Article

Urban Studies 1–18 Ó Urban Studies Journal Limited 2017 Art’s failure to generate urban Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav renewal: Lessons from DOI: 10.1177/0042098017743682 journals.sagepub.com/home/usj

Meirav Aharon-Gutman Technion,

Abstract Based on fieldwork conducted in a seam line neighbourhood in Jerusalem, this article contributes to the ongoing discourse on art in public spaces as a generator of urban renewal. The article sug- gests that re-thinking this convention from a Global South perspective would enable us to criti- cally discuss the relation between art in public spaces and urban renewal. This research shows how site-specific intervention art activities had produced a conflict that consequently led to the expulsion of the artists group from the neighbourhood. Three theoretical concepts from Hannah Arendt’s work were used in the analysis of the results: political/social, action and public realm. This article claims that the artists’ group has aspired to be simultaneously ‘social’ and ‘political’: by means of a political act they wished to create a ‘dialogue’ and a ‘meeting point’ with Palestinians residing in East Musrara. Every attempt to be simultaneously political and social was perceived by the neighbourhood representatives as deceitful and threatening.

Keywords art in public space, conflict, Global South, Hannah Arendt, urban renewal

᪈㾱 ᆖ⭼䇔Ѫˈޜޡオ䰤ѝⲴ㢪ᵟ᧘ࣘҶ෾ᐲᴤᯠDŽᵜ᮷ṩᦞ൘㙦䐟᫂ߧⲴањ᧕㕍㓯ᔿ⽮४ᔰኅ Ⲵᇎൠ䈳ḕˈቡ䘉аᤱ㔝Ⲵ䇘䇪ᨀࠪҶᯠⲴ㿲⛩DŽ᮷ㄐᤷࠪˈӾইॺ⨳Ⲵ䀂ᓖ䟽ᯠᙍ㘳䘉аᇊ ㌫DŽᵜ⹄ウ㺘᰾ˈ⢩ᇊൠޣオ䰤ѝⲴ㢪ᵟо෾ᐲᴤᯠѻ䰤Ⲵޡޜሶ֯ᡁԜ㜭ཏᢩࡔൠ䇘䇪ˈ⨶ ⛩Ⲵᒢ亴ᔿ㢪ᵟ⍫ࣘྲօӗ⭏ߢケˈӾ㘼ሬ㠤㢪ᵟᇦഒփ㻛傡䙀ࠪ⽮४DŽᡁԜ൘ሩ⹄ウ㔃᷌Ⲵ ࠶᷀ѝ䘀⭘Ҷ≹၌g䱯Ֆ⢩˄ Hannah Arendt˅Ⲵйњ⨶䇪ᾲᘥ˖᭯⋫ /⽮Պ亶ฏǃ㹼ࣘ亶ฏ઼ ޜޡ亶ฏDŽᵜ᮷ᤷࠪˈ㢪ᵟᇦഒփ⑤ᵋᰒᱟĀ⽮ՊāⲴˈ৸ᱟĀ᭯⋫āⲴ˖䙊䗷᭯⋫㹼ࣘˈԆ Ԝᐼᵋоትտ൘ьぶᯟ᣹᣹ⲴᐤंᯟඖӪᔪ・Āሩ䈍ā઼ĀӔ≷⛩āDŽ⽮४ԓ㺘䇔Ѫˈԫօ਼ ᰦᤷੁ᭯⋫઼⽮ՊⲴԱമ䜭ᱟ䈑䇑઼ေ㛱DŽ ޣ䭞䇽 ޜޡオ䰤ѝⲴ㢪ᵟǃߢケǃইॺ⨳ǃ≹၌g䱯Ֆ⢩ǃ෾ᐲᴤᯠ

Received April 2016; accepted October 2017

This article tells the story of the failure of a Corresponding author: Meirav Aharon-Gutman, Architecture and Town Planning, group of artists who believed in the power Technion, Kiryat Hatechnion, Haifa, 32000, Israel. of public art to facilitate urban regeneration. Email: [email protected] 2 Urban Studies 00(0)

