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THE PHOENICIAN EXHIBITION EUROPEAN UNION AND ENPI CBC BASIN PROGRAMME

THE PHOENICIAN

EXHIBITION EDITION ENPI CBCMED. Cross-border Cooperation in the Mediterranean.

MEDINA PROJECT

Project Coordinator Prof. Alessandra Avanzini Technical Coordinator Annamaria De Santis

Copyright ©2015 EXHIBITION The phoenician Exhibition All rights reserved. This or any portion thereof may not be reproduced or used in any manner whatsoever without the express written permission of the publisher except for the use of brief quotations in a book review.

First printing, December 2015. CATALOGUE Concept Rocío Ferreras

© Medina Partners Articles Authors Alessandra Avanzini Raymon Araygi, Minister of Culture of © Mago Production Helen Sader

Cards Authors Hassan Hajj and Olof Canon Design: Mago Production Edition and Production Mago Production Editor: Dedizioni. Dedizioni is a publishing mark of Dedalo, via Card. Maffi 36, Pisa, , [email protected] Photography Directorate General of Antiquities / National Museum of (photographed by Toni Farraj) - Institut du Monde Arabe IMA

ISBN: 978-88-95613-25-3 Graphic Design Rocío Ferreras Irene Farré

Printing and Binding Dedalo - Pisa

EXHIBITION Virtual Reconstructions Magoproduction

Animations Magoproduction

This publication has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union under the ENPI CBC Special Thanks Georges Zouain Mediterranean Sea Basin Programme. The contents of this document can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union or of the Programme’s management structures. It is a non venal edition.

The 2007-2013 ENPI CBC Mediterranean Sea Basin Programme is a multilateral Cross-Border Cooperation initi- ative funded by the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI). The Programme objective is to promote the sustainable and harmonious cooperation process at the Mediterranean Basin level by dealing with the common challenges and enhancing its endogenous potential. It finances cooperation projects as a contribution to the economic, social, environmental and cultural development of the Mediterranean region. The following 14 countries participate in the Programme: , , , , , Italy, , Lebanon, , Palestinian Authority, Portugal, , , . The Joint Managing Authority (JMA) is the Autonomous Region of (Italy). Official Programme languages are , English and French.

The European Union is made up of 27 Member States who have decided to gradually link together their know how,resources and destinies. Together, during a period of enlargement of 50 years, they have built a zone of stability, democracy and sustainable development whilst maintaining cultural diversity, tolerance and individual freedoms. The European Union is committed to sharing its achievements and its values with countries and peoples beyond its borders.

Partners MEDINA Project: Phoenician Map 10 Phoenician Chronology 12

Foreword: The Medina Project Prof. Alessandra Avanzini 15

What do Phoenician Epigraphy and Objects Teach Us? Raymond Araygi, Minister of 19

Introduction Dr. Helen Sader 22

Catalogue 26

Phoenician Trade and Contacts Dr. Helen Sader 30

Phoenician Religion Dr. Helen Sader 46

Phoenician Burial Practices Dr. Helen Sader 58 Bibliographical References 84 Errata corrige 88

10 11 PHOENICIAN KINGDOM MAP PHOINIKIEN um 340. This map is a rep- resentation of the one published by U. Kahrsted in 1926 in his book Syrische Territo- rien in hellenistischer Zeit, Göttingen.

SOUVERÄNE STÄDTE Andere Orte Staatsgebiet von Arados Staatsgebiet von Staatsgebiet von Staatsgebiet von Tyros Gemeinbesitz der Stüdte

Maβstab 1:2000000

20 0 20 40 60 80 100 km

12 13 PHOENICIAN CHRONOLOGY

THE PHOENICIAN KINGS OF TYRE I Baal II Abibaal Hiram II Abimilki Hiram III Ethbaal I Mattan II Eloulaios Ethbaal II Ethbaal III Pygmalion Baal-eser I Astarymus Baal-azor II Mahar-baal Baal-eser III Abdastratus Baal-t-r-m-g? Rruler (=king?) Methusastartus Iakinbaal, Chelbes, Abbar unidentified king: usurper Mattan III and Ger-asthart

1850 1350 1230 ... 970 936 919 910 898 888 856 830 821 774 750 740? 730 694 680 660? 591 573/2 564-2 557-2 532

THE PHOENICIAN KINGS OF BYBLOS Elpa’al Elibaal Alibaal Ahirōm ‘Ayyinel ‘Ormilk I Yehimilk ‘ormilk II ‘Ittoba ´ al ‘Ozzibaal Yiharba’al Jehaumilk ‘Addirmilk Milkasaph Shipitbaal I Shipitba’al II Shipitba’ al III

1200 1000 975 950 930 900 880 740 701 670 500 450 360 348 340 333

THE PHOENICIAN KINGS OF SIDON Lulli ’na’ Anysos Yatonmilk ‘Abdamon ‘Abdamon Bodashtart Abdimilkutti Abdashtart I Baalshillem I Abdashtart II Baalshillem II Eshmunazar I Abdalonymos Tetramnestos Eshmunazar II

701 677 570 550 515 510 490 478 435 425 410 400 370 357 351 344 333

14 15 FOREWORD: THE MEDINA PROJECT PROF. ALESSANDRA AVANZINI

MEDINA - “Mediterranean network for the valorization and fruition of inscriptions preserved in museums” [http://medina.cfs.unipi.it/] is a two year project funded by the European Union with the ENPI - CBC Med programme in 2012. The project aims at enhancing awareness, both in the local and in the international community, of the cultural heritage of some of the most important Ancient Near Eastern civilizations, as a necessary step for its future preservation. The project is focused on the literate societies of the Phoenicians, the Nabataeans and the South Arabians for which writing was essential to several aspects of their organization: bureaucracy, commerce and religion. The surviving epigraphic texts in the Phoenician, Nabataean and South Arabian languages – all written by alphabetic scripts – are a rare treasure chest of interesting historical elements of these three civilizations: thousands of names for , kings, men, women, , temples, palaces are mentioned in the official documents conveying their concept of power and religion. Their importance is rightly assessed if considering that the history of the ancient Phoenician cities, as as the of and the culture of the South Arabian kingdoms, are known almost exclusively through epigraphs, artworks and material culture as direct sources.

In the two years of its life, MEDINA has been working both to increase knowledge exchanges among institutions of the Mediterranean sea basin and to encourage the use of innovative digital technologies to communicate

FOREWORD: THE MEDINA PROJECT 17 to the public the Phoenician and the Nabataean cultural heritage, especially precious artefacts of the collection contribute to light up: the Phoenician preserved into Lebanese and Jordanian museums (the National Museum of trade and the contacts it has allowed to establish, the religion of the Beirut and the Museum of Jordanian Heritage of the Yarmouk University). Phoenicians, and their burial practices. On one hand, a strategy to promote epigraphic and archaeological assets has been developed: digital collections, online museums and virtual As the project has almost come to the end, I would like to thank the exhibitions are the most suitable means, developed with advanced digital consortium, a multidisciplinary working group consisting of research and technologies, to engage a large public, most of all young people, and educate education institutions, archaeological museums and private companies in them providing a proper and immediate interpretation. On the other hand, the communication and creative domains, from a number of Mediterranean training courses addressed to non-EU students, researchers and museum countries: the Yarmouk University (Jordan), the Institute of personnel have been organized in order to spread a common understanding Studies of the University of Barcelona (Spain), GAIA Heritage (Lebanon), and of the best practices in the field of digitization, communication of cultural Magoproduction (Spain) in addition to the University of Pisa (Italy). ). Most of heritage and promotion of museums. Finally, MEDINA has contributed to all, I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Directorate General of involve Lebanese and Jordanian museums into a network of institutions Antiquities of the Lebanese Ministry of Culture and the National Museum of conducting their research in the domain of the Ancient Near East cultural Beirut for having allowed to document the Phoenician collection. heritage. The digital catalogue of the most important and meaningful artifacts that the museums involved into the project preserve has been created. Both inscriptions and archaeological objects were photographed, catalogued and, limited to epigraphs, transcribed and encoded according to the standards accepted by the international community. The catalogue and the project portal give access to the inscriptions and artworks digitized, organized into digital collections, thematic paths and virtual exhibitions. Thus MEDINA intends to provide their description, carried out according to strict scientific criteria, but also to encourage the exploration of the content and guide non-expert users to understand their multiple meanings. At the same time, several social platforms have been developed to engage the target groups of the project, identified among the general public.

