Between Allegory and Symbole in the Medieval Art in the Memory of Rev

Between allegory and symbole in the medieval art In the memory of Rev. Zdzisław Kliś, Professor of History of Art at the Pontifical Academy of Theology in Cracow († 25. January 2009) Between allegory and symbole in the medieval art •

Acts of the International Conference hold in the Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow in 23 and 24 October 2009

Edited by Dariusz Tabor CR

Kraków 2013 Redakcja techniczna Mateusz Łukasiewicz

Projekt okładki Marta Jaszczuk

Publikacja finansowana z dotacji na utrzymanie potencjału badawczego Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II w Krakowie przyznanej przez Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego w roku 2013

ISBN 978-83-7438-357-8

Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie Wydawnictwo Naukowe 30-348 Kraków, ul. Bobrzyńskiego 10 tel./faks 12 422 60 40 e-mail: [email protected] www.upjp2.edu.pl Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei English Heritage •

St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol

The cult of St. Stanislaus has long been regarded as a deposi- tory of Polish national identity and tradition. The saint was described as Pater Patriae – Father of the Fatherland – for the first time in his thirteenth-century Vita maior, and by the nineteenth century he was celebrated as the spiritual leader of national identity and a symbol of independent Poland. But what did the concept of national identity entail in medieval Poland? And what role did St. Stanislaus’ cult play in its development? Royal and episcopal patronage promoted St. Stanislaus as Father of the Fatherland but can we say that there existed a wider understanding of the meaning and importance of the implications of the saint’s symbolic status? One of the ways to test this is to study the reception of the saint’s cult as manifested in the arts of medieval Cracow by comparing various layers of artistic patronage, from kings and bishops to the civic authorities and merchants. The story of St. Stanislaus’ martyrdom is the key to his status as the flagship of Polish independence. His career as a Cracow bishop was marked by conflict with the king of Poland, Bole- slaus II the Bold. This conflict ended in gory tragedy and had

5 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei a miraculous conclusion – although the king killed the bishop at the altar and had his remains butchered, the body of the saint- ly bishop was restored in divine grace.1 The story of St. Stanis- laus’ martyrdom, which over generations assumed the status of historical reality, emerged from historiographic and hagiographic writings. The first was Gallus Anonymus’ short account written in c. 1100. Wincenty Kadłubek’s hagiographic description was an allegorical story expounding general truths of good and evil.2 But it was the Vita maior sancti Stanislai, composed by a Cracow Dominican, Wincenty of Kielcza which transformed the saint into a symbol of political restoration and which began the process of integrating St. Stanislaus’ hagiography fully into the national history.3 For the Vita maior announced that just as King Boleslaus hacked St. Stanislaus’ body to pieces and had them scattered, so the Lord divided his kingdom amongst many princes, and allowed this kingdom to be trampled upon and destroyed by outsiders. And, most importantly, Wincenty of Kielcza was the first to call St. Stanislaus the Pater Patriae and proclaimed in the Vita that just as the saint’s body became mira- culously whole after his martyrdom, the saint’s intercession will ensure the political restoration of the Polish state. Wincenty’s work, identifying St. Stanislaus’ death as a pre-fig- uration of the re-birth of the Polish kingdom, was revolutionary. While containing the conventional ingredients of hagiography

1 For extensive bibliography on the cult of St. Stanislaus see: A. Rożnowska- -Sadraei, Pater Patriae: The Cult of Saint Stanislaus and the Patronage of the Polish Kings 1200–1455, Kraków 2008. 2 Gallus Anonymus, Cronicae et gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum, red. K. Maleczyński, Kraków 1952 (Pomniki Dziejowe Polski. Seria 2, 2); Magi- strii Vincentii dicti Kadłubek, Chronica Polonorum, red. M. Plezia, Kraków 1994 (Pomniki Dziejowe Polski. Seria 2, 11). 3 Vita Sancti Stanislai Cracoviensis Episcopi (Vita maior), red. W. Kętrzyński, Lwów 1884, pp. 319–438 (Monumenta Poloniae Historica, 4).