Its members founded a non-profit organisa- . art which has as its goal a desire to engage tion called Muslala and moved into a neigh- with its audiences and to create spaces – bourhood located on the ‘seam line’ between whether material, virtual or imagined – within East and . Their aim was to which people can identify themselves, perhaps by creating a renewed reflection on commu- effect change by reestablishing social and nity, on the uses of public spaces . (Sharp spatial relations between the two parts of et al., 2005: 1003–1004) the city, using workshops, exhibits and festi- vals, but the project ultimately collapsed. The notion of site-specific art marked a step Rather than producing urban regeneration, forward in defining the relations between the performance of public art in this case led (urban) space and art, as its: to conflict. This ethnography of the conflict between the artists of Muslala and the local . aim was not only to accommodate the neighbourhood committee, and their differ- changing artistic trends of the period but to ent attitudes towards art, plays out on the align public art more with the production of western side of the urban seam line and tells public amenities and site-oriented projects. the story of a conflict between two groups of What this amounted to in essence was a man- Jews struggling over the ‘right’ way to face date for public art to be more like architecture and its Palestinian residents. and environmental design. (Kwon, 2002: 67) For this reason, it does not presume to offer a balanced study of the conflict between In this article I consider what happens when Jews and Palestinians. the ideal of public art as a tool of urban Over the past three decades, the field of regeneration manifests itself in the Global urban studies has come to perceive art as a South. By raising this question, I am joining tool for urban change (Sharp et al., 2005). Art a research community who ‘offer a critical performance in public space has been insight into how public art and architecture addressed by the ongoing discussion on urban contribute or otherwise to the social cohe- renewal (Garcia, 2004), which has created a sion of the city’ (Sharp et al., 2005: 1003). new theoretical language of symbolic econ- Perhaps the most unique aspect of this article omy. In this subfield, creativity has been is its embedding of this question in the con- understood as urban capital and incorporated crete conditions of a city from the Global into the notion of the creative city (Florida, South. 2002). Moreover, the idea that culture can This perception of art as a catalyst for advance economic and urban development lies change was formulated in First World coun- at the heart of urban policies and cultural mas- tries and then spread across the globe ter plans (Nakagawa, 2010; Markusen and (Nakagawa, 2010), and considering it in the Gadwa, 2010). Urban scholars, however, have context of ethno-national conflict reveals the voiced critical perspectives and posed ques- limits of current academic insight into the tions about how art might also be furthering significance of art intervention in public gentrification (Ley, 2003) and social exclusion space. Jerusalem’s urban seam line as a con- (Shaw et al., 2011), with recent publications crete arena provides us with a unique oppor- also discussing what impact, if any, public art tunity to analyse the ways in which people has on a city’s economy (Morgan and Xuefei, take action among ‘others’ and how they 2012; Pole` se, 2012; Waitt and Gibson, 2009). cope with social multiplicity. As a scholar of On the level of both knowledge and practice, urban sociology, I am particularly interested special attention has been paid to public art in the spatial and social conditions in which that can be defined as: Muslala, the group of artists in question, Aharon-Gutman 3 operated. Notions such as the ‘creative class’ regeneration and urban renewal and delving as an agent of urban change cannot be dis- deeply into the notion of politics. cussed only as a universal strategy but must This article contributes to the ongoing also be interpreted in local context. In other project of ‘Theory from the South’ by con- words, the performance of public art in a sidering whether the creative class theory is city rife with conflict and terrorism cannot useful in understanding the real urbanism of be understood in the same manner as public Jerusalem as a divided city, as both a theory art performed elsewhere. This challenge lies and a theme. at the heart of the ‘southern turn’ that has The divided city, in which internal bor- permeated urban studies and that continues ders are drawn according to sharp ethno- to challenge Euro-American planning theory national and class cleavages (Auga et al., (Bayat, 2000; Watson, 2009). Although this 2005; Bollens, 1998; Marcuse, 2009), lies continually evolving body of knowledge is at the heart of this research. Segregation not the focus of this article, it nonetheless is deeply embedded in the history, architec- inhabits the core of my anthropological ture and sociology of the divided city approach of enabling the emergence of new (Monterescu, 2011; Piroyanski, 2014; Ram theories by bringing ethnography (of the and Aharon-Gutman, 2017). The academic Global South) and the people’s language to community proposes a wide range of con- the forefront (Comaroff and Comaroff, cepts with which to understand the way in 2012), as opposed to imposing concepts and which social groups of difference organise theories on them – or, in Connell’s (2013: the borders and the points of meeting 211) words, by seeing the ‘postcolonial per- between them, including mixed cities, iphery as a site of knowledge production’. divided cities, cities of conflict and contested Thinking about cities from the perspective cities, to name a few. Each concept empha- of the Global South enables us to address sises a different dimension of the organisa- social phenomena in cities from a different tion of the many in the city. angle and, by doing so, not only increase our Since the 1990s, scholars have portrayed knowledge but also, and primarily, enrich Jerusalem as an urban colonial space charac- our theoretical toolbox, which currently suf- terised by segregation and the construction fers from a Western bias (Rigg, 2007: 6). By of boundaries (Samman, 2013). The divided doing so, we are engaging in the decolonisa- cities of the Balkans, the Middle East and tion of social thought (Connell, 2013). Europe are demographically partitioned Arendt, in her biography and her theoreti- along ethno-national lines, designating them cal work, challenges the boundaries between as global sites of contest, conquest and com- German philosophy and Jewish philosophy, promise. Five of the most well-known cities between Germany as her homeland and the of this kind – Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, fact that she was doomed to be a refugee, Nicosia and Mostar – have long been flash- and between her role in the Zionist enterprise points of international conflict between and her disappointment in it. She produced states characterised by oppositional national her writings at home, within the academy, in identities and strategies (Allegra et al., 2012). prison and in refugee camps – in Germany, According to Boal (2005), people demand France, the US and Israel. Her theory of the segregation for a number of reasons. One is ‘uprooted’ (Arendt, 1943) offers a good the fact that segregation enables them to starting point for challenging Euro-America avoid ‘the other’ and to create comfort zones authority in academia and, in the case of this and a relaxed atmosphere (Boal, 2005: 66). article, for suspending the familiar theory of Another, based on an analysis relying on 4 Urban Studies 00(0)

Figure 1. The , presented in three different scales.