However the usual means of communication have not been abandoned. Three printed catalogues have been prepared in order to illustrate, through the inscriptions and the not-inscribed objects of MEDINA, some aspects of the Phoenician, the Nabataean and the South Arabian civilizations respectively. Furthermore a handbook explains to the general public the Nabataean civilization demonstrating the unique contribution to knowledge provided by inscriptions. This volume is dedicated to the Phoenician collection of the National Museum of Beirut. There are three peculiar aspects that the

18 FOREWORD: THE MEDINA PROJECT 19 WHAT DO PHOENICIAN EPIGRAPHY AND OBJECTS TEACH US?

RAYMOND ARAYGI, MINISTER OF CULTURE OF LEBANON

The history of civilizations, empires, and people past tells us about ourselves and teaches us humility and humanity. Civilizations, empires and kingdoms come to life, age, and die as we all do, leaving traces that the science of history would later uncover and analyse. provides us with a wealth of information in the form of artefacts that specialists use to study ancient history. Whenever a text is found – in the form of clay tablets or carved on stone or metal – it amplifies our knowledge and sheds more light on the period under study. In essence, it brings our past to life.

The Phoenicians, whose Near-Eastern harbour cities dominated the Mediterranean navigation and trade and established outposts all around our Middle Sea, gave the World its first alphabet, contributing to the development of their trade and to the wealth of their cities. In doing so, they enabled the transfer of ideas, of science and literature. Legends and myths us that Cadmos the brother of , whose name was given to the continent, gave the to . Like others before them and after, the Phoenician cities progressively lost their dominant position in the Mediterranean, eventually replaced by the Greek cities who were themselves replaced by . So goes history as Jean- Baptiste Duroselle wrote in 1981, “Tout empire périra”. But each of these civilizations continuously took and learnt from the previous one: techniques, philosophy, language, myths, religions, and customs.

20 21 The Ministry of Culture of Lebanon is proud that its collection of Phoenician artefacts is now recorded in this catalogue. This collection has been important in the uncovering of the Phoenician world and in the role of the Phoenicians in history. Soon, we will open additional spaces in the National Museum of Beirut and in the coming museum of history of Beirut where more Phoenician artefacts will be displayed. Most of these objects come from the large archaeological rescue excavation in Beirut that begun in 1993 under the auspices of UNESCO in preparation for the reconstruction of the central district of this . Once these artefacts are published and displayed, a new page of the history of Beirut and of the Phoenicians will be unveiled.

The authors of this catalogue and all those who took part in its making must be congratulated for its scientific quality. Adding a Phoenician component to the DASI Database of ancient languages of the University of Pisa is an achievement that will without doubt help us in safeguarding and presenting a part of our history.

23 WHO WERE THE INTRODUCTION PHOENICIANS HELEN SADER There have been several theories about the origin of the Phoenicians. is the term by which the designated a stretch of the Classical authors have already speculated about their foreign origin and Levantine coast extending from Tartous in the north to Mount Carmel in claimed that they were not native to the Levantine coast. Some have said the south. They referred to its inhabitants as Phoenicians. The etymology that the Phoenicians came from the Red Sea ( I, 1; VII, 89; I, of the name derives from the Greek word Phoinix, meaning “red color” 2, 35; XVI, 4, 27; Pliny, Natural History IV, 36). Until the late 20th century modern and “red purple dye”. This geographical area called Phoiniké by the Greeks scholars were still of the opinion that the Phoenicians were newcomers to did not form a political unit and was split into several polities. The name the and that they came in the aftermath of the so-called Sea-People by which the local inhabitants referred to this region is presumed by the invasion. Most scholars believed that the Phoenician coast was invaded by overwhelming majority of scholars to be . However, the inhabitants these hordes and some were of the opinion that the Phoenicians were a of these coastal kingdoms used their home city to identify themselves as mixture of the latter with local Canaanites (Röllig 1983: 80). Sidonians, Tyrians, Arwadians…, and never used the term Canaanites. In the light of new archaeological evidence from Tyre and , it Phoenicia held a strategic position at the crossroads of the ancient routes became clear that the Phoenician coast did not suffer any invasion and linking Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean to the Syrian, Anatolian, and that the transition from the Late Bronze to the was peaceful. No Mesopotamian interior. This position was strengthened by the presence scholar would raise any serious doubt today about the local origin of the on the Phoenician coast of several which had been active in trade Phoenicians: they are the direct descendants of the indigenous population with the eastern Mediterranean world since the . The abundance of the Late Bronze Age. of wood in the neighboring mountains provided also the necessary raw material for building ships. Ship building and seafaring, which prospered already in the second millennium BC, became emblematic of the Phoenician cities in the Iron Age as attested by the wide expansion of the Phoenician trade network in the Mediterranean.

24 INTRODUCTION 25 PHOENICIAN HISTORY The Assyrian annals demonstrate that the Phoenician coast was very densely settled mainly between Tyre and Beirut. The territory of the Phoenician kingdoms was protected by a series of fortified cities where stocks of foodstuffs were safely stored for lack of space in the capital. Thehigh density of occupation coupled with the narrowness of the land available for agriculture made the coastal kingdoms always short of staple food which they had to import. It is maybe this constant food shortage that pushed the Phoenicians out of their territory in search for new food resources or a better living. From the listed in the Assyrian annals we can infer that the Phoenician cities had active trade relations with , Cyprus, and Syria. The annals of the Middle Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I (1114-1076 BC) and th text known as the Journey of Wenamun (10 c. BC) provide Information about Phoenicia stops after the reign of and evidence that the coastal cities did not suffer from a foreign invasion around resumes only with the rise of Nabuchadnezzar II to the throne of at 1200 BC and that Phoenician kingdoms were already established and the beginning of the 6th c. BC. Later classical sources speak of a siege of Tyre th prospered at the end of the 12 c. BC. by Nabuchadnezzar II which lasted 13 years (585-573/2 BC) and which failed The main sources for Phoenician history are the Phoenician royal in subduing the island city (Katzenstein 1973: Chapter XII ). It is also believed inscriptions, the annals of the neo-Assyrian kings, the Homeric epics, and that after the siege, kingship was abolished in Tyre and replaced by the rule th th the . Starting with the 9 c. and until the end of the 7 century BC, of judges (Katzenstein 1973: 340-341). information about Phoenicia comes almost exclusively from the Assyrian royal annals. From these texts we know that there were four independent The Achaemenid Persians conquered Phoenicia and included it within their Phoenician kingdoms. According to Katzenstein (Katzenstein 1973: 131) 5th province or satrapy. When conquered Phoenicia the there was a fusion of the kingdoms of Tyre and Sidon under the reign of local kingdoms progressively lost their autonomy and disappeared under th Ittobaal, , in the early 9 c. BC. In the mid-8th c. BC the Assyrians the rule of his successors. initiated an aggressive policy aiming at the annexation of the Levantine states. In 701 BC, Sanherib put an end to the unified kingdom of Tyre and Sidon after the defeat of Lulli, . This event was the first of a series of blows which will end up breaking down the power of the rich cities of Sidon and Tyre. Sanherib’s son led a punitive expedition against Abdimilkutti, king of Sidon, in 677 (Borger 1956: 48). In order to put an end to this constant rebellion, Esarhaddon turned the kingdom of Sidon into an Assyrian province and placed an Assyrian to administer it. Ashurbanipal, Esarhaddon’s son, fought against Tyre and besieged the island Surru (Luckenbill 1968: par. 779 and 847).