6 St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol it moulded St. Stanislaus into a symbol of the state and its sovereignty. The canonization of the saint in Assisi on 17 Sep- tember 1253, and especially his elevatio ossium in Cracow on 8 May 1254, was a spectacular manifestation of the saint’s new symbolic status.4 The bones of the martyr were placed on the altar of St. Florian in the centre of Wawel cathedral. The altar was henceforward dedicated to St. Stanislaus, thus overriding St. Florian’s powers in favor of the new, Polish patron.5 The unusual position of the shrine may have alluded to the burial of St. Adalbert in medio ecclesiae cathedralis of Gniezno cathedral and declared St. Stanislaus as the rival patron saint of the state.6 The elevation embodied in liturgical form the notion of the Po- lish state and its survival and demonstrated that the promo- tion of the holy bishop’s cult was a joint enterprise of the Piasts and the Polish episcopate.7 For the ceremony was attended by the Piast princess, who ruled those provinces which, according to Wincenty’s prophecy, will in the future once again form an

4 Vita maior, pp. 436–437; Jan Długosz, Historiae Polonicae vol. II, [in:] Opera Omnia, XI, red. A. Przezdziecki, Kraków 1873, pp. 345–346. 5 After the canonization the cathedral was dedicated to St. Stanislaus – reference to this dedication first appears in a papal document of 1256. See Bullar- ium Poloniae, I, red. I. Sułkowska-Kurasiowa, S. Kuraś, Rome-Lublin, 1982, No. 597; also A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae…, p. 71. 6 For the location of St. Adalbert’s shrine see T. Janiak, Uwagi na temat ottoń- skiej konfesji świętego Wojciecha w katedrze gnieźnieńskiej w świetle źródeł his- torycznych i archeologicznych (tzw. konfesja II), [in:] Traktat cesarski. Iława– Gniezno–Magdeburg, red. W. Dzieduszycki, M. Przybył, Poznań 2002, pp. 349–381, esp. p. 368. 7 For the relationship of the Cracow Church and the Piast princes in the process of the reunification of Poland see J. Baszkiewicz, Powstanie zjednoczo- nego państwa polskiego na przełomie XIII i XIV w., Warszawa 1954, p. 404; Zarys dziejów kościoła katolickiego w Polsce, red. J. Kłoczowski, L. Müllero- wa, J. Skarbek, Kraków 1986, pp. 37–48; A. Witkowska, Miracula mało- polskie z XIII i XIV w. Studium źródłoznawcze, “Roczniki Humanistyczne” 19 (1997) 2, pp. 29–161.

7 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei independent and powerful Polish kingdom.8 Steps were taken to give the saint’s cult a powerful reach across the whole kingdom. For, as Długosz reports in his fifteenth-century Annals, during the elevation the prelates raised and washed St. Stanislaus’ bones in wine, displayed them to the faithful who were applauding and imploring the saint’s protection, and then divided the relics amongst cathedrals, major parish and collegiate churches, while the head, arms, corpus and other important body parts remained in Cracow cathedral.9 And so with this ritual act St. Stanislaus’ cult entered a new, more public phase as a political phenomenon. But was he a patron of a nation? A nation has been defined as a group of people who feel they are a community bound by ties of history, culture, and common ancestry. Nations have “objective” characteristics which may include a territory, a language, a religion, or common descent; and “subjective” characteristics – people’s awareness of their nationality and affection for it. The concept of nation implies common ethnic descent, which endows a political community with legitimacy and cohesion.10 This sense of community can be derived for example from a shared allegiance to the same saint and aided by the selection of artefacts. So how did these allegiances fall in the early fourteenth-century Cracow? St. Stanislaus was certainly a popular saint and pilgrims’ badges produced as me- mento of a pilgrimage to his cathedral shrine were excavated as far as Bohemia and Moravia.11 But to truly test the saint’s status as