fundamental theoretical components of (Yacobi and Pullan, 2014), as well as its sociology, that views bordering as a crucial demography (Savitch and Garb, 2006). We practice of group building, is the fact that can currently speak of three main borders of segregation enables people to attack and to Jerusalem (see Figure 1). struggle for their own interests. Segregation, The first is the municipal border, and the Boal (2005: 68) maintains, is about cultural second is the separation wall (a six metre- preservation that enables ethnic entrepre- high wall with checkpoints) (Savitch and neurship, among other things. Ethnic segre- Garb, 2006). The routes of these two bor- gation characterised by boundaries provides ders sometimes intersect and sometimes do residents with security and comfort (Sibley, not, creating the paradoxical effect of posi- 1995: 32). The need to define and fence built tioning some parts of Jerusalem’s Arab / environments is immediate and meaningful, Palestinian neighbourhoods on the other for as Sibley (1995: 77) claims poignantly: side of the separation wall and thereby dis- ‘Spatial purification is a key feature in the connecting them from Jerusalem. organization of clean space’. The third border – the one at the core of Jerusalem is a divided city (Benvenisti, our discussion – is the seam line (in green on 1996; Hasson, 2004) whose borders have the map). During the 1948 war, Jerusalem been under continuous struggle. Moreover, was divided between Israel and Jordan, and the city shapes the geopolitics of the area the ‘Green Line’ in Jerusalem marks the Aharon-Gutman 5 route of the previous international border the fact that the artists involved strove to that divided the city between 1948 and 1967. meld two types of opposing strategies that During this period, this border was marked neighbourhood residents had adopted as a by a seven kilometre-long fence that was way of organising East-West relations. As I constructed in the centre of the city (Narkis, will show below, the artists sought to be 1986). The term ‘East Jerusalem’, which political by engaging in open-ended activities emerged after the division of the city in with the potential for facilitating human 1948, included the 6000 square kilometres encounters with the ‘other’. Through the of the Jordanian city that were annexed to performance of art in the public sphere, they the municipal area of Israeli Jerusalem fol- sought to create meeting points with the lowing its occupation during the Six-Day ‘other’ – the Palestinian residents of East War of 1967 (Khamaisi et al., 2005). Jerusalem. In this manner, they hoped to Following the war, the fences and mines initiate public discussion of new possibilities were removed and Israel made substantial for everyday life in the neighbourhood. efforts to mould a united city – a policy that Simultaneously, they also sought to have was criticised as the ‘Judaization’ of social impact, by consolidating different Jerusalem through control and urban plan- groups in the neighbourhood into one com- ning. Although no physical barrier remains munity. It was important for them to iden- along this historical seam line today, it none- tify themselves with the long-time Mizrahi theless remains a border area in terms of Jewish residents of the neighbourhood, as class, ethnicity and nationality. their claim of being part of this ‘community’ Musrara is a neighbourhood located was a basic condition for receiving legiti- along the western side of the seam line. macy to operate in the neighbourhood and Originally established in 1889 by local for receiving the attention and resources they wealthy Palestinian Arabs, Musrara today is needed to do so. Some of the artists even home to approximately 4500 residents, con- moved into Musrara. Ultimately, however, sisting primarily of Mizrahri Jews, i.e. Arab- they failed to recognise the ways in which Jews (Hever and Shenhav, 2010), who emi- the political and the social can be conflicting grated to Israel from Middle Eastern and forces and therefore evoked strong reactions North African countries in the 1950s and set- among neighbourhood residents, who felt tled in the neighbourhood’s abandoned they were being deceived and threatened, Arab homes. In more recent years, spurred and neighbourhood leaders, who accused by a project to revitalise the area, young pro- the Muslala artists of engaging in the fraught fessionals and families from Jerusalem have politics of Israeli-Palestinian relations. For bought property in Musrara, and ultraortho- this reason, their presence eventually led not dox Jewish families have also relocated there to regeneration but to conflict. from nearby overcrowded neighbourhoods. We can better understand this rupture, I Understanding Muslala’s failure to create argue, by applying Arendt’s understanding change in Musrara required consideration of of the political to public art activities, espe- the meaning of the performance of art in cially the ways in which it was impossible to public spaces in cities of conflict and multi- predict an outcome. I therefore use Arendt’s plicity, and in this context I made use of analysis of the political as a means of under- Hannah Arendt’s theoretical language as standing the accusations that the artists were expressed primarily in The Human Condition engaging in politics. (1958). On this basis, I maintain that the I begin by discussing Arendt’s theoretical breakdown of Muslala’s ideal stemmed from definitions of action, the public realm and 6 Urban Studies 00(0)