26 INTRODUCTION 27 PHOENICIAN CULTURE

In spite of its subdivisions into several polities, Phoenicia formed one cultural entity and its inhabitants shared the same language, script, political system, material culture, and religion with slight regional differences. This is the reason why one is entitled to speak today of Phoenician culture.

The most determining characteristic of this culture is the script and the language. All Phoenician cities shared the same language which is referred to in modern literature as Phoenician. The Phoenicians used the alphabetic script to write their language and they are accredited with its transmission to the Greeks and to countries around the Mediterranean basin. The transmission of the alphabet is the major contribution of the Phoenicians in the exchange with the populations they came into contact with.

In spite of the political division and the local differences, it is possible to speak of one Phoenician religion. The pantheons of the various cities were structured around a divine couple, Baal, the city god, and , the city goddess, and consisted of several female and male gods whose cults are attested in more than one Phoenician city.

28 INTRODUCTION 29 PHOENICIAN CATALOGUE

30 31 The annals of the neo-Assyrian kings Ashurnasipal II (883 - 859 BC) and PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS Shalmaneser III (858-824 BC) list the booty taken from the Phoenician cities. The booty and tribute listed is an indicator used by scholars to identify the DR. HELEN SADER commodities that were traded by the Phoenician cities and which were provided to the Assyrians. From the tribute listed in the Assyrian annals we can infer that the Phoenician cities had active trade relations with Africa, The fame of the Phoenicians as daring navigators, shrewd , and Cyprus, Anatolia and Syria from where they brought textiles, exotic woods, skilled traders has been established by classical authors and by the biblical semi-precious stones, and metals. In the 8th c. BC, Phoenician trade reached narratives. Foremost among the latter is the famous chapter 27 of Prophet its peak as attested in the Homeric epics which speak of Phoenicians and Ezechiel’s book describing the trade network of Tyre. This text is always Sidonians infesting the Mediterranean. According to most scholars the 8th c. cited as a key source for Phoenician trade. Although written in the 6th c. is the period when the most ancient Phoenician colonies were founded in BC the text may reflect a situation that was prevailing before that period. It the western Mediterranean. identifies the trade partners of Tyre as well as the goods that were traded. Tyrian trade extended from Spain to and from Anatolia to . Next to metals –gold, silver, tin and bronze– they mention exotic animals, precious wood, such as ebony and boxwood and, finally, semi-precious The high density of occupation coupled with the narrowness of the land stones, such as lapis-lazuli and carnelian (Fig. 1). The annals of Esarhaddon available for agriculture made the coastal kingdoms always short of staple (680-669 BC) list the booty taken from Abdimilkutti, king of Sidon, in 677 BC: food which they had to import. It is maybe this constant food shortage that pushed the Phoenicians out of their territory in search for new food resources or a better living. The limited amount of raw materials available on the narrow Phoenician coast, coupled with the relentless requests of raw I carried away as booty the treasures he had materials by neighboring states, drove the Phoenician maritime expansion accumulated, gold, silver, precious stones, and enabled the establishment of their extensive trading networks in order hides, ivory, ebony, boxwood, garments of colored wool to satisfy their local and foreign needs. and linen, whatever was precious in his palace, Cedar wood –abundant in the Phoenician hinterland– was the only raw in great quantities. material locally available and it was mainly traded with Egypt due to its strength, length and scent, as attested in Egyptian literary sources of the second millennium BC. The Wenamun Journey, a text of the 10th c. BC, The Assyrians, of course, cut wood from the Lebanese mountains for the mentions twenty ships in the harbour of Byblos and fifty in that of Sidon, all building of their temples and palaces. of them in active trade relations with Egypt. It depicts the amount of goods given as payment to the Royal House in Byblos in exchange of a shipment of cedar wood. The exchange material, as expected, included large amounts of gold and silver, as well as other metals and goods, such as linen, rolls, and foodstuff to satisfy local demand.

32 PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS 33 Later on, Phoenician traders started expanding in search of new sources Vineyards and olive tree plantations were scattered along the slopes of the of raw materials and developed a network that not only covered the Lebanon mountains and provided the basis for an active and olive Mediterranean basin, but extended to the African and European coast oil along the Phoenician coast. These were often transported in on the Atlantic (Fig. 2). Due to their success, the Phoenician cities became large quantities in amphorae, as attested by several Phoenician shipwrecks. extremely wealthy, prompting Ezekiel –writing in the 7th c. BC Imported good are attested by the presence of imported ceramics (Fig. 7) – to address the island city of Tyre as ‘the ship’ in reference to its important In addition to the materials mentioned above, a variety of other raw trading fleet and numerous trading outposts. This island-state was no doubt materials were imported and crafted in Phoenician workshops for export. one of the most successful trading cities along the Phoenician coast with For example, ivory (Fig. 8) was imported from Africa and Syria in the form of colonies up in Cyprus, , Anatolia, and Spain, as well as other elephant tusks, worked in Phoenician workshops and later sold as finished trading posts inland in Syria, Palestine, Arabia, and . Another luxury items. passage from Ezekiel’s text addresses imported materials which includes precious metals, ivory, clothing and wine. By the 7th c. BC the Phoenician coast was considered a major trading hub. Raw materials were imported from all over the Mediterranean basin, as well As it appears from all the available written sources, the most significant as from other inland locations through their numerous trading outposts. imports were precious metals acquired from the Phoenician colonies These materials were then crafted into luxury goods (Fig. 3-5) which were around the Mediterranean basin, such as Cyprus, Minor, Sardinia, Italy re-distributed and sold for profit through an intricate trading network that and Spain. All these colonies were located in strategic positions in close spanned most of the known world at that time. proximity to metal resources which were mined by the locals, and exported back to the homeland. It is important to mention that the Phoenician search for metals, especially silver and iron, was spurred by constant Assyrian demands culminating in the 8th - 7th c. BC. The Phoenicians used metals to produce beautiful jewelry (Fig. 3-5) and vessels that were offered as gifts or taken as booty.

Textiles were another important commodity traded by the Phoenicians, especially purple dyed textiles, a highly valued local specialty. The textiles are believed to have been imported from and dyed in Phoenicia. The Phoenicians were experts in purple dying: the dye itself was extracted from murex shells (Fig. 6) and was extremely expensive. This is the reason why dyed textiles were considered a mark of royalty.