8 Jan Długosz, Historiae Polonicae, II, p. 345–346. 9 Jan Długosz, Vita Sanctissimi Stanislai. Cracoviensis Episcopi, red. A. Przezdziec- ki, [in:] Opera Omnia, I, red. I. Polkowski and Ż. Pauli, Kraków 1887, p. 149. 10 S. Forde, L. Johnson, A. V. Murray, Concepts of national identity in the Middle Ages, Leeds 1995, p. 6. 11 B. Pŕibil Soupis československých svatostek, katolických medailí a jetonů, Čechy– Venkov, “Numismatický Časopis Československý” VII (1931), pp. 1–83. E. Majkowski, Plaketa z XIII stoleti, ražena ke cti sv.Stanislava, krakovského

8 St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol a Polish champion it pays to examine those artefacts which were created by patrons other than the Cracow chapter. These include two seals designed for the use of Cracow civic authorities – the sigillvm minvs civitatis cracovie and the seal of the Cracow scabini (jurists) – both dated most probably to between 1314 and 1320.12 The minor seal of the Cracow council depicts St. Wenceslaus as a nimbed knight in tunic and armour, with a long sword buck- led to the belt (fig. 1). The saint stands erect, facing the viewer, his right hand holding a lance with a small banner attached and his left a shield adorned with a cross. The inscription, running on both sides of the figure, identifies him as: S[ANCTVS] WEN- CESLAVS. The displayed eagle is shown on the right beneath

biskupa a mučednika. Přispĕvek ke studiu kultu sv.Stanislava ve střdoveku, “Numismatickỳ Časopis Československỳ” VIII (1932) 1–2, pp. 87–103; M. Kochanowska-Reiche, Ikonografia kanonizacyjna św. Stanisława Biskupa, “Biuletyn Historii Sztuki” 1–2 (1987), pp. 73–85, esp. pp. 73–75; J. Pie- trusiński, Jak wyglądał wizerunek kanonizacyjny św. Stanisława?, „Rocznik Historii Sztuki” 17 (1988), p. 39; W. Mischke, Wizualne świadectwo zjedno- czeniowej roli kultu św. Stanisława i jego hipotetyczne źródło, “Sprawozdania Poznańskiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk” 103 (1985), pp. 13–28; Idem, Pierwotny schemat ikonograficzny przedstawiania św. Stanisława ze Szczepa- nowa. Krakowski znak pielgrzymi z terenu Czech i Moraw, “Ciechanowskie Studia Muzealne” 2 (1990), pp. 37–68; Z. Mĕřinský, Znalezisko ołowianej plakiety ze św. Stanisławem w Černéj Horze, “Ciechanowskie Studia Muzeal- ne” 2 (1990), pp. 139–141; M. Fraś, J. Natkaniec-Frasiowa, Wawelski znak pielgrzymi z wizerunkiem świętego Stanisława, [in:] Polonia minor medii aevi, red. Z. Woźniak, J. Gancarski, Kraków–Krosno 2003, pp. 445–451; V. So- uchopová, B. Novotný, Záchranny výzkum středověke služebne osady u Černé Hory (okr. Blansko), “Přehled Výzkumů” 1973 (published 1974), p. 83, pl. 90; V. Hruby, J. Sigl, Poutni odznak s vyobrazením sv.Stanislava z výzkumu v Hradci Králové, “Archeologica Historica” 21 (1996), pp. 7–15; A. Rożnow- ska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae…, pp. 87–95. 12 In older literature they were dated to 1320–1329. See M. Gumowski, Naj- starsze pieczęcie miast polskich XIII i XIV w., Toruń 1960, pp. 122–123. For revised dating see Z. Piech, Święty Stanisław szafarzem korony Królestwa Pol- skiego. Ze studiów nad średniowieczną sfragistyką miasta Krakowa, “Rocznik Krakowski” 57 (1991), pp. 5–16.