Figure 2. The ‘meeting point’ watermelon stand. On the right: with the sign in Arabic. Source: Photograph by David Behar Perahia. the political/social distinction, and then pres- At the heart of The Human Condition is ent my ethnographic work in Musrara – on the concept of ‘the active life’, which Arendt both the urban history of the neighbourhood refers to using the Latin term vita activa and the key individuals involved in the con- (Arendt, 1998: 12–16). She distinguishes flict – as the contextual framework for between three fundamental forms of activity: understanding Muslala’s activity in the labour (cyclical activity meant to satisfy neighbourhood. My analysis focuses on a essential survival needs), work (activity that specific initiative – the ‘watermelon stand’ creates objects and builds the world) and (their ‘meeting point’; see Figure 2) – and the action (activity that is not linked to matter different interpretations of this intervention but only to relations between people). art activity by the performers on the one According to Arendt (1998: 6): hand, and the community administration on the other. It was the gap between these inter- Action, the only activity that goes on directly pretations, I maintain, that gave rise to the between men without the intermediary of conflict that led to the artists’ consequent things or matter, corresponds to the human expulsion from the neighbourhood. In the condition of plurality . While all aspects of final section I return to Arendt’s theory in the human condition are somehow related to the interpretation of the study findings. politics, this plurality is specifically the condi- tion – not only the conditio sine qua non,but the conditio per quam – of all political life. Vita activa in Jerusalem ‘All human activities are conditioned by the Arendt’s concepts and theoretical language fact that men live together’, Arendt holds, have long informed scholars of urban spaces ‘but it is only action that cannot even be in their thinking about topics such as politi- imagined outside the society of men’ cal violence and activism in public spaces. (Arendt, 1998: 21). Here, I focus on three concepts that Arendt Arendt distinguishes between the perfor- discusses in The Human Condition: action, mance of a ceremony or custom that has set the public realm and the distinction between patterns, time periods and sites, and the the political and the social. Aharon-Gutman 7 performance of an action, whose only prede- the world, that is, within a web of human termined feature is that it takes place in pub- relationships created by the fact of plurality. lic (Azulai and Ophir, 2013). An action is In this sense, to act – to perform in public – always perceived as a new beginning whose is political. The person who acts begins consequences cannot be known in advance. something, initiates or sets something in The actors themselves cannot know what the motion, and cannot know ahead of time action will lead to and how long the results how it will end. In some cases, as Arendt will last. Since action is a noble expression of points out, and as was the case with the the liberty to perform and act in public, it is group of artists in Musrara, the resulting also an expression of the actor’s complete consequences are irreversible. In response to dependency on those among whom he or she this unpredictability, Arendt raises the possi- acts. The action’s outcome is tenuous as a bility of forgiveness: result of this dependency (Azulai and Ophir, 2013). The possible redemption from the predica- According to Arendt, an action consists of ment of irreversibility . is the faculty of for- words and deeds. Words in this case refer giving. The remedy for unpredictability, for not to functional speech, which occurs in the the chaotic uncertainty of the future, is con- tained in the faculty to make and keep pro- realms of labour and work, but rather to mises .Without being forgiven, released from speech followed by action that then gives the consequences of what we have done, our rise, publicly, to the question: ‘Who are you?’ capacity to act would, as it were, be confined, (Arendt, 1998: 177). ‘In acting and speaking, to one single deed from which we could never men show who they are, reveal actively their recover; we would remain the victims of its unique personal identities and thus make consequences forever. (Arendt, 1998: 236) their appearance in the human world .’ (Arendt, 1998: 178). Arendt links action to Action, by definition, occurs in public. the creation of art: ‘The particular content of Arendt can be considered a phenomenologist words and deeds, as well as their general of the public sphere because of her efforts to meaning, can manifest in various forms in a understand the meaning(s) of political creation of art’ (Arendt, 1998: 178). actions manifested through words and deeds In his essay ‘Beyond good and evil’, DR (Moran, 2000). For Arendt, the term ‘public’ Villa (1992: 287) quotes Arendt as follows: means anything that is performed in public, ‘The common element connecting art and that is, any action that can be seen and heard politics is that they are both phenomena of by anyone and that is given wide publicity the public world’. He also discusses (Arendt, 1998: 50). In the context of this Arendt’s analogies between action and the study, the art of Muslala was intended as performance of art, explaining that Arendt action in the public sphere. The term ‘public’ compares works of art to the ‘products’ of marks the world itself. Living together in the action, namely words and deeds. What they world means that a world of objects exists share, Arendt claims, is ‘the quality that they between those who share it, like the classic are in need of some public space where they metaphor of the table situated between those can appear and be seen; they can fulfill their who sit around it to emphasise the fact that own being, which is appearance, only in a the world, and all that exists, simultaneously world which is common to all’ (Arendt, links and separates people. The public is a 1977: 218, quoted in Villa, 1992: 292). To be realm, like a theatre stage, on which the play free and to act are the same (Villa, 1992: of vita activa is performed (Azulai and 277). The (limited) freedom to act occurs in Ophir, 2013). 8 Urban Studies 00(0)

