection of (flint) stone objects comprises 29 objects the other objects are referred to in earlier publications. (nos. 508-537). There are Neolithic I-II flint stone tools from Of the larger size terracottas there are three mould-made Khirokitia and Sotira, a LC IIB-IIIB mortar with two pestles items from a CAI (ca. 600 BC) Idalion workshop: no. 319, (no. 534), a scarab of uncertain date (no. 535), a LC II-III the upper part of what must have been an almost life-size alabaster jug (no. 536) and a mould for seven pendants of male figure and nos.320-321, two female heads. Unusual is uncertain date (no. 537). no.322, a later (CAII) wreathed male head and no. 329, a foot In relation to the “Stand with three busts of beardless fig- and garment of what must have been an over-life-size statue. ures” (Cat. No. 277, Inv. No. 10467), the authors make an In the large group of small terracotta’s the Bronze Age is important correction on p. 49. This stand is made of terra- remarkably well represented by two ECIII-MCI plank-shaped cotta, not of stone, as mentioned in AncCypArt, Cat. No. 171. figurines (nos. 332-333), a MC II White-Painted III cradle with child (no. 334), two LC Base-Ring kourotrophoi, a Various Imports standing and a seated one (nos. 335-336), and a Base Ring There is a small collection of nine pieces of imported pot- standing female and a bull (nos. 337-338). tery: nos. 540-549. Except for no. 540, a LH IIIA2b type jug Outstanding pieces of the subsequent CG-CA periods are: probably of a new variety illustrated on Pl. 13, they all appear a well-preserved horse-and-rider figurine (no. 339), a chariot in CVA 1 Danmark. group of four (or five?) male heads of charioteers and two Note: Nothing is mentioned here about the considerable horses (nos. 365-370 (nb only one horse is mentioned in the important collection of 21 Cypriote coins in the National catalogue). Museum (Royal Collection of Coins and Medals), which does A well-known CAI terracotta from Lindos of what proba- not re-appear in the present catalogue. Did the authors decide bly was a group of three ritual dancers on a platform is miss- not to publish it again because of its presentation in AncCy- ing here (cf. AncCypArt cat.no. 104). The collection also pArt in 2001? comprises a large group of standing female figurines. Most are mould-made and can be dated to the CAII period. Some of them come from a workshop in Achna (no. 375-376 and III. NY CARLSBERG GLYPTOTHEK, COPENHAGEN 385) and some from a Lapithos workshop (nos. 377-378). Noteworthy is a group of female and male heads of figurines Since most of this collection was described in Corpus of from near Jaffa in Israel (nos. 381,383-4, 400, 403-5; cf. Pl. Cypriote Antiquities 20:8 in 1983 by Anne-Marie Nielsen, 9 with no. 384 erroneously as 284). This section concludes this part of the catalogue only includes various objects offered with a group of six Hellenistic mould-made bulls heads from to, or acquired by, the museum after that date. It also includes the necropolis of Marion (no. 452). the old glass collection offered in the 1890s by the founder of the museum Carl Jacobson and by Julius Løytveld, the Other Arts and Crafts: Bronze, Electrum, Glass, Gold, Lead, Danish consul in Syria, and several other objects donated to Silver, Stone, Terracotta spindle whorls, lamps. the museum by various collectors. The majority of these The bronze collection consists of an EC-LC dagger, an Cypriote artefacts are without a provenance. The present cat- axe, tweezers, a knife, a sword, two spear-heads, including alogue also includes usefull additional up-dated Bibliographic one with a Cypro-Minoan sign on the blade (nos. 453-459). references to the objects published in CCA 20:8. No. 460. is a small but rather rare LC bull figurine. Nos. 461- 463 comprise a CA I pair of blinkers and two Hellenistic mir- Pottery rors. They are shown with a rare electrum earring, no. 464, The recently acquired pottery (mostly without provenance on Pl. 10. because they were acquired at auctions) consists of 11 pieces The glass collection consists of 23 items (no. 465 to (nos 551-561). The oldest piece is a rare ECI Red-Polished I no.488) dating from the 4th-3rd centuries B.C. No. 465 is a ware small flask of the Philia phase. Nos. 552-3 are Red-Pol- rare pendant in shape of a female head and no. 466 is a ished III jugs, one of which is illustrated on Pl.13. Other ves- mould-blown bowl of the 1st century AD. The glass collec- sels are three MCIII Drab Polished jugs and a spouted tion, which otherwise consists of common types of Roman amphoriskos (nos. 555-7), a CG III White-Painted III jug (no. blown glass of the first centuries of the first millennium, is 555) and two CA I vessels, a Bichrome IV juglet and a represented on Pls. 10-11. Black-on-Red II (IV) amphoriskos (nos. 560-1). The gold collection contains 12 objects, nos. 489-500. The earliest objects are two LCIII earrings with bucranium-shaped Terracotta Sculpture pendants (nos. 489-490). There is a CCII diadem, a pair of Four small terracotta items include three common types Hell. earrings ending in bull’s heads (no. 492) and two Hell. (fragmentary) horse-and-rider figurines (nos. 562 is CA II, 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 108