9 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei the saint’s hand, and a crown on his left.13 The legend, reading S[IGILLVM] MINVS CIVITATIS CRACOVIE, gives the rank of the seal and names the council as its owner.14 The seal of the jurists shows the bust of St. Stanislaus appearing frontally against a diaper background15 (fig. 2). The saint is shown above a schematically outlined fragment of town-walls with a gate (filled with a motif of four roses joined by the stems) opening in the centre. The jurists are named as the owners of the seal by the legend S[IGILLVM] SCABINOR[UM] CRACOVIE CIVITATIS. The martyr’s dress is in keeping with the already long-established formula – he wears pontifical vestments and a mitre. But there are elements in this design which had never appeared in conjunction with the image of St. Stanislaus – the saint’s right hand, raised in bene- dicio, points to a crown and the crosier in his left hand to a displayed eagle. These are the symbols of Polish royal power essential to explaining Wincenty of Kielcza’s allegory, which foretold the res- titution of the Polish state (symbolised by the eagle) through the intercession of St. Stanislaus (depicted in pontifical dress), who ad- ministers the regalia (represented by the crown) kept in the capital city of Cracow (signified by the outline of town walls whose inclu- sion demonstrates that the city was the necessary component in the process of political and spiritual restoration).16 Thus, for the first

13 A. Chmiel, Pieczęcie miasta Krakowa, Kazimierza, Kleparza i jurydyk krakowskich do końca XVIII wieku, “Rocznik Krakowski” XI (1909), pp. 79–99, un- derlined that the iconographical formula of St. Wenceslaus on both the major and minor seals of the Cracow council is of Bohemian origin. Also W. Kliś, Czy istnieje zależność przedstawień krakowskich św.Wacława od ikonografii cze- skiej?, [in:] Lapides Viventes. Zaginiony Kraków wieków średnich, red. K. Ko- lowca-Chmura, Kraków 2005, pp. 193–207. 14 Z. Piech, Święty Stanisław szafarzem korony…, p. 6. 15 53 mm in diameter, attached to a document of 1382 (in Cistercian monastery, Mogiła). M. Gumowski, Najstarsze pieczęcie..., p. 123. 16 The crown and eagle were first employed as the “signs of victory” (Vitricia signa) on the majestic seal of Przemysł II. They are described in the inscription

10 St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol time, St. Stanislaus’ art showed him as the saint whose intercession was crucial for the process of political restoration.17 Historians have accepted that in keeping with the saint’s status as the patron of Polish unification the design of the scabini seal should incorporate the figure of the holy bishop who deploys the symbols of that revival. However, no satisfactory explanation has been given as to the presence of the very same elements alongside St. Wenceslaus on the minor council seal. It has been suggested that the crown and eagle represent the political aspirations of the capital city of Cracow.18 St. Wenceslaus, himself a king of the Pre- myslid state, could easily have been adopted as the co-patron of a royal town such as Cracow. But we cannot fail to notice that instead of the black eagle a cross is shown on St. Wenceslaus’ shield suggesting his status not as a holy ruler but as an ideal miles chris- tianus. Moreover, we should not ignore the fact that St. Wence- slaus was selected for the minor seal, which the Council used for documents of an economic and administrative nature rather than to ratify decisions pertaining to legal, civil and criminal matters.19 This indicates that in the formation of the patricians’ political identity a desire for ennoblement through commercial success was the primary reason for this association with St. Wenceslaus. In the minds of rich Cracow burghers St. Stanislaus represented the ambitions of the cathedral clergy and the ineffectiveness of the Piast princess. St. Wenceslaus, on the other hand, was a symbol of the economically advanced Bohemian kingdom and his intercession was the key to the burghers’ own version of a future unified state.20

as REDDIDIT IPSE P[OTENS V]ICTRICIA SIGNA POLONIS. Z. Piech, Święty Stanisław szafarzem korony…, pp. 12–13. 17 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae…, pp. 159–161. 18 Z. Piech, Święty Stanisław szafarzem korony…, p.13. 19 On the hierarchy and use of seals see M. Koczerska, Zbigniew Oleśnicki i ko- ściół krakowski w czasach jego pontyfikatu, Warszawa 2004, p. 162. 20 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae…, pp. 162–163.