In analysing vita activa and public life, realm – new possibilities of existence (Azulai Arendt considers the meaning of the social and Ophir, 2013). The emphasis on direct and the political. She is critical of Thomas political action as politics proper reverses Aquinas’s claim that ‘man is by nature polit- the entire history of political philosophy, ical, that is, social’ (Arendt, 1998: 22). shifting the focus from abstract ideas, nor- Indeed, according to Arendt, the ‘political’ mative constructions and societal considera- and the ‘social’ should be understood as tions to the specificity of political actions oppositional actions (Pitkin, 1998: 177) that (Mavrommatis, 2015). Arendt’s understand- express inverse attitudes towards an issue ing of the social helps her understand why that is basic to human life: plurality. She people do not exercise their liberty to act defines the political as the insistence of politically, why people obey rather than opening up plurality to unpredicted results – exercise their liberty to act among people, the primary principle of human freedom. In even though they are free to do so (Pitkin, contrast, the social is the normalisation, 1998: 184). institutionalisation and regulation of plural- These three concepts – action, the public ity. In other words, the social necessitates realm and the distinction between the social conformism by means of diverse institutions, and the political – are critical in the analysis from family to state, as society wishes to reg- of Muslala’s activities in Musrara. The ulate pluralism and neutralise the anarchic group based its activities on principles of potential of plurality. Arendt’s discussion of artistic expression that emphasised the polit- the social addresses two seemingly different ical (the desire to incite a discussion of plur- themes: one pertaining to socially conformist ality), action (the desire to intervene and to behaviour and the other to the formation of create an event of reference) and the public ‘the economy’ in which production and con- (the desire to act among people, in a space sumption, once carried out in private house- where people come together). They engaged holds, become collective activities (Canovan, in a form of art that responds directly to a 1999: 619). In this article, I consider only the particular public context, known alterna- first theme because of the centrality it pro- tively as public art, intervention art and site- vides to the issue of plurality. Pitkin offers a specific art. helpful discussion of Arendt’s understanding Inspired by Arendt’s understanding of the of the social vis-a-vis the notions of work, distinction between the social and the politi- labour and action, which views the social in cal, I maintain that Muslala’s attempt to cre- relation to action (Pitkin, 1998: 180), as ate a meeting point with the Palestinians was action is activity that is linked to relations inconsistent with their desire to be perceived between people. Pitkin thus brings us to the as a community-building, and thus social, core of this discussion: the different ways – initiative. Whereas political refers to the free- political and social – in which people act dom to deal with pluralism in a manner that and collectively assign meaning (in the pub- opens it up to unpredictable results, social lic realm) when they face plurality. refers to the manner in which plurality is Political, by contrast, refers to the liberty regulated, managed, institutionalised and to be together among many, with others, normalised (Arendt, 1998). In this sense, against or for them, in ways that are not pre- these two notions run up against one determined and are constantly being another. Muslala’s goal was to engage in reshaped. In this state of togetherness, the artistic activity in order to create a meeting political is to create – through speech and point with the other – the Palestinians across deeds, conducted publicly and in the public the road. However, pursuing art as an Aharon-Gutman 9 intervention activity in public space also was operating in the neighbourhood; and required them to address critical questions the Musrara community administration, regarding their legitimacy. What right did which represented the neighbourhood’s they have to take such action, to intervene in Mizrahi Jewish population. Although both the intimate space of a neighbourhood? groups showed an interest in the research What would make them legitimate partici- and a desire to read relevant articles, maps pants in this social circle? They believed that and plans, interest was especially great working with and for the ‘authentic commu- among the artists. nity’, that is, its Mizrahi Jewish residents, My work also included a socio-historical would lend legitimacy to their intervention, investigation of the neighbourhood, which as would living among them. The spatial his- helped generate broad contextual frame- tory of the neighbourhood – with its stone works for understanding the neighbour- Arab houses, its previous international bor- hood’s physical structure and development. der and the experience of life along the seam As a seam line neighbourhood in Jerusalem, line – became an arena for the activity of a understanding the history and the social group that placed the point of a meeting make-up of Musara is particularly relevant. with the other at the core of their artistic Musrara was established in 1889 by work. Connection and cooperation with wealthy Palestinian Arabs of Jerusalem neighbourhood residents, Jewish immigrants (Eliaz et al., 2011). During the 1948 War, from Arab countries who had become mem- its Palestinian residents were forced to flee, bers of the lower class (Semyonov and and the neighbourhood was divided between Levin, 1987; Shohat, 1988), were of great Israeli and Jordan control. The section of significance to members of this group. the neighbourhood that remained under Israeli rule encompassed 163 acres (0.66 square kilometres) and contained 80 aban- Musrara: A socio-urban survey doned houses. After the war, approximately In the course of 2013, I conducted a full eth- 60 families – mostly Mizrahi Jewish immi- nographic investigation of Musrara that grants from Middle Eastern and North constitutes the core of my research. Urban African countries – moved into the empty ethnography on the neighbourhood scale is Arab / Palestinian houses in Israeli Musrara. a major and well-known methodology in The residents of Musrara became increas- urban anthropology. The neighbourhood ingly bitter after the war, as they witnessed scale, combined with in-depth research, pro- an improvement in the quality of life vides researchers with a holistic multi- throughout Israeli society but continued to layered understanding to be used in the for- live in dire conditions. In January 1971, a mation of a meaningful interpretational small group of young Musrara residents framework. In the case of Musrara, the founded a social movement known as the research included multiple visits to the , inspired by the American neighbourhood that consisted of formal and Black Panther Party (Cromer, 1978). The informal tours, formal interviews and inci- Black Panthers have been revered as cham- dental street conversations, photography pions of equal rights for improved conditions and documentation of interactions in the of work, education and basic necessities such neighbourhood. In addition, all interviews as food and housing. As a result of this posi- and interactions were transcribed. My tive legacy, linking themselves to the Black research focused primarily on two main Panthers offered a potential source of legiti- groups: Muslala, the group of artists that mation for the artists of Muslala. 10 Urban Studies 00(0)