211 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXV N° 1-2, januari-april 2008 212

564-5 are Hellenistic I and CC-Hellenistic 1) and the lower Other Arts and Crafts: Bronze, Stone and Terracotta lamps part of a CA II female figurine (no. 563). There is a large bronze collection of 55 objects including Other Arts and Crafts: Glass various Bronze Age weapons and implements, pins, an arrow-head and a ring (nos. 973-1011). Nos. 1011-1025 con- The old glass-collection (see above) contains 300 pieces. nd st sist of a collection of spiral rings of the Bronze and Iron Nos. 566-570 are mould-blown bowls of the 2 -1 centuries Ages. Nos. 1026-7 comprise a LC-CA bowl and a CA Bowl. BC. The authors appropriately refer in the Bibliography to the important article about this early type of glass by E.M. Stone Stern, published in 1995 (and therefore not yet included in There are eight objects: nos. 1029-1033 are various stone Nielssen’s catalogue of 1992). Nos. 571-3 are core-made tools dating from Neolithic to LC III, nos. 1034-5 are two Com- amphorae and an alabastron, probably with Syrian connec- th rd nd mon Style cylinder seals of the 12 century B.C. and no. 1036 tions, of the 3 -2 century BC. All other items belong to the is a CC II false albastron. All items are illustrated on Pl. 39. category of Roman blown glass of the first centuries of the first millennium. Although the shapes show many variations, Terracotta lamps the types are, with a few exceptions, mostly common. As well There are 18 various common type lamps (nos. 1037- as six deep bowls (nos. 574-579; but for no. 574 of the same 1054), dating between the CG III and the Hellenistic periods. type), there are 21 variously shaped beakers (nos. 580-600) Except for no. 1043 they are illustrated on Plates 39-40. seven jars (nos. 601-607), sack-shaped vessels with a rim around the neck and six jugs (nos. 608-613) of related type. In addition, there are 27 flasks (nos. 614-641) and 224 V. KUNSTHISTORISKMUSEET, RANDERS unguentaria (nos. 642-866) of various shapes. Numerous items of this vast collection are represented on The collection comprises several unprovenanced body Plates 13-28, including some which are published in Nielssen and handle fragments of Base-Ring I Ware (nos. 1055-6) 1992 (whereas other items, also published there, are not). and rim and body fragments of White Slip l and II bowls (nos. 1058-9). Thanks to the fact that this catalogue contains a complete IV. SYDDANKS UNIVERSITET, ODENSE inventory of the public collections of Denmark, it represents another boon to the professional archaeologist and art histo- The collection was quite recently published (Nielssen et. al. rian seeking further material for their researches. The struc- 2001) in Corpus of Cypriote Antiquities 20:22 (reviewed by ture of the volume reflects the aim of all the Corpus of Cypri- the present author in Bibliotheca Orientalis, BIOR 2005/LXII, ote Antiquities (CCA) volumes within the SIMA series, 1-2, 136-140). Since then it was discovered that the collection which are intended to be works with inventories of Cypriote comprises more objects than those then published. The 2001 artefacts in international public and private collections. These publication also presented non-Cypriote antiquities. The pre- valuable volumes reflect Paul Åström’s patient and laudable sent volume provides a complete catalogue of all Cypriote efforts over many years to document Cypriote artefacts all objects at the Syddanks University in Odense without the over the world in order to obtain a corpus of each country. antiquities from elsewhere. If also provides additional biblio- The present volume by Karin Nys and Paul Åström provides graphic references to CCA 20:22. accurate descriptions for all objects. Comparisons are mostly Pottery to the Swedish Cyprus Expedition. While the plates in prin- ciple exclude only objects that have been illustrated before, There are 171 items in the pottery collection (nos. 868- in reality some items lack a photo altogether. The Plates rep- 957). Of the 38 Bronze Age vessels the first 22 are RP I-III resent objects in various proportions; no scales or measure- bowls; nos 900-902 are Base-Ring jugs and nos 903-906 are ments are mentioned. There are no profile drawings indicat- Plain White Hand-made jugs. Except for nos. 891-893, three ing the actual size of the objects in the volume. The present jugs temporarily not found, all items are illustrated on Plates volume is, in short, a useful catalogue, another cornerstone 30-31. The Iron Age pottery comprises 51 various vessels of the building of Cypriote archaeology and a rich source of from the CG III period to the Middle Ages (nos. 907-957). information. Except