11 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei

Cracow burghers were predominantly of German origin and besides economic motivations their ethnic origin must have played a role in determining their spiritual allegiance. We can thus argue that already in the fourteenth century the facts of culture, economy and politics began to come together as a foundation for the future development of national identity. The power struggle in Poland at that time was definitely imbued with clear natio- nalistic undertones. From 1300 the state was ruled by a Czech King Wenceslaus II of the Premyslid dynasty and Cracow cathe- dra was held by a pro-Czech Bishop Jan Muskata.21 Their govern- ment was opposed by a Piast Prince Ladislaus Łokietek and the Archbishop of Gniezno Jakub Świnka.22 After Wenceslaus II’s death in 1305 Muskata was exiled and the campaign which Ło- kietek and Świnka organised against him in the next five years was one of the earliest crusades in Polish history based prima- rily on national prejudice.23 It can be argued that the design of the new gothic Cracow cathedral, begun by Nanker in 1320, remains the most compelling monument to this opposition, being in its architectural and spiritual values a conscious departure from Bishop Muskata’s political principles.24

21 Dzieje Polski średniowiecznej, red. R. Grodecki, S. Zachorowski, J. Dąbrowski, Kraków 1995, pp. 350–370. 22 E. Długopolski, Władysław Łokietek na tle swoich czasów, Wrocław 1951, pp. 75–105; Z. Kozłowska-Budkowa, Przyczynki do życiorysu Jana Muskaty, [in:] Ars Historica. Prace z dziejów powszechnych i Polski, Poznań 1976, p. 447ff; S. Gawlas, Człowiek uwikłany w wielkie procesy – przykład Muskaty, [in:] Człowiek w społeczeństwie średniowiecznym, Warszawa 1977, pp. 391–401; T. Pietras, Krwawy wilk z pastorałem: biskup krakowski Jan zwany Muskata, Warszawa 2001. 23 S. Gawlas, Monarchia Kazimierza Wielkiego a społeczeństwo, [in:] Genealo- gia – władza i społeczeństwo w Polsce średniowiecznej, red. A. Radzimiński, J. Wroniszewski, Toruń 1999, pp. 391–392. 24 T. Wojciechowski, Kościół katedralny w Krakowie, Kraków 1900, p. 211, noted the conservatism of Nanker’s plan. Unaware of Muskata’s abortive cathedral he could not explain it. It has been explained by T. Węcławowicz,

12 St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol

In c. 1300 Muskata began to rebuild the old and ruined Ro- manesque Wawel cathedral as the royal church, probably with the encouragement, or on the initiative of King Wenceslaus II. The project did not proceed beyond the foundations and nothing of his building survives above ground. However, interpreting the lat- est excavations, Tomasz Węcławowicz has argued convincingly that this edifice was to boast a “classic” French-inspired Gothic chevet, a system of chapels radiating as if in the shape of a royal crown from the eastern crypt25 (fig. 3). This crypt may have housed the relics of St. Wenceslaus, the oldest patron of Cracow cathedral.26 Nanker for his part decided to construct an edifice with an outdated flat-ended Cistercian choir instead of a grand chevet, which by virtue of its association with the French monarchy would have been better suited for a royal church. This decision seems to have been a gesture of deliberate rejection of the aborted choir planned by Muskata.27 St. Stanislaus was central to Nanker’s design. The new Gothic cathedral was consecrated on 28 March 1364, long after Nanker’s departure from Cracow but it remained true to his vision. As Paul Crossley has shown it was Nanker who decided to place the crossing of his new cathedral over St. Stanislaus’ shrine, and to endow the shrine with a new altar. He placed the shrine precisely in the geometric and symbolic focus of the Gothic building (fig. 4). The width of the choir (including the aisle buttresses discovered by Odrzywols- ki in 1898) taken through the original axis of the eastern crossing piers, forms the base of an equilateral triangle whose apex is the inner plane of the presbytery’s eastern axial pillar (X). The

Krakowski kościół katedralny w wiekach średnich. Funkcje i możliwości interpretacji, Kraków 2005, p. 121. 25 T. Węcławowicz, Krakowski kościół katedralny…, pp. 47–63. 26 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae…, pp. 131–133. 27 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei: Art, death and legitimacy…, p. 211.