The Muslala project got underway in 2009, Muslala redefined not only artistic action and group members actually moved into the but also neighbourhood space. When they neighbourhood with hopes of achieving a referred to Musrara, they meant both parts of legitimate sense of local belonging. Hopeful the neighbourhood: east and west. Group that art could serve as a transformative force, members were certainly aware that this they planned to implement art exhibitions, agenda would be rejected by neighbourhood guided tours, a community garden and art residents, as it constituted a direct threat to workshops. In this way, they sought to pro- their property and their symbolic ownership duce a new model that combined artistic rights. Despite their recognition that their activity with social orientation. Most of the strategy might offend residents with a long activities were to take place outdoors in the history in the neighbourhood, they proceeded public realm, thus potentially affecting the with their plan to facilitate an encounter. neighbourhood and the surrounding area in ‘Even if our perception somehow offends the East and West Jerusalem and beyond. long-time [residents’, explained one of the Muslala group members believed that ‘art is artists said, ‘we need to talk about history the only multi-cultural and international lan- prior to 1948. They experienced trauma, and guage and thus must be accessible, communi- I’m not sure that this is the way to handle it’. cative, and a key tool in creating a dialogue The group faced several challenges during between people, groups, communities, and their activity in the neighbourhood. The nations’ (from the group’s website). most prominent one was the fact that public art projects typically go hand-in-hand with An ethnography of art in a seam gentrification. Indeed, studies depict art as an action that generates a process of gentrifi- line neighbourhood cation with results that are sometimes harsh The leaders of Muslala articulated their defi- on the local population (Ley, 2003). The art- nition of artistic action during the first meet- ists were aware of and concerned about the ing conducted for this study. As one group potential consequences of their actions. ‘Do leader stated: ‘My view of art is that it we have the right to exist in the neighbour- enhances equality and the acceptance of the hood?’, asked one artist: ‘Are we exacerbat- ‘‘other’’’. Another member spoke of one of ing gentrification?’. his own contributions: ‘I offered suggestions What brought this group of artists to a [for artistic initiatives in the neighbourhood] neighbourhood identified with Jewish emi- – works such as a periscope aver the wall, so grants from Arab countries (Mizrachi Jews)? one can see the other side’. These under- Each party recognised in the other symbolic standings of art indicate that the understand- capital that could benefit them: the artist group ings of public art within Muslala included saw the potential value of Musrara’s social the aim of creating an encounter with the protest led by the Black Panthers in the 1970s. ‘other’: the Palestinians residing in the east- Particularly at the onset of their protest, the ern portion of the neighbourhood. The desire Black Panthers were perceived as an authentic to orchestrate an encounter with the other group – a second generation living in poverty, was an attempt to subvert the status of the lacking education and formal political identifi- seam line, the previous international border cation but possessing a ‘social’ agenda of jus- that still marks differences of religion, status tice and equality. Due to Musrara’s history, and ethno-national identity between the and its connection to a legacy of social action Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem and in the country, Muslala members believed the the Jewish-Israeli residents of the city. neighbourhood bore great potential and Aharon-Gutman 11 promise. As one explained, ‘Musrara is their based on good faith, these feelings quickly [the artists] studio and the mine from which eroded as the Mizrahi residents of Musrara they quarry their success and careers’. experienced Muslala as radical and disingen- In the meantime, local residents were uous. Another member of the community aware that Musrara was an attractive loca- administration, who attended the conserva- tion for a community art project, as reflected tive Bar-Ilan University, described the artists in the following words of the community as saying they wanted to help the neighbour- administration’s chairperson: hood youth, but then in reality bringing ‘left wing political activities’ into the neighbour- What does ‘musrara’ mean in Moroccan? hood. One of these activities, which had a Beautiful, gentle. We are an enclave located in clear political resonance for the residents, the gravitational centre of the world. The eyes of the world are upon us. Everybody wants this was guided tours, known as heritage tourism beautiful pearl. [The group] knew that without (Boyd, 2000). According to this administra- Musrara, they had no possibility. Here is where tion member: they discovered the ‘charge’ here. Why didn’t they go to another neighbourhood? Because of They used to come down here with groups of us, our humanity, the social mixture. The place people (including Palestinians), pointing at has potential you can extract. people’s houses, saying – here are your homes. Didn’t he think about what that meant? We Still, the community administration, which are in favour of doing – good things, culture. consisted of long-time neighbourhood resi- But we are against the left, and he is on the dents, firmly believed that Muslala would not extreme left. In the days of the Black Panthers everything was different. There was nothing to get involved in politics. As one member later eat – we went out to protest. So we did some- explained: ‘We thought they would do art – thing political. not politics. that there would be cultural and artistic activities – but no politics’. Here I The language offered by Arendt in The emphasise that when Musrara residents say Human Condition helps us deepen our under- politics, they mean explicit support of a politi- standing in this context, drawing our atten- cal party that expresses positions in terms of tion to a gap between the action and the Israel’s right wing and left wing. In Israeli interpretation of the action, which forces us public discourse, this is understood primarily to speak about trust, forgiveness and vio- as attitudes towards Palestinians and a terri- lence. With the emergence of this gap – torial solution regarding the Israeli-Palestinian between the meaning that the artists assigned conflict. The community administration sup- to their artistic activity and the local admin- ported Muslala’s first initiative, but were sur- istration’s interpretation of art activity in the prised to see what that event was about: neighbourhood – the trust between the par- ties broke down and all activity conducted And what did I see on TV? The man [the leader by Muslala became a source of conflict. My of the Muslala group] said that Musrara was a approach of distinguishing between the dif- Palestinian neighbourhood. I’m a member of the Likud1 Party and have never mixed politics ferent definitions of ‘society’ and ‘politics’ with neighbourhood issues. Muslala said: we helps us understand why cooperating with were wrong, it won’t happen again. He said he the local community while simultaneously was doing art. Right, art. acting in the explosive setting of a seam line area is necessarily in opposition and could Although relations between the artists and never be two sides of the same coin. The the community administration were initially decision to bring Palestinians and Jewish 12 Urban Studies 00(0) tourists to the neighbourhood and to present Muslala thus felt they had conceptualised a the Palestinian history of the neighbourhood project that honoured both local history and is an example of political action – an the environment and, indeed, the future of instance of the freedom that the artists exer- the neighbourhood. As the initiative’s lead cised to open up the story of the neighbour- designer explained: hood for discussion. The local leadership saw this as a dangerous political act and did It was an amazing process because we had a whatever they could to resist it. I consider theme. We corresponded with the history of the this argument further by focusing on the place–itwastheplacewherethewatermelon group’s major art project, the ‘watermelon stands were originally set up after ‘67 – in an stand’, which was intended to serve as a attempt to reconstruct that historical moment. ‘meeting point’ for residents of the east and Sharp et al. (2005: 1016) emphasise both the west parts of the neighbourhood. importance of working hand-in-hand with the local community and the importance of The watermelon stand on the the process. In our case, the artists were well seam line between East and West aware of these ideas and directed their artis- Jerusalem tic motivations to signify moments in the res- idents’ own history. The Muslala members presented the idea of On this basis, the artists set up a recrea- establishing a watermelon stand as an artistic tion area on the seam line, including a place activity on the historical border – the seam to buy watermelon, and visit art exhibitions line – between East and West Jerusalem, as and musical cultural events. The project follows: was intended as a festival of sorts, and was meant to take place once or twice a year. When the walls between Jordan and Israel But tensions among the residents became cane down in the summer of ‘67, the nature of palpable during the first event, which was no-man’s land changed dramatically. The area attended by many Palestinian youth and that divided both sides of the city turned into where a dance party commenced. In the a meeting space between East and West. Every words of the chairperson of the community evening when night fell, lights lit up the recrea- administration: tion facility that extended from Damascus Gate to Mandelbaum Gate. The Hebrew and [The group of artists] brought the young punks Arabic festivities that at times lasted until day- from Damascus Gate. They [Palestinian youth break included watermelon with salted cheese, from East Jerusalem] lifted female students on a bakery that was open until the morning, hot their shoulders and started fondling them . Sachleb and TV screened action movies. This Muslala took this territory – which is not nocturnal experience was shared by everyone theirs – and turned it into a border seam line. – rich and poor, tourists and locals, Orthodox and non-religious, Jews and Arabs. And all focused on one thing – a cold, sweet slice of The fact that the watermelon stand intended watermelon. to connect to a time and place of dialogue between Jews and Arabs in Jerusalem did This evocative quote reflects the motives of not convey the meaning that the artists had Muslala as well as their methods: spatial intended. Indeed, it backfired, as members action inspired by a particular historical of the community administration now saw moment in time when Jews and Arabs the Muslala artists as out of touch with the engaged in economic and cultural dialogue. current situation. As one member said: Aharon-Gutman 13