34 PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS 35 Figure 1: Necklace | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | 5th c. BC | Gold – Semiprecious Stones | L. 36 | Beirut National Museum. 16508. The strand of this necklace is compiled of numerous small gold globules adorned at intervals with agate, turquoise, cornelian and coral stones carved in the shape of a wadjet eye, or the Eye of , and highlighted with several white beads. Two gold wadjet eyes decorated with granulation are also inserted in the lower part of the strand. The centrepiece of the necklace is composed of two convex multi-coloured agate stones mimicking a pair of eyes. These semi-precious gems are set in a gold frame decorated with two rows of granules and bordered by a tightly arranged file of uraei seen in profile. At the center the silhouette of a turquoise wadjet eye set in a delicate gold frame hangs from a barrel loop flanked by two engraved white beads.

36 PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS 37 Figure 3: Necklace | Sidon | 5th c. BC | Gold | D. 27 | Beirut National Museum. 16509. Gold necklace composed of numerous barrel-shaped ribbed beads Figure 2: The Phoenician Expansion | Liban l’Autre decorated with granulation. The beads are separated at Rive, IMA catalogue, 116-117. intervals with suspended white beads (some of which are missing) supported by two semi-spherical gold sheets. In front, a repoussé pendant in the shape of a light-hearted gorgon’s face crafted in stunning detail hangs from a spherical attachment covered entirely with granulations. Two spherical ribbed beads are placed on either side of the amulet. The lock at the back is in the shape of two shield-like convex disks bordered with filigree beaded wires.

38 PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS 39 Figure 4: Silver bracelet with an amethyst intaglio Figure 5: Golden Amulet in the shape of an eye | Sidon stone set in a gold bezel | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | | 5th c. BC | Gold – Semiprecious Stone | H. 3,2. L.2 5th - 4th c. BC | Gold – Silver – Semiprecious Stone | | Beirut National Museum. 16512. Gold eye pendant D. 7 | Beirut National Museum. 16157. The bracelet is with a large suspension loop attached on top. The eye is shaped from thick silver wire of circular section slightly carved from a blue and white agate. The craftsman has tapered at both ends and receiving an ellipsoidal gold made full use of the natural colours, layers and striations bezel, decorated with coiled spiral patterns around its of the gemstone to realistically mimic the iris pupil, and outer frame, supported by two medium sized globules. sclera or white of a human eye. The stone is set in a The bezel is set with an intaglio amethyst stone depicting bezel the outer frame of which is decorated with a row of a worshipping scene in stunning detail. On the right a leaves arranged in a wreath. Numerous minute granules female figure (Astarte?) is seated on a throne, flanked arranged in triangles enclose the gemstone and secure it by sphinxes, with raised left hand and holding a long in the gold bezel, the two corners of which are highlighted sceptre in her right. On the left a figure clad in a Persian with medium-sized granules assembled into rosettes. style garment stands with both hands raised in a gesture of prayer. Between the two is a thymiaterion (incense burner) and above them a winged sun-disk and a star.

40 PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS 41 Figure 6: An assortment of murex shells for producing purple dye | Phoenician Coast |

42 PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS DR. HELEN SAEDER 43 Figure 7: Cinerary urn | Tell Rachidieh | 9th – 7th c. BC Figure 8: Comb | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | 5th c. BC | Clay | H. 33,7. D. 21 |Beirut National Museum. 26482. | Ivory | Beirut National Museum. This double-sided A light beige and yellowish bichrome painted amphora of comb carved from ivory consists of two pillar-shaped side Cypriot with two vertical handles and a flattened rim. It frames flanking a central panel. The delicately tapering is poorly preserved with some concretions on the upper comb-teeth on top, some of which are partially broken part. The neck and shoulder are adorned with concentric or entirely missing, have a much finer width than their black circles. The lower section of the body is decorated counterparts below, which consist of sixteen sharp- with a series of black and red horizontal lines and the ended teeth, two of which are missing. In the center, a handles with black stripes and hatching. rectangular panel situated within a zigzag frame depicts a recumbent winged sphinx with a bearded human head wearing a crenelated crown. The imagery and decorations on the opposite side of the comb is identical to the above with the exception that the sphinx has a female head. The comb is assembled from several components combined together.

44 PHOENICIAN TRADE AND CONTACTS 45 46 47 sanctuaries. Votive offerings placed on benches inside the shrine and then PHOENICIAN RELIGION collected and placed in pits known as favissae, were deposited in large numbers in Phoenician temples. The most common form of votive offering DR. HELEN SADER was the bronze or terracotta figurine either representing the deity or the worshipper. Sacred figurines were not restricted to temples and sanctuaries alone, but were also found in dwellings, indicating the presence of a private domestic cult. The latter tended to focus on health, fertility, and the wellbeing of women and children, as attested by the significant number ofdea gravida figurines (Fig. 3). Terracotta statuettes also depict musicians performing at Primary sources on Phoenician religion do not provide detailed information religious ceremonies by playing the lyre (Fig. 4), the tambourine (Fig. 5), and on this subject. Our limited knowledge comes from the Bible and several the double-pipe. Offerings at these rituals are believed to have consisted of inscriptions recovered from archaeological sites outside Phoenicia such as liquid libations, probably milk or wine, as well as solid foods such as bread, , in addition to several classical authors, mainly of Byblos who olives, and . lived in the 2nd century AD. However, these sources provide only a small glimpse into religious rituals, whereby only names of gods are listed and In the temple of the healing god in Bustan esh-Sheikh, near Sidon, reference is made to the patrons who commissioned these inscriptions. marble statues of little boys (Fig. 6) were found in an abandoned canalization which acted as a favissa. These are ex-votos offered to the god in gratitude. Due to the limited textual evidence at our disposal, scholars rely more on The inscription of Baalshillem (Fig. 6) attests to this function. Phoenician the archaeological evidence from Phoenician sites in order to reconstruct religion was also influenced by neighbouring cultures, most notably the their religious practices. The written evidence enables us to deduce the Egyptian, as attested by the worship of Amon, Bes (Fig. 7), , and Horus presence of a polytheistic religious system, where each independent city (Fig. 8) in Phoenician territories. had its own gods.The pantheons of the various cities were structured around a divine couple, Baal, the city god, and Astarte, the city goddess, and consisted of several female and male gods whose cults are attested in more than one Phoenician city. Each polity had a different city god, for Tyre and Eshmun for Sidon, for example, but they all worshipped the same city goddess, Astarte. Her cult was deeply rooted in all Phoenician cities. The Phoenicians adopted also the cult of foreign gods mainly Egyptian Bes, , Osiris and Horus and their worship is attested in their figurative representations as well as in the local onomastics. In turn, the countries with which the Phoenicians traded or in which they established settlements have adopted and worshipped Phoenician gods such as Astarte in Cyprus and Malta, Eshmun, and Tinnit in , Sid in Sardinia, and Melqart and Baal Hammon in Syria (Xella 2007: 54-55). Deities were often represented by a throne (Fig. 1 and Fig. 2), known as ‘Astarte throne’, considered as the focal point of most Phoenician

48 PHOENICIAN RELIGION 49 Figure 1: Astarte throne | Tyre | Hellenistic | Figure 2: Astarte throne | Byblos | Iron Age III/ Limestone | H. 73. L. 39. W. 39 | Beirut National Hellenistic | Limestone | H. 60. L. 46. W. 46 | Beirut Museum. 2120 . This limestone Astarte throne is flanked National Museum. 2118. This highly damaged limestone by two Egyptian-style winged sphinxes resting on a square Astarte throne, now missing the seatback, is flanked by podium. The sphinxes wear a nemes-headdress and two standing winged sphinxes, the heads and forearms of have witnessed some damage to their face and paws. which are broken. The wings are scrupulously engraved The wings curve upward towards the backseat and form with overlapping feathers. The frontal panel is carefully the throne’s armrests. Placed on the seat is an imposing carved in relief and depicts a moon crescent situated on baetyl, an aniconic divine representation of the god/ top of a winged sun disk, below which two male figures goddess in the form of a long pyramidal truncated stand on a podium. Their dress, with generously flowing at the top. The frontal panel is carved with a ‘Tree of Life’ sleeves, is composed of numerous vertical folds extending symbol depicting a palm tree. The tree of Life motif is of to their ankles. Mesopotamian origin but it spread all over the ancient Near East.

