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Art's Failure to Generate Urban Renewal: Lessons from Jerusalem

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Art's Failure to Generate Urban Renewal: Lessons from Jerusalem Article Urban Studies 1–18 Ó Urban Studies Journal Limited 2017 Art’s failure to generate urban Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav renewal: Lessons from Jerusalem DOI: 10.1177/0042098017743682 journals.sagepub.com/home/usj Meirav Aharon-Gutman Technion, Israel Abstract Based on fieldwork conducted in a seam line neighbourhood in Jerusalem, this article contributes to the ongoing discourse on art in public spaces as a generator of urban renewal. The article sug- gests that re-thinking this convention from a Global South perspective would enable us to criti- cally discuss the relation between art in public spaces and urban renewal. This research shows how site-specific intervention art activities had produced a conflict that consequently led to the expulsion of the artists group from the neighbourhood. Three theoretical concepts from Hannah Arendt’s work were used in the analysis of the results: political/social, action and public realm. This article claims that the artists’ group has aspired to be simultaneously ‘social’ and ‘political’: by means of a political act they wished to create a ‘dialogue’ and a ‘meeting point’ with Palestinians residing in East Musrara. Every attempt to be simultaneously political and social was perceived by the neighbourhood representatives as deceitful and threatening. Keywords art in public space, conflict, Global South, Hannah Arendt, urban renewal ᪈㾱 ᆖ⭼䇔Ѫˈޜޡオ䰤ѝⲴ㢪ᵟ᧘ࣘҶ෾ᐲᴤᯠDŽᵜ᮷ṩᦞ൘㙦䐟᫂ߧⲴањ᧕㕍㓯ᔿ⽮४ᔰኅ Ⲵᇎൠ䈳ḕˈቡ䘉аᤱ㔝Ⲵ䇘䇪ᨀࠪҶᯠⲴ㿲⛩DŽ᮷ㄐᤷࠪˈӾইॺ⨳Ⲵ䀂ᓖ䟽ᯠᙍ㘳䘉аᇊ ㌫DŽᵜ⹄ウ㺘᰾ˈ⢩ᇊൠޣオ䰤ѝⲴ㢪ᵟо෾ᐲᴤᯠѻ䰤Ⲵޡޜሶ֯ᡁԜ㜭ཏᢩࡔൠ䇘䇪ˈ⨶ ⛩Ⲵᒢ亴ᔿ㢪ᵟ⍫ࣘྲօӗ⭏ߢケˈӾ㘼ሬ㠤㢪ᵟᇦഒփ㻛傡䙀ࠪ⽮४DŽᡁԜ൘ሩ⹄ウ㔃᷌Ⲵ ࠶᷀ѝ䘀⭘Ҷ≹၌g䱯Ֆ⢩˄Hannah Arendt˅Ⲵйњ⨶䇪ᾲᘥ˖᭯⋫/⽮Պ亶ฏǃ㹼ࣘ亶ฏ઼ ޜޡ亶ฏDŽᵜ᮷ᤷࠪˈ㢪ᵟᇦഒփ⑤ᵋᰒᱟĀ⽮ՊāⲴˈ৸ᱟĀ᭯⋫āⲴ˖䙊䗷᭯⋫㹼ࣘˈԆ Ԝᐼᵋоትտ൘ьぶᯟ᣹᣹ⲴᐤंᯟඖӪᔪ・Āሩ䈍ā઼ĀӔ≷⛩āDŽ⽮४ԓ㺘䇔Ѫˈԫօ਼ ᰦᤷੁ᭯⋫઼⽮ՊⲴԱമ䜭ᱟ䈑䇑઼ေ㛱DŽ ޣ䭞䇽 ޜޡオ䰤ѝⲴ㢪ᵟǃߢケǃইॺ⨳ǃ≹၌g䱯Ֆ⢩ǃ෾ᐲᴤᯠ Received April 2016; accepted October 2017 This article tells the story of the failure of a Corresponding author: Meirav Aharon-Gutman, Architecture and Town Planning, group of artists who believed in the power Technion, Kiryat Hatechnion, Haifa, 32000, Israel. of public art to facilitate urban regeneration. Email: [email protected] 2 Urban Studies 00(0) Its members founded a non-profit organisa- . art which has as its goal a desire to engage tion called Muslala and moved into a neigh- with its audiences and to create spaces – bourhood located on the ‘seam line’ between whether material, virtual or imagined – within East and West Jerusalem. Their aim was to which people can identify themselves, perhaps by creating a renewed reflection on commu- effect change by reestablishing social and nity, on the uses of public spaces . (Sharp spatial relations between the two parts of et al., 2005: 1003–1004) the city, using workshops, exhibits and festi- vals, but the project ultimately collapsed. The notion of site-specific art marked a step Rather than producing urban regeneration, forward in defining the relations between the performance of public art in this case led (urban) space and art, as its: to conflict. This ethnography of the conflict between the artists of Muslala and the local . aim was not only to accommodate the neighbourhood committee, and their differ- changing artistic trends of the period but to ent attitudes towards art, plays out on the align public art more with the production of western side of the urban seam line and tells public amenities and site-oriented projects. the story of a conflict between two groups of What this amounted to in essence was a man- Jews struggling over the ‘right’ way to face date for public art to be more like architecture East Jerusalem and its Palestinian residents. and environmental design. (Kwon, 2002: 67) For this reason, it does not presume to offer a balanced study of the conflict between In this article I consider what happens when Jews and Palestinians. the ideal of public art as a tool of urban Over the past three decades, the field of regeneration manifests itself in the Global urban studies has come to perceive art as a South. By raising this question, I am joining tool for urban change (Sharp et al., 2005). Art a research community who ‘offer a critical performance in public space has been insight into how public art and architecture addressed by the ongoing discussion on urban contribute or otherwise to the social cohe- renewal (Garcia, 2004), which has created a sion of the city’ (Sharp et al., 2005: 1003). new theoretical language of symbolic econ- Perhaps the most unique aspect of this article omy. In this subfield, creativity has been is its embedding of this question in the con- understood as urban capital and incorporated crete conditions of a city from the Global into the notion of the creative city (Florida, South. 