When you do things based on your own free expressed disappointment that the local resi- will, it is much better and more natural. dents were not open to these encounters. Things have changed. Back then, the political Some also recognised, however, a possible awareness of the Palestinians in the stands was naivety in their own expectations of the low. They wanted to make a living. There was watermelon stand. One artist shared his no violence. Today, there is political aware- hope that the watermelon stand would be a ness. And everything they do is against us. neutral space, while acknowledging that this Ultimately, the community administration was not something that the locals could experienced Muslala’s actions as politically support: motivated. As one member said, ‘In the What was my mistake regarding the meeting youth centre, there were meetings between point? One does not offer a nude class to a tra- Jews and Arabs. I don’t have a problem with ditional population. An element of sensitivity that as long as it stems from a true social should be taken into account. The very point motive – not a political one’. Another mem- of a Jewish-Arab encounter is a sensitive issue ber described his sense that the artists were . One of the main difficulties is that there is taking sides with the Palestinians: no possibility here for solving problems, for a dialogue. There is no neutral space. The meet- Who came to aid [the Palestinians]? People ing point can’t serve as [a place for] internal like the members of this group of artists. We dialogue. couldn’t tolerate it. [They’ve] started to develop and know more, and our dear broth- The project’s lead designer also spoke at ers [speaking sarcastically] are assisting them. length about his vision and the limits of what They brought tourists and told them that our was possible in the mixed community of houses are Palestinian houses. Musrara. He clearly envisioned the project as political, explaining: ‘there is something The community administration consistently political in crossing the road’. However, he expressed a strong sense of betrayal when also claimed that he had failed to realise ‘the they spoke about Muslala’s activities in gen- complexity of the place’ until he became eral and the watermelon stand project in involved in this project. What he envisioned particular. To use Arendt’s theoretical lan- as a festival of people coming together – a guage, we can say that they kept asking what 10-day cultural event with something for would be the consequences of the project. everyone: live music, storytelling, movies, The neighbourhood residents expressed watermelon for five shekels – turned into a their fury with the project by not attending it site of anger and misunderstanding. His girl- in 2014, its second year. Although the event friend had been thrown in the air by enthusi- appeared successful from the outside, the astic Palestinian youths: ‘She didn’t care – absence of the local residents signified a seri- dance is her field of interest’, he explained, ous failure for Muslala. It meant that their reflecting a sense that the local residents ‘political’ action, with the cooperation of the could have been more open and flexible. local community, had failed. The resulting Indeed, what the locals focused on, he lack of trust between the sides resulted in a explained, was a sign written in Arabic. He dispute over who held the keys to the gate of himself had insisted that signs be written in the facility and who was the real owner of both Hebrew and Arabic to express their the seam line public realm. desire to bring the two populations together, In reflecting on what they themselves per- but this symbolic gesture had the effect of ceived as a failure, the leaders of the project further alienating the local residents. 14 Urban Studies 00(0)