50 PHOENICIAN RELIGION DR. HELEN SAEDER 51 Figure 3: Dea gravida figurine | Lebanon | 5th c. BC | Figure 4: Lyre player figurine | Lebanon | Hellenistic Clay | H. 44. L. 14,2 | Beirut National Museum. 87.7. | Clay | H. 14. L. 5,6 | Beirut National Museum. 1593. Terracotta figurine of a woman with her right arm resting Terracotta figurine of a female musician playing thelyre . on her belly. Her left arm is held against her body and She is holding the musical instrument with both hands her breasts are exposed. She wears a high head cloth on the left side of her head. She is wearing a diadem with bulging lateral extensions above her ears. The lower and a long skirt draping down to her feet. Her right leg is extension of the headdress falls over her shoulders. This raised to simulate dancing, but the part below the knee is type of figurine is known as thedea gravida and is widely missing. spread in Phoenicia where it represents the goddess Astarte.

52 PHOENICIAN RELIGION 53 Figure 6: Eshmun baby | Sidon | 5th c. BC | Marble | Base: H. 59. W. 42. Th. 11 – Statue: H. 52,5. W. 19. Th. 41 | Beirut National Museum. 12454. This artifact is a marble statue of a child in a recumbent position with a royal votive inscription finely carved in a straight line of 0.5 m on its base. This is one of the so-called “Temple Boys” statues which were found in the Eshmun temple in Bustan esh-Sheikh. They were likely presented as ex-votos to the healing god Eshmun. The figure is represented Figure 5: Figurine playing the tambourine | Tyre | 8th lying, with the upper body propped up by both arms. The – 7th c. BC | Clay | H. 17,5. W. 6. Th. 5 | Beirut National figure has a cloth draped across its lower body from the Museum. 879. Terracotta figurine of a female holding waist down and holds a bird in the right hand. a disk on her left shoulder. The disc has been variously interpreted as a tambourine or a loaf of bread, a typical offering for the goddess Astarte. The body of the figurine is moulded while her arms and the disc were handmade and stuck to the body. Her face displays outsized eyes and nose. A veil covers her head, but the ears remain exposed. She wears a long garment covering the entire length of her legs and widening at bottom. Decoration in the shape of vertical wide strokes using dark-coloured paint adorns the lower part of her dress. This type of terracotta figurine is very common in Phoenicia.

54 PHOENICIAN RELIGION 55 Figure 7: Figurine of the God Bes | Kharayeb | Figure 8: Horus eye amulet | Sheikh Zenad | Iron Hellenistic | Clay | H. 15,2 | Beirut National Museum. Age III | Bronze – Semiprecious Stones | Beirut 2499. Figurine representing Bes seated with his feet National Museum. Square-shaped bronze cloisonné resting on a wild goat. A wide collar around the neck is amulet depicting the Eye of Horus inlayed with turquoise indicated. The figures stand on a square base. Bes is blue, red, white, yellow and black enamel. The lower an Egyptian god of fertility represented as a dwarf with left corner of the amulet is damaged and the inlays are accentuated genital organs whose cult was very popular highly chipped and fractured. The composition of this in Phoenicia. piece highlights the mastery achieved by local craftsmen in the field of miniature metalworking and enamelling techniques. These amulets were worn by individuals to ward off the evil eye and hint at the influence of Egyptian art and religion in the Phoenician lands.

56 PHOENICIAN RELIGION 57 58 59 The Phoenicians buried their dead in cemeteries located outside the PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES settlement. In these cemeteries, several tomb types are attested: they range from simple earth pits to rock-cuts, shaft and cist tombs. DR. HELEN SADER The archaeological evidence has clearly demonstrated that in Phoenician times two funerary practices co-existed: inhumation and cremation. Inhumation is the practice of burying the dead as is. It is the only funerary practice attested since the and it continued to be widespread among the Phoenicians. This type of interment is attested in both common and royal cemeteries. Inhumed bodies were deposited in the tomb directly on the floor, on stone or wooden benches, in jars, or in coffins.

In Phoenicia several types of stone coffins are attested: the oldest is the rectangular stone sarcophagus such as the Ahiram coffin (Fig. 1). In the Scholars dealing with funerary traditions during the Iron Age in Lebanon Persian period the use of marble sarcophagi of the anthropoid, theca, and are faced with several problems. The first is the total absence of ancient architectural type became widespread. The anthropoid or mummy-shaped texts describing the beliefs the Phoenicians had of life after death and the sarcophagi3 are an imitation of Egyptian coffins and they are a typical cultic performances required to secure the dead an eternal rest. From Phoenician production of the 5th and 4th c. BC. At the beginning, the local the available written sources we may infer that the Phoenicians, like all Sidonian sarcophagi imitated the Egyptian prototypes but they progressively other ancient Near Eastern people, believed in life after death. They also fell under Greek influence (Fig. 2). It is even suggested that Greek masters believed in the existence and immortality of the soul, which survives the were first brought to Sidon to produce them and later local sculptors were disintegration of the body. This may explain the presence of offerings and introduced to this art by their Greek colleagues4. More than fifty marble of religious symbols in the tombs. Details regarding the location and the anthropoid sarcophagi were found in Sidon and the largest collection description of the underworld as well as the fate awaiting the dead in the including 23 sarcophagi - known as the Ford collection - is housed in the afterlife are however totally absent. Beirut National Museum (Fig. 3).

Concerning the funerary ritual, there is also hardly any indications about The cases are Greek coffins of a very simple shape with a rounded ora cultic performances in the texts. There is some information regarding the triangular cover which were copied in Asia Minor and the Levant. The best treatment of the dead body before interment: one Phoenician text from example is that of Batnoam’s sarcophagus displayed in the Beirut National Byblos1 refers specifically to the embalment of the dead and mentions Museum5 (Fig. 4). two products, myrrha and bdellium, which were used in this process. The inscription of the Phoenician queen Batnoam2 mentions a mouthpiece of gold that was placed on the face of the deceased.

3- These sarcophagi were studied by several scholars: Kukahn 1955; Buhl 1964, 1983 and 1991; Elayi 1989; Elayi and Haykal 1996; Lembke 2001 and Fredde 2000. 1- Starcky 1969. 4- Lembke 2001: 91, 108. 2- KAI 11 5- Dunand 1939: Pl. XXVIII.

60 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 61 The architectural sarcophagi of which four were found in Sidon -the “”, iconography of the Ahiram sarcophagus7 (Fig. 1) where food offerings are “Lycian”, “Alexander” and “Wailing Women” sarcophagus6 - are characterized presented to the dead king. On the same monument, scenes depicting by the fact that they are cut in the shape of a monument and their sides are women tearing their clothes (Fig. 6) and hair indicate that such grief sculpted with reliefs. ceremonies were also part of the funerary ritual.