2002). Moreover, the idea that culture can This perception of art as a catalyst for advance economic and urban development lies change was formulated in First World coun- at the heart of urban policies and cultural mas- tries and then spread across the globe ter plans (Nakagawa, 2010; Markusen and (Nakagawa, 2010), and considering it in the Gadwa, 2010). Urban scholars, however, have context of ethno-national conflict reveals the voiced critical perspectives and posed ques- limits of current academic insight into the tions about how art might also be furthering significance of art intervention in public gentrification (Ley, 2003) and social exclusion space. Jerusalem’s urban seam line as a con- (Shaw et al., 2011), with recent publications crete arena provides us with a unique oppor- also discussing what impact, if any, public art tunity to analyse the ways in which people has on a city’s economy (Morgan and Xuefei, take action among ‘others’ and how they 2012; Pole` se, 2012; Waitt and Gibson, 2009). cope with social multiplicity. As a scholar of On the level of both knowledge and practice, urban sociology, I am particularly interested special attention has been paid to public art in the spatial and social conditions in which that can be defined as: Muslala, the group of artists in question, Aharon-Gutman 3 operated. Notions such as the ‘creative class’ regeneration and urban renewal and delving as an agent of urban change cannot be dis- deeply into the notion of politics. cussed only as a universal strategy but must This article contributes to the ongoing also be interpreted in local context. In other project of ‘Theory from the South’ by con- words, the performance of public art in a sidering whether the creative class theory is city rife with conflict and terrorism cannot useful in understanding the real urbanism of be understood in the same manner as public Jerusalem as a divided city, as both a theory art performed elsewhere. This challenge lies and a theme. at the heart of the ‘southern turn’ that has The divided city, in which internal bor- permeated urban studies and that continues ders are drawn according to sharp ethno- to challenge Euro-American planning theory national and class cleavages (Auga et al., (Bayat, 2000; Watson, 2009). Although this 2005; Bollens, 1998; Marcuse, 2009), lies continually evolving body of knowledge is at the heart of this research. Segregation not the focus of this article, it nonetheless is deeply embedded in the history, architec- inhabits the core of my anthropological ture and sociology of the divided city approach of enabling the emergence of new (Monterescu, 2011; Piroyanski, 2014; Ram theories by bringing ethnography (of the and Aharon-Gutman, 2017). The academic Global South) and the people’s language to community proposes a wide range of con- the forefront (Comaroff and Comaroff, cepts with which to understand the way in 2012), as opposed to imposing concepts and which social groups of difference organise theories on them – or, in Connell’s (2013: the borders and the points of meeting 211) words, by seeing the ‘postcolonial per- between them, including mixed cities, iphery as a site of knowledge production’. divided cities, cities of conflict and contested Thinking about cities from the perspective cities, to name a few. Each concept empha- of the Global South enables us to address sises a different dimension of the organisa- social phenomena in cities from a different tion of the many in the city. angle and, by doing so, not only increase our Since the 1990s, scholars have portrayed knowledge but also, and primarily, enrich Jerusalem as an urban colonial space charac- our theoretical toolbox, which currently suf- terised by segregation and the construction fers from a Western bias (Rigg, 2007: 6). By of boundaries (Samman, 2013). The divided doing so, we are engaging in the decolonisa- cities of the Balkans, the Middle East and tion of social thought (Connell, 2013). Europe are demographically partitioned Arendt, in her biography and her theoreti- along ethno-national lines, designating them cal work, challenges the boundaries between as global sites of contest, conquest and com- German philosophy and Jewish philosophy, promise. Five of the most well-known cities between Germany as her homeland and the of this kind – Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, fact that she was doomed to be a refugee, Nicosia and Mostar – have long been flash- and between her role in the Zionist enterprise points of international conflict between and her disappointment in it. She produced states characterised by oppositional national her writings at home, within the academy, in identities and strategies (Allegra et al., 2012). prison and in refugee camps – in Germany, According to Boal (2005), people demand France, the US and Israel. Her theory of the segregation for a number of reasons. One is ‘uprooted’ (Arendt, 1943) offers a good the fact that segregation enables them to starting point for challenging Euro-America avoid ‘the other’ and to create comfort zones authority in academia and, in the case of this and a relaxed atmosphere (Boal, 2005: 66).
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