The project’s lead artist also articulated first is a discussion of the conditions in his vision of creating an encounter, reflecting which people operate, (a divided city in the a philosophical difference between the inten- Global South). The second component is the tions of the artists and the expectations of perspective from which its narrative is told. the community: This perspective, which is unique to the resi- dents of the seam line area both on an urban We are missing something when we don’t meet spatial level and on the level of cultural iden- the other. Regardless of the terrorist attacks tity, creates new frameworks of meaning and the dangers, I want to meet the other. I that are absent from the academic discourse am interested in this multiculturalism, in these with which we are familiar. meeting points. And I want to meet . There is a question here of which philosophy of life you want to live with. The other side also lives Intensive multiplicity: What forms of action in fear. This fear only disempowers. does it facilitate and preclude? Ultimately, the vision of facilitating a new The decision to examine public art obligates encounter between the people living on the us to include context in the analysis (Sharp opposite sides of the road was rejected by et al., 2005: 1002). Indeed, my research the Musrara community. required me to dive deep into both the past and present of the Jerusalem seam line neighbourhood in order to identify and Conclusion: From freedom to understand the conditions under which its conflict residents acted. The study revealed two dif- ferent periods – each characterised by dis- This article’s point of departure is the nexus tinctively different conditions – that were of two fields of knowledge – urban public ingrained in the consciousness of the resi- art and divided cities – which I sought to dents: 1967–1987, from the Six-Day War locate within the paradigm of the Global and the unification/occupation of Jerusalem South. Or, in other words, if we began with until the first Palestinian Intifada; and 1987– Connell’s (2013: 211) suggestion of under- 2016, from the First Intifada to the present. standing ‘postcolonial periphery as a site of During the first period, the Mizrahi Jewish knowledge production’, we conclude by ask- residents of Musrara lived in dire conditions ing how considering the case of a seam line and abject poverty, which led them to estab- neighbourhood in Jerusalem enhances our lish the Black Panthers movement in Israel. understanding of the phenomenon, and, In these conditions, their encounter with the more importantly, enriches our theoretical Palestinian residents of Jerusalem created toolbox. The struggle between the residents structures of opportunity in commerce (as and the group of artists produced a unique manifested in the watermelon stands), in the language that distinguishes between social ability to shop in the markets of East activity and political activity and the way in Jerusalem and in the realm of crime (primar- which the residents dealt with both. The the- ily the drug trade). That is to say, as a seam ory of Arendt made a meaningful contribu- line neighbourhood, Musrara has consti- tion to our toolbox for understanding the tuted an area of encounters of various kinds. social and the political in conditions of mul- The First Intifada, which was accompanied tiplicity as distinct forms of action between by a dramatic increase in the resistance which tension exists. In this conclusion, I against Jewish occupation of and control seek to highlight two main components: The over East Jerusalem, marked a turning point Aharon-Gutman 15 in the attitude of neighbourhood residents practices of meeting along the seam line that towards East Jerusalem and its Palestinian were acceptable during the first period have, inhabitants. Musrara residents explained during the second period, become dangerous that it was then that the fear began, leading political acts. The members of the commu- to processes of separation and re-division. nity themselves have ceased initiating such That is to say, whereas the dynamic of meet- encounters, and the spatial situation that ing was a major element of Musrara as a had facilitated them has changed and given seam line neighbourhood until 1987, from way to a space of separation. This provides 1987 onwards the organising element was us with an important reminder for social separation. Concurrent with the Intifada, research in cities. ‘Communities’, we must neighbourhood residents were given the remember, are not objects frozen in time. option to acquire the homes in which they They are, rather, living entities whose fre- lived, the first wave of gentrification began quent changes continuously reshape the along with a rise in property values and resi- social narrative. In this way, artistic action dents experienced rapid social mobility as a that Orientalises or idealises a certain com- result of their entry into the primary job munity and seeks to perform ceremonies or market and the consolidation of political customs under new conditions is destined to power in the institutions of the ruling Likud end in conflict. Members of Musrara’s com- Party. In this way, the separation from East munity administration stripped the artists of Jerusalem and its Palestinian inhabitants their freedom to act within the local multi- must be understood as having political, eco- plicity due to their unwillingness to accept nomic and social dimensions stemming from the unanticipated effects of their action the change in conditions. among the many. One reason for the group’s failure was its decision to revive practices rooted in the first period, when the neighbourhood was indeed Arab-Jews: A new perspective yielding a a meeting point, and to make use of them new framework of meaning during the second period, after the primary A second contribution of this article is the logic at play had become one of separation. account it provides from the vantage point The watermelon stand could operate under of a marginal group: Jews who immigrated ‘the previous conditions’, neighbourhood res- to Israel from countries in the Middle East idents explained, but not today: ‘Today, and North Africa in the 1950s. This group, hatred already exists’. Using Arendt’s termi- which is Jewish in religion and Arab in cul- nology, we can say that today, such action ture, shatters the Jewish-Arab dichotomy to cannot be taken among the many, as every which we have grown so accustomed. By such action is a threat to the separate life that taking up residence in abandoned Arab the neighbourhood residents have created. homes along the seam line in Jerusalem, they Studies addressing the cultural impact of were physically and socially located along public art in cities have found that public art the seam line between Jews and Arabs – and often serves as a means of recognising the at the heart of the conflict. Despite their history of a specific community (Sharp large number and their unique position in et al., 2005). This finding holds relevance for Israeli divided cities, suffered the discussion at hand: Muslala sought to from ongoing discrimination in all Israeli express the unique history of the community social institutions, including academic but was nonetheless rejected by its members, research. Only in the 1990s can we point to as conditions have changed over time and an increased flow of studies seeking to 16 Urban Studies 00(0) understand and analyse the ways in which committed against the artists was the act of this population assigns meaning, and how avoiding them. This stripped them of their this meaning establishes a new urban and ability to act, as one cannot act in isolation. national reality. This study sheds light on Initial local reactions were indicative of the meaning they assign to art as an act of cooperation, but anger stemming from the aestheticisation and enrichment. Arendt’s possible results of their actions led to exclu- distinction between the social and the politi- sion, as longtime residents simply refused to cal illuminates the Mizrahi perspective: in attend their events. Even though the actions their eyes, art must be a social act; that is to taken were considered successful by say, an act that operates within the neigh- Jerusalem’s external artistic milieu, the art- bourhood institutions with the aim of nor- ists themselves experienced failure. The next malising its multiplicity. step was the personal expulsion of the The Mizrahi Jewish residents of Musrara, group’s leader from major events, followed some of whom still remember entering the by the community administration’s fight to abandoned Arab homes as children and their expel the artists as a group from the neigh- parents’ struggle for survival, are under no bourhood by not permitting them to use the circumstances willing to allow political action shelter that served as their base of activity or – action that opens up the physical and social to operate within the neighbourhood. By multiplicity in which they live to action with doing so, they eradicated the artists’ poten- potential effects that cannot be anticipated. tial power to act among the many (Arendt, On the contrary, their only aim is to fortify 1998), and conflict ensued. and nurture their status as owners of their When the conception of art as critical homes. They oppose political action not political action (that is cultivated in aca- because they do not remember or know that demics) and the conception of art as a means their homes are absentee property; they do of urban regeneration (which is cultivated in so because they remember this fact all too academics and adopted by large offices well, and seek control over the narrative of engaged in strategic planning and large cit- their life in their neighbourhood. As refugees ies) is adopted in the Global South, they are from Arab countries, they were victims of destined to meet locals acting in physical, ongoing discrimination in Israel, they experi- historical and social conditions of multipli- enced poverty and they founded the Black city, intensiveness, refugee situations and Panthers. Finally, they underwent social and conflict. Adopting Arendt’s perspective of political mobility until their status was solidi- unique groups and the theoretical language fied in the centres of political power in Israeli she proposes provides us with a new possibil- society. During a conversation in the course ity for understanding the logic of many of the Muslala’s activity in the neighbour- Jerusalem residents, and an even larger num- hood, one member of the community admin- ber of members of Israeli society, that will istration said as follows: ‘They [the artists] forever succeed in disrupting any urban are coming in and trying to redefine things. directive ‘from above’ that threatens their We won’t let them’. The most effective location and status within the city and within weapon in fighting the artists was the deci- the country. sion to isolate them and to prevent the lan- Although this article ascribes special guage they sought to create from establishing importance to the local, specific arena both a foothold in the neighbourhood. as a workshop for new theory and a concrete Using the terminology of Arendt’s the- arena for fieldwork, this concluding discus- ory, the fundamental offense ultimately sion is meant to pave the way for analysis Aharon-Gutman 17 that transcends the borders of Jerusalem. Benvenisti M (1996) City of Stone: The Hidden The ideas of intensive multiplicity and History of Jerusalem. Berkeley, CA: Univer- mixed/hybrid/third collective identities that sity of California Press. take form along urban seam lines in divided Boal FW (2005) Urban ethnic segregation and cities can contribute to our understanding of the scenarios spectrum. 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