Before placing the body in the tomb, the general practice was to wrap it in a The archaeological evidence indicates that in the case of cremation a fire shroud. In spite of the fact that textiles are rarely preserved, the presence of was lit inside the tomb before closing it, and another one was lit outside pins and fibulae attest this practice. While shrouding the body with a cloth it most probably for purification. A large number of intentionally broken seems to have been common practice, embalmment is difficult to assert in vessels were found on top of the tombs, suggesting a funerary the present state of the evidence. Except for the above-mentioned textual meal. Another aspect of the funerary ritual is associated with drinking. The evidence suggesting this practice by using myrrha and bdellium no evidence systematic presence of two jugs and a drinking cup indicate the emergence allows us to conclude that this practice was generalized. Mummification of a new funerary ritual focused around drinking. In Phoenician tombs seems to have been restricted to the royal family. Indeed only three of the 8th and 7th centuries BC, the pottery assemblage includes always a examples of mummification, all of them from the royal necropolis of Sidon, cinerary urn (Fig. 5), a bowl (Fig. 7), a trefoil mouth jug (Fig. 8), a ridged-neck have been so far attested in Lebanon. jar (Fig. 9) and a plate (Fig. 10).

Cremation consists in incinerating the dead body on a pyre and in placing The archaeological evidence clearly shows the important influence Egyptian the cremated remains inside the grave either directly on the floor or in religion had on Phoenician beliefs. The use of scarabs (Fig. 11), Bes figures an urn (Fig. 5). This burial tradition is alien to the funerary customs of the (Fig. 11), Horus eyes (Fig. 12), ankh signs and lotus buds as amulets placed Levant before the first millennium BC. Up to now, no scholarly consensus in the tomb for apotropaic purposes as well as the use of anthropoid exists regarding the origin of cremation. The only clear fact is that cremation sarcophagi provide undeniable evidence for Egyptian religious influence. was typical of funerary traditions in Phoenicia since the 9th century BC and it disappeared completely in the 6th century BC. The rich were accompanied by different types of jewelry, such as rings (Fig. 13), bracelets (Fig. 14), earrings, and bead necklaces (Fig. 15) as well as other The archaeological evidence allows us to reconstruct in some cases the luxury items such as ivory combs (Fig. 16). In the tombs one finds also shrine funerary ritual that was performed by the Phoenicians. All the excavated models (Fig. 17), masks (Fig. 18), and terracotta figures representing divine tombs from Lebanon have systematically yielded evidence for food offerings beings (Fig. 19). which indicates that this ritual was a generalized one. The existence of such The presence of stone stelae with religious symbols on some tombs a funerary meal or banquet in honour of the dead is corroborated by the

6- Lembke 1998: 145; Elayi 1989: 269 excludes the from this category. 7- Lehmann 2005: Pls. 1-4.

62 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 63 may indicate the existence of some rituals and prayers in memory of the deceased. Grave stones are very widely attested in Phoenicia8 and some bear the name of the deceased written in Phoenician letters (Fig. 20), some have religious symbols engraved on them and some have both. Among the many motifs attested are the lotus flower, the sun disc and the moon crescent, the /ankh sign, the altar or betyl, the shrine.

Figure 1: Sarcophagus of King Ahiram with a Phoenician Inscription | Byblos | 13th-12th c. BC (re- used 10th c. BC) | Limestone | Tub: H. 140. L. 297. W. 111,5 – Cover: H. 33. L. 284. W. 114 | Beirut National Museum. 2086. This sarcophagus is characterized by reliefs and by the oldest Phoenician text known to date. On the long side of the sarcophagus, a funerary banquet scene is depicted showing the king seated on his throne receiving offerings from a long procession of people. On the narrow side, women wailing in sign of mourning are represented.

8- Sader 2005.

64 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 65 Figure 2: Greek influenced anthropoid sarcophagus | Figure 3: The Ford collection of anthropoid sarcophagi Ain el-Hilweh, Sidon | 5th c. BC | Marble | H. 68. L. 203. | Ain el-Hilweh, Sidon | 5th c. BC | Beirut National W. 84. | Beirut National Museum. 13087. This marble Museum. The Ford collection consists of 23 anthropoid anthropoid sarcophagus was excavated from a shaft-cut sarcophagi depicting, in a Greek style, the faces of the tomb at Ain Hilweh, in the region of Sidon. On it is a fine deceased. depiction of a male face with curly hair. The neck is also carved with clavicles and the larynx. The Greek character “K” is carved on the sarcophagus.

66 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 67 Figure 4: Sarcophagus of Batnoam | Byblos | 5th c. BC | marble | L. 220. W. 73,5. H. (with cover) 80 | Beirut National Museum. This is a theca marble sarcophagus of Batnoam, Queen of Byblos. A long funerary inscription is carved in tiny letters on a single line measuring 94cm. The inscription reads: “In this coffin lie I Batnoam, mother of King Azbaal, King of Byblos son of Paltibaal, priest of the Mistress, in a robe and with a tiara on my head and a gold bridle on my mouth, as was the custom with the royal ladies who were before me”.

Figure 5: Funerary urn | Tell Rachidieh | 9th – 7th c. BC | Clay | H. 33,7. D. 21 |Beirut National Museum. 26482. A light beige and yellowish bichrome painted amphora of Cypriot origin with two vertical handles and a flattened rim. It is poorly preserved with some concretions on the upper part. The neck and shoulder are adorned with concentric black circles. The lower section of the body is decorated with a series of black and red horizontal lines and the handles with black stripes and hatching.

68 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 69 Figure 7: Bowl | Khirbit Silm | Iron Age I | Clay | Beirut National Museum. Black on red deep bowl painted with circular bands both on the inside and outside. Several concentric black circles adorn the exterior of the vessel. It has a single black painted vertical handle attached to the bell-shaped body. The vessel rests on a small and shallow annular base.

Figure 6: Wailing women register of the Ahiram Figure 8: Trefoil-mouth juglet | Khalde | 8th - 7th Sarcophagus | Byblos | 13th-12th c. BC | Limestone | c. BC. | Clay | H. 18. D.max 10. | Beirut National Beirut National Museum. 2086. The register depicts four Museum. 49570. Light orange, clear red slip trefoil juglet. wailing women in profile, the two on the left side holding The slip is badly preserved or misapplied in some places their breasts in a similar fashion to the iconic Astarte giving the vessel an orange color. figurines, while the women on the right hold their hands This vessel has a trefoil rim on top of a relatively long above their heads. The register sits below a floral motif, conical neck. A handle extends from the rim to the and above two lion heads protomes. bottom of the neck. The main body has a globular shape supported on a flattened base.

70 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 71 Figure 9: Ridged-neck juglet | Tyre, El-Bass | 9th – 7th c. BC | Clay | H. 20,5. D. 9,5 | Beirut National Museum. 27622. This is an orange-red slip juglet, badly preserved in some places with concretions covering the surface of the body and neck. This type of vessel is known as a “mushroom lip” due to the shape of the rim. The juglet has a long neck with a ridge in the middle imitating welding in metallic vessels and two parallel horizontal black lines right above that ridge. A small handle connects the lower part of the neck with the bell-shaped body of the juglet. The body of the vessel leans to one side, a characteristic that seems to be made intentionally by the potter.