for seven vessels temporarily not found (nos. 909-911 and 915-918) and no.921 which lacks a photo, all items are Department of Archaeology Stella M. LUBSEN-ADMIRAAL illustrated on Plates 31-32. University of Lausanne, Limestone sculpture October 2007 There are seven items in the collection. Nos. 958-961 are ** three CC II heads of temple boys (?), nos. 962-3 are two CC * dogs and nos. 064-65 are early Hellenistic male and female figures; see Pl. 34. RAUNIG, W., und S. WENIG (Hrsg.) — Afrikas Horn. Terracotta sculpture Akten der Ersten Internationalen Littmann-Konferenz 2. bis 5. Mai 2002 in München. (Meroitica 22). Verlag Otto There are seven items in the collection. Nos. 966-7 are a late Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2005. (24,5 cm, XXII, 456). CC I and a Hellenistic I mould-made female and male-head. ISBN 3-447-05175-2. ISSN 01138-3663. / 108,-. Nos. 968-972 are respectively, a CA I mould-made male head, two CA standing females with up-lifted arms, a CA II horse and This excellently produced book is a diverse collection of a CC II male head. All items are illustrated on Plates 34-35. studies and short contributions in English and German on the 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 109

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history and societies of the Horn of Africa, written by a broad Aksum, as well as a new study (by H. Rubinkowska) evalu- array of scholars from archaeology, the humanities and the ating the early 20th century power struggle in Ethiopia (Iyasu social sciences. Most deal with archaeological and cultural- and Täfäri) and its relation to the foreign powers active in the historical subjects, but there are also a few social science con- country. tributions about more contemporary issues. The initiators of The Ethiopian Orthodox Church stands central in the third the conference on which it is based aimed to create a forum part, and here the lengthy and thorough chapter by S. Munro- for work on subjects that are not prominently represented at Hay, on the historical character of the, allegedly 6th-century, the international Ethiopian Studies conferences (p. xi), which ‘Nine Saints’ is to be recommended. These religious pioneers have been held since 1959 and are more dominated by con- in Ethiopia appear in a wide variety of sources, but their his- temporary history, linguistics as and social anthropology. torical identity remains unclear. Other studies treat the ecu- It is gratifying to see that the memory of Enno Littmann menical movement in Ethiopia, the history of the earliest for- (1875-1958), the eminent German scholar of Semitic lan- eign missions (a very short chapter), and one type of religious guages and ancient history of Arabia and Northeast Africa, is texts (the “Testaments”). A fascinating and theoretically honoured with a series of conferences, and the region under informed text is that of J. Persoon on recent developments in discussion will always yield new challenges in the fields he Ethiopian monasticism, and finally there is an important his- studied. Most of the authors in this book of proceedings of torical study by Zäwde Gäbre-Sellassie on the religious poli- this first Littmann conference (held in 2002 in Munich, with cies of emperors Zär’a Ya’eqob and Yohannes IV. 175 attendants and 80 papers presented) are reputed special- The fourth part of the book is devoted to Enno Littmann ists and have something interesting to say about aspects of his- and his famous ‘Princeton University Expedition to tory and society of the Horn of Africa. However, the 33 papers Abyssinia’ (1905-06), and has a good survey by R. Voigt on are very divergent in length, theme, quality and clarity, pos- the life, education and career of this brilliant scientist. ing some difficulties for book reviewers. Inevitably perhaps, Reviewing the nature and impact of this expedition one is there is little unity except for the area focus — broadly the always astounded to see the scientific results and the amount Horn of Africa, including Sudan — and there are few com- of high quality publications that this relatively short expedi- parative studies or broader syntheses. Many of the papers of tion under Littmann’s exemplary leadership has yielded. course add to our factual knowledge, give new details and dis- Voigt also rightly mentions the essential role in this schol- coveries, often in fascinating ways, and some have high arly endeavour by Littmann’s remarkable Ethiopian assistant curiosity value, e.g. papers on a 1906 Amharic praise song on Naffa wad Étmân. This part of the book also has studies on the German emperor, on an 8th century Chinese ‘fragment’ on F. Rosen, an important member of the Princeton Expedition, Nubia and Ethiopia, and on a ‘missing’ letter from emperor and on other members of his family who played a role in Tewodros. Although of course ‘interesting’ and providing new Ethio-German relations. M. Kropp’s informative account on information, many