13 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei sides of that triangle (XY or XZ) give the distance between that eastern point and the shrine of St. Stanislaus at the centre of the crossing (XS). Equally, the distance between the high altar and one corner of this equilateral triangle (OY, OZ) is the distance between the high altar and the shrine (OS).28 This position of St. Stanislaus’ shrine as the centre-point of the new cathedral, which in time became the Polish coronation church and royal mausoleum, was the key to the future prominence of the saint as the fully fledged symbol of Polish state and nation. All this shows that in many ways St. Stanislaus’ future success as the Pater Patriae was anchored in the early fourteenth-century royal and Episcopal artistic and architectural initiatives and was tied to contemporary political pressures. Especially the mili tary threat posed by the Teutonic Order has proven to be an important crystallizing agent in the future formation of a national identity. This threat dictated the main goals of the Piast and later the Jagiellonian kings’ international politics. For Władysław Łokietek, first king of the restored Poland in the fourteenth century, the primary goal of his kingship was to establish in the eyes of Europe Poland’s presence as a significant political force, independent of the Holy Roman Empire, and answerable only to the Pope as the patrimonium sancti Petri.29 The king’s “defen- sive” propaganda employed the visual arts as a powerful weap- on in this conflict and created an artefact which boosted those claims and highlighted the status of St. Stanislaus as the patron of the new kingdom of Poland. In 1330 Łokietek organised a jubilee on the feast days of the saint and re-minted gold coins offered by pilgrims into royal

28 P. Crossley, Gothic architecture in the reign of Kasimir the Great, Kraków 1985, p. 48 and 61. 29 J. Krzyżaniakowa, Regnum Poloniae w XIV wieku. Perspektywy badań, [in:] Sztuka i ideologia XIV wieku, red. P. Skubiszewski, Warszawa 1975, p.73.

14 St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol ducats.30 These ducats bound his kingship to St. Stanislaus’ inte rcession and transformed the Cracow martyr forever from a Po- lish St. Thomas Becket to the Polish St. Denis.31 Shown on the reverse in his recognizable guise – nimbed and blessing, with a mitre and crosier, St. Stanislaus acquired a new visual identity as the national guardian. He became, as the inscription announces, the Polish saint – S’0 STANISLAVS 0 POLE (which can be understood either as Sanctus Stanislavs Polonie or poloniensis).32 The obverse of the ducat proclaims the full splendour of Łokietek’s power achieved through his friendship with the Pater Patriae. He sits on a chest throne sporting all the insignia of his authority: the crown, the sceptre with a fleur-de-lis head, and an orb with a cross, while

30 These coins should be known as florins but the term ducat has been widely accepted in Polish scholarship. Today the only specimen available for study is in the collection of the National Museum, Cracow. Measurements: diam. 21.4mm, weight 3.484g, made of 23.5-carat gold. R. Kiersnowski, Dukaty Władysława Łokietka, WN VII, 1 (1963), pp. 23–41; B. Haczewska, Św. Stanisław na dukacie Władysława Łokietka, “Rocznik Krakowski” L (1980), pp. 203–205, esp. p. 203. A coin made according to the same design may have been mentioned by Maciej of Miechów in 1514 as “aureus polonus unus in quo imago sancti Stanislai”. A. Chmiel, Do historii dukata z wizerunkiem św. Stanisława, “Wiadomości Numizmatyczno-Archeologiczne” IX, Kraków 1921, pp. 41–45. 31 On this transformation see M. Rożek, Ara Patriae. Dzieje grobu św. Stanisława w katedrze na Wawelu, AC, XI (1979), pp. 433–460, esp. p. 453; P. Crossley, History, coronation and space: The sacred topographies of Cracow and Prague cathedrals under the Jagiellonians, Vortrag im Rahmen des GWZO-Projekts “Jagiellonen” 26 March 2002, p. 9; Z. Piech, Symbole władcy i państwa w monarchii Władysława Łokietka i Kazimierza Wielkiego, [in:] Imagines Potes- tatis. Rytuały, symbole i konteksty fabularne władzy zwierzchniej. Polska X–XV w., red. J. Banaszkiewicz, Warszawa 1994, pp. 117–150, esp. p. 138. 32 For the first time St. Stanislaus is described here as patron of the state, not just of Cracow. R. Kiersnowski, Dookoła inskrypcji S Stanislavs Pole, “Wiadomości Numizmatyczne” XXV (1981) 1, pp. 43–47, esp. p. 45; L. Morawiecki, Du- kat Władysława Łokietka – próba interpretacji, “Wiadomości Numizmatyczne” XXV (1981) 1, pp. 38–42.