72 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 73 Figure 10: Plate | Khalde | 10th – 8th c. BC | Clay | Figure 11: Figurine of the God Bes | Kharayeb | H. 9,3. D. 24 |Beirut National Museum. 49574. This Hellenistic | Clay | H. 15,2 | Beirut National Museum. plate has an everted rim, two handles on opposite sides, 2499. Figurine representing Bes seated with his feet and is supported on a ring base. The inside of the plate resting on a wild goat. A wide collar around the neck is is decorated with black horizontal stripes on the rim, as indicated. The figures stand on a square base. Bes is well as concentric circles decreasing in diameter towards an Egyptian god of fertility represented as a dwarf with the bottom of the vessel. The outside is decorated with accentuated genital organs whose cult was very popular horizontal bands on the handles as well as on the outside in Phoenicia. of the body. The base is decorated with a cross motif.

74 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 75 Figure 12: Horus eye amulet | Sheikh Zenad | Iron Figure 13: Golden ring | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon Age III | Bronze – Semiprecious Stones | Beirut | Mid-5th c. BC | Gold | D. 1,9 | Beirut National National Museum. Square-shaped bronze cloisonné Museum. 16505. Gold signet ring having an oval shaped amulet depicting the Eye of Horus inlayed with turquoise rigid bezel incised with a scene depicting a lion attacking blue, red, white, yellow and black enamel. The lower a stag from behind, a popular oriental motif recurring in left corner of the amulet is damaged and the inlays are Phoenician art and culture. These signet rings were used highly chipped and fractured. The composition of this to seal documents by pressing the intaglio designs into piece highlights the mastery achieved by local craftsmen molten wax. This specimen was retrieved from the royal in the field of miniature metalworking and enamelling tombs of Magharat Tabloun, on the outskirts of Sidon, techniques. These amulets were worn by individuals to and undoubtedly symbolized the owner’s prominent ward off the evil eye and hint at the influence of Egyptian status in the Phoenician society. art and religion in the Phoenician lands.

76 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 77 Figure 15: Necklace | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | 5th c. BC | Gold – Semiprecious Stones | L. 36 | L. 36 | Beirut National Museum. 16508. The strand of this necklace is compiled of numerous small gold globules adorned at intervals with agate, turquoise, cornelian and coral stones carved in the shape of a wadjet eye, or the Eye of Horus, and highlighted with several white beads. Two gold wadjet eyes decorated with granulation are also inserted in the lower part of the strand. The centrepiece of the necklace is composed of two convex multi-coloured agate stones mimicking a pair of eyes. These semi-precious gems are set in a gold frame decorated with two rows of granules and bordered by a tightly arranged file of uraei seen in Figure 14: Silver bracelet with an amethyst intaglio profile. In between, the silhouette of a turquoisewadjet stone set in a gold bezel | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | eye set in a delicate gold frame hangs from a barrel loop 5th - 4th c. BC | Gold – Silver – Semiprecious Stone | flanked by two engraved white beads. D. 7 | Beirut National Museum. 16157. The bracelet is shaped from thick silver wire of circular section slightly tapered at both ends and receiving an ellipsoidal gold bezel, decorated with coiled spiral patterns around its outer frame, supported by two medium sized globules. The bezel is set with an intaglio amethyst stone depicting a worshipping scene in stunning detail. On the right a female figure (Astarte?) is seated on a throne, flanked by sphinxes, with raised left hand and holding a long sceptre in her right. On the left a figure clad in a Persian style garment stands with both hands raised in a gesture of prayer. Between the two is a thymiaterion (incense burner) and above them a winged sun-disk and a star.

78 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 79 Figure 16: Comb | Magharat Tabloun, Sidon | 5th c. Figure 17: Shrine model | Tyre el-Bass | 8th c. BC | BC | Ivory |Beirut National Museum. This double-sided Clay | H. 18. L. 10. Th. 10 | Beirut National Museum. comb carved from ivory consists of two pillar-shaped 22536. This model represents a temple with a “roofing- side frames flanking a central panel. The delicately plate” with several parallels attested in the region. It is tapering comb-teeth on top, some of which are partially a rectangular box, open to the front and not very deep broken or entirely missing, have a finer width than their with a floor plate drawn out to the fore. The frontal side counterparts below, which consist of sixteen sharp- resembles a shield plate that extends from the floor to ended teeth, two of which are missing. In the center, a the roof. rectangular panel situated within a zigzag frame depicts a recumbent winged sphinx with a bearded human head wearing a crenelated crown. The imagery and decorations on the opposite side of the comb is identical to the above with the exception that the sphinx has a female head. The comb is assembled from several components combined together.

80 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 81 Figure 18 Polychrome terracotta mask | Tyre, el-Bass Figure 19: Figurine of a divinity placed in a niche | | 8th c. BC | H. 30. L. 18. Th. 10 | Beirut National Tyre | 7th c. BC | Clay | H 10,4. L. 8,2. W. 5,4 |Beirut Museum. 22534. Terracotta mask of a bearded man National Museum. 903. Roughly modelled handmade reconstructed from fragments. Possibly the largest terracotta figurine of a divinity placed in a niche, the terracotta human mask from the 1st millennium BC; upper part and right section of which is broken. She maybe a votive mask. The facial features are carefully wears a conical headdress and her face has somewhat molded with the man’s beard and mustache both grotesque proportions, particularly the button-like eyes, represented in low relief. Two horizontal rows of curly the heavy eyebrows and the projecting nose. She has a hair above the forehead; a flat band with traces of painted rounded body and her navel is indicated with an applied decorations could represent a diadem. disc. On the chest flat strips of clay indicate a necklace with a moon crescent and full moon or sun disc hanging from it.

82 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 83 Figure 20: Stele | Khalde | 9th c. BC | Beach-Rock | Beirut National Museum. This stele, which is cut from the local beach-rock and is trapezoidal in shape, was excavated from the necropolis of Khalde. The four letters of the personal name, gtty, start from the foot of the stele and run towards the slightly tapering top. It is worth noting that unlike most stelae the inscriptions on this specimen are inscribed lengthwise indicating that it was intended to be displayed on its broad side. There are two possible interpretations of the name: either it denotes a gentilic or, less likely, it is a reference to a musical instrument.