papers perhaps do not in a major way ‘the history of Ge’ez in the light of Leslau’s Comparative advance our understanding of the cultural history of the region Dictionary of Ge’ez’ seems a bit out of place in this part of in a general, comparative or systematic manner, at least not the book, but is a highly original and fascinating text. Sub- as much or as systematic as one might have liked. sequently, there are studies on the photographs taken during There are five parts in the book, dealing with, respectively, the Princeton Expedition, and on the wax sound recordings, the archaeology and history of the Horn (7 papers), the from both the Princeton Expedition and from other German Ethiopian Orthodox Church (8 papers), Enno Littman and his researchers, like Rosen, Kaschke and Grühl. These are under- 1906 Aksum expedition (7 papers), and the last part on recent studied and underused as sources for Ethio-Eritrean history. research and discoveries (7 papers). The book carries a pref- This part is concluded by a good descriptive chapter by K. ace from the editors (pp. xi-xv) and two statements given at Volker-Saad on the political situation of Eritrea and Tigray the conference by the Ethiopian and Eritrean ambassadors to at the time of the Princeton Expedition. Germany. The final part of the book is on ‘recent research and new In the section on archaeology, R. Fattovich gives a good discoveries’. There is an excellent essay by ethnologist U. overview of the state of play in archaeological studies on the Braukämper, on ethnicity and identity in southern Ethiopia, Horn, and underlines their role in the reconstruction of the based on his long-term field research among the Hadiya peo- early history of the region, including migrations, food pro- ple, but it has little if any relationship with Littmann and his duction and religious and political formations. He also iden- (philological-historical) research interests. Other papers in tifies existing lacunae in our knowledge as well as areas of this fifth part also illustrate the tenuous unity of this book: research priority, and calls for the proper identification and on Egyptian loanwords in German (although the subject ties protection of archaeological heritage in the Horn, now threat- in with one of Littmann’s research interests, on Morgen- ened by ‘development’. Other papers in this section — most ländische Wörter im Deutschen, 1920), on oriental carpets with photographs — are about ancient water management and textiles found in Ethiopian churches and monasteries, a systems in what is now Eritrea, newly found architectural survey on research done on Ethiopian Islam (with a very use- remains in Lasta, Aksumite coins, ‘unexplored Aksumite ful bibliography), on the (possible) historical presence of sites’ in Tigray, and on a project to survey and explore new Oromo and Persians on the ‘Afar coast, and finally a paper archaeological sites west of Aksum, towards the Sudan. Most reconsidering the idea of intensive cultural interaction of these chapters contain news about discoveries, but little between Ethiopia and South Arabia in the pre-Aksumite era, analysis. From several papers it becomes clear that sites are which concludes that a cultural koinè — apart from some endangered by looting and illegal digging. mutual trade — did not really exist. In the section on history there is a well-argued chapter by Some papers in the volume have a conversational, narra- G. Lusini on the role of philology in the reconstruction of the tive style and resemble travel accounts, others are source pre- Ethiopian past, focused on the origin of the cathedral of sentations or reports on discoveries not yet fully interpreted. 0993-8_BIOR_2008/1-2_01 21-04-2008 14:39 Pagina 110

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Lastly, there are analyses with a more general aim, some of which were already mentioned. The chapters by Fattovich, Lusini, Rubinkowska, Munro-Hay, Zäwde Gäbre-Sellassie, Persoon, Kropp and Braukämper stand out here. As noted above, the great variety of contributions cannot give unity to this volume, in which the editing also appears to have been very light. There are even two one-page abstracts of papers (instead of the full versions) that perhaps might have been better left out. But on the other hand, the large number of issues treated, the historical curiosities, and the various excellent analyses by several specialists makes this book a valuable addition to our libraries, a real Fundgrube, also in a bibliographic sense. It again gives evidence of the extent of the unexplored historical and cultural richness of Ethiopia-Eritrea, and can also be the source for renewed research and rethink- ing of the needs of Ethiopian/Eritrean Studies in an empirical and comparative sense. Meanwhile, the second Littmann Con- ference has been held in early 2006 in Aksum, Ethiopia.

African Studies Centre, Leiden, J. ABBINK Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam September 2007