15 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei the inscription WLADISLAVS 0 D’I 0 G 0 REX (Wladislaus dei gracias rex) reiterates the divine origins of his kingship.33 The jubilee and the issue of the gold ducat emphasized the val- ue of St. Stanislaus’ cult as a morale-boosting asset in a campaign for a politically powerful Polish state. In a strange but meaningful coinci- dence exactly a year after the ducat was issued – on 27 September – the very day of the feast of St. Stanislaus’ translation – Łokietek defeated the Teutonic Order at the battle of Płowce. The fourteenth-century Annals of Cracow Chapter and Traska’s Annals report that the assistance of the Polish patron saints, St. Stanislaus and St. Adalbert, who imbued the king and his knights with a divine spirit, was crucial in achieving this victory.34 After the battle the captives were led to Cra- cow where, in a gesture of gratitude, Łokietek may have offered as ex voto at St. Stanislaus’ altar his most evocative trophies – the cap- tured battle standards of the enemy.35 The king’s gesture transformed the saint’s shrine into what modern historians describe as the Ara Pa- triae36 – the repository of national victory and remembrance. It was a tradition-setting act – from Ladislaus Jagiełło rejoicing in his 1410 defeat of the Teutonic Order, to Jan Sobieski celebrating his triumph over the Turkish army at Vienna in 1683 – Polish kings followed Łokietek and commemorated their conquests by offering the enemy’s standards to St. Stanislaus in his Cracow cathedral shrine.37

33 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae…, pp. 216–223. 34 “Ac quibus ceciderunt divina potencia annuente sancti Stanislai presidio, qua- draginta milia, certo numero sunt computati. Et devicti a paucis hominibus, videlicet a Cracovitis et Polonis nec non Sandomiritis, qui eciam per opitula- men… beati Adalberti sunt adiuti.” Rocznik Kapitulny Krakowski, p.105; for Traska’s Annals see Monumenta Poloniae Historica II, pp. 856–857. 35 Długosz states that the captives were led to Cracow. It is likely that Łokietek made some sort of offering at the altar of the saint whose protection guaranteed his victory. Jan Długosz, Historiae Polonicae, III, [in:] Opera Omnia, XII, red. A. Przezdziecki, Kraków 1876, pp. 151–152; M. Rożek, Ara Patriae…, p. 454. 36 First used by M. Rożek, Ara Patriae…, p. 452ff. 37 M. Rożek, Ara Patriae…, pp. 452–457.

16 St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol

The Piasts’ propaganda celebrated St. Stanislaus as the champion of their state and guarantor of military victories. But their promo- tion was rather Cracow-centric. It was under the Jagiellonian kings that the political implications of the saint’s cult became more widely recognized.38 The success of Jagiellonian dynastic politics, their swift advancement from dukes of a pagan Lithuania to the rulers of a vast state – which stretched from the Baltic to the Adriatic, relied to a great extent on a model of kingship that narrowed the gap between national sanctity and real political power.39 St. Stanislaus came to play an important part in ascertaining the success of this political program. Ladislaus I Jagiełło (c.1362–1434), the founder of the dynasty, eagerly sought to cement his attachment to the Pater Pa- triae.40 A monument which best illustrated the role of St. Stanislaus as the mentor of the king’s political enterprises is known to us from seventeenth-century engravings. It is a painted panel, which is known to modern scholarship as the Typus Fundationis Academiae Cracoviensis and which was commissioned in the early 1520s by Jagiełło’s grand- son, King Sigismund I for the altarpiece located next to the tomb of his grandfather.41 Its composition commemorates the crowning mo- ments of Jagiełło’s reign achieved thanks to the intercession of the Cracow martyr: the conversion of Lithuania undertaken under the banner of St