84 PHOENICIAN BURIAL PRACTICES 85 Doumet-Serhal, C. 2008 ed. Kestemont, G. 1985 Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Iron Les Phéniciens en Syrie du Nord in E. Gubel Age Levant, The Lebanon and its Mediterranean and E. Lipínski eds. Phoenicia and Its Neigh- Connections, Archaeology and History in bours, Studia Phoenicia III, Leuven, Peeters, the Lebanon Special Issue in memory of N. 135-161. Coldstream, Beirut. Khalifeh, I. 1988 Elayi, J. 2009 Sarepta II. The Late Bronze and Iron Age Peri- Byblos, cite sacree (8e - 4e s. av. J.-C), : ods of Area II, X. Beyrouth, Lebanese Universi- Gabalda ty Publications. Frede, S. 2000 Kourou, N. 2007 Die phönizischen anthropoiden Sarkophage. Les Phéniciens en Mer Égée, in La Médi- Teil 1, Fundgruppen und Bestattungskontexte, terranée des Phéniciens. De Tyr à Carthage, BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCE am Rhein, von Zabern. Institut du Monde Arabe, 136-139. Ghadban, Ch. 1998 Krings, V. ed.1995 La nécropole d’époque perse de Magharat La civilisation phénicienne et punique: manuel Tabloun à Sidon, in V. Matoian (ed.), Liban, de recherche. Leiden, Brill. l’Autre Rive, Flammarion, 147-149. Lancel, S. 1992 Gibson, J.C.L. 1982 Carthage. Paris, Fayard Syrian Semitic Inscriptions Vol. 3, Oxford Lebrun, R. 1987 Gras, M., Rouillard, P., and Teixidor, J. 1989 L’Anatolie et le Monde phénicien du Xe au L’Univers Phénicien. Arthaud: Paris IVe siècle Av. J.-C., in Lipínski, ed. Phoeni- Grayson, A.K. 1991 cia and the East Mediterranean in the First Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC, Millennium B.C., Studia Phoenicia V, Leuven: Anderson, W.P. 1988 Baurain, C. and Bonnet, C. 1992 I (1114-859), The Royal Inscriptions of Mes- Peeters, 23-33. Sarepta I. The Late Bronze and Iron Age Strata Les Phéniciens: marins des trois continents. opotamia Assyrian Periods, Vol. 2, Toronto, Leclant, J. 1968 of Area II, Y. Beirut, Lebanese University Publi- Colin: Paris. Buffalo, London. Les relations entre l’Egypte et la Phéni- cations. Bonnet, C. and Niehr, H. 2010 Grayson, A.K. 1996 cie du voyage d’Ounamon à l’expédition Aubet, ME 2001 Religionen uin der Umwelt des Alten Testaments Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC, d’Alexandre, in W.A.Ward ed. The Role of the The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colo- II. Phönizier, Punier, Aramäer, Kohlhammer. II (858-745), The Royal Inscriptions of Mes- Phoenicians in the Interaction of Mediterranean nies, and Trade, 2nd ed. Cambridge University Bunnens, G. 1979 opotamia Assyrian Periods, Vol. 3, Toronto, Civilizations, American University of Beirut. Press. L’expansion phénicienne en Méditerranée. Buffalo, London. Lembke, K. 2001 Aubet, ME 2004 Essai d’interprétation fondé sur une analyse Hamdy Bey, O. and Reinach T. 1892 Phönizische anthropoide Sarkophage, Mainz The Iron Age Cemetery, Bulletin d’Archéologie des traditions littéraires. Rome. Une nécropole royale a Sidon, Istanbul, Ar- am Rhein, P. von Zabern. et d’ Libanaises, Hors-série I, 9-62. Bunnens, G. 1985 chaeology and Art Publications (Reprinted Lipínski, E. 1985 Aubet, ME and Nunez, F. 2008 Le luxe phénicien d’après les inscriptions roy- 1987). Phoenicians in Anatolia and Assyria 9th-6th Tyre, in Doumet-Serhal et al. eds., Networking ales assyriennes, in Phoenicia and Its Neigh- Karageorghis, V. 2008 Centuries B.C., OLP 16, 81-90. Patterns of the Bronze and Iron Age Levant, The bours, Studia Phoenicia III, Leuven, Peeters, Les Phéniciens à Chypre, in Doumet-Serhal et Lipínski, E. and Röllig, W.1992 Lebanon and its Mediterranean Connections, 121-133. al. eds., Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Phénicie, in Dictionnaire de la civilisation Archaeology and History in the Lebanon Coldstream, N. 2008 Iron Age Levant, The Lebanon and its Mediter- phénicienne et punique, Brepols Special Issue in memory of N. Coldstream, Early Greek Export to Phoenicia and the East ranean Connections, Archaeology and History Liverani, M. 1991 Beirut, 71-104. Mediterranean, in Doumet-Serhal et al. eds., in the Lebanon Special Issue in memory of N. The Trade Network of Tyre According to Ballard, R., Stager, L., et al. 2002 Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Iron Coldstream, Beirut, 189-214. Ezek. 27, Scripta Hierosolymitana 33, 65-79. Iron Age Shipwrecks in Deep Water off Ash- Age Levant, The Lebanon and its Mediterranean KAI= Donner, H. and Röllig, W. 1973 Markoe, G. 1985 kelon, Israel, American Journal of Archaeology, Connections, Archaeology and History in the Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften, Phoenician Bronze and Silver Bowls from Cy- Vol. 106, No. 2, pp. 151-168 Lebanon Special Issue in memory of N. Cold- Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. prus and the Mediterranean, Berkeley. Baramki, D. 1961 stream, Beirut, 167-188. Katzenstein, H.J. 1997 Markoe, G. 2000 Phoenicia and Phoenicians The History of Tyre, revised edition, . Phoenicians, Press.

86 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCE 87 Miller, R. 1986 Elephants, Ivory, and Charcoal: An Ecological Perspective, BASOR 264, 29-43. Muhly, J. 1970 and the Phoenicians. The Relations between Greece and the Near East in the late Bronze and early Iron Ages, 19: 19-64 Pritchard, J. B. 1975 Sarepta. A Preliminary Report on the Iron Age, Philadephia, University of Pennsylvania. Pritchard, J. B. 1978 Recovering Sarepta, A Phoenician City, Prince- ton. Raban, A. 1997 Phoenician Harbours in the Levant, Mish- manim 11: 7-27. Röllig, W. 1983 On the Origin of the Phoenicians, Berytus 31, 79-93 Tusa, V. 1982 La presenza fenicio-punica in Sicilia, in in H.G. Niemeyer ed. Phönizier im Westen, Mainz, von Zabern, 95-108 Katzenstein, H. 1973 The History of Tyre

88 89 - On page 77, text under “Figure 15: Crown”, does not describe the object in the pho- tograph and should be replaced by the following: “This diadem is crafted from a pair of twisted gold foil ribbons and embellished with a central rosette. The overlapping two-tiered petals are inlaid with alternating blue and red semi-precious stones (turquoise and car- nelian?), most of which are partially damaged or missing. In the center a smaller rosette with eight petals, the inlays of which are ERRATA CORRIGE entirely missing, is set on a leafy background. In the field between the two rosettes eight individual semi-spherical beads bordered by tiny granulations are placed in a circular arrangement. This diadem was retrieved from the 5th cen- tury BC royal tombs uncovered in Magharat Tabloun near Sidon and undoubtedly be- longed to local nobility. It highlights the mas- tery achieved by goldsmiths in Phoenicia.” - On page 59, paragraph starting with “ In as hair, white of eyes tinged with blue; outer Phoenicia several types of stone coffins are circle of iris dark, dark red with fine eyelashes attested….”, line 8, reference “(Fig.2)” should indicated lines (Torrey 1919/20, 23). The head be replaced by “(Fig. 2-3)” and reference “(Fig. is in high relief while the neck and shoulders 3)” at the end of the paragraph should be are depicted in low relief. The Greek charac- removed. ter “X” was carved into the sarcophagus.”

- Page 61, paragraph starting with “The archaeological evidence clearly shows the - On page 67, text under “Figure 5: Crater important influence Egyptian religion had….”, of Cypriote type with bichrome decoration”, reference “(Fig. 11)” should be removed. does not describe the object in the photo- graph and should be replaced by the - On page 65, text under “figure 3: Greek following: influenced Anthropoid Sarcophagi” does not describe the object in the photograph and “On the upper part of the vessel birds, floral should be replaced by the following: and geometric motifs are represented. Below “This marble anthropoid sarcophagus was these motifs are circular horizontal bands of excavated from a shaft-cut tomb at Ain Hil- black paint of varying thickness. Two small weh, in the region of Sidon. On it is a simple ringlet-like handles are attached to the upper depiction of a female face. There were once body. The vessel rests on a pedestal base. seen traces of color that have now faded. Thi s elaborately decorated specimen is com- They were described as follows: “reddish parable to the Philistine pottery.“ brown hair, tie about the hair apparently left uncolored, back of scalp hair - same color

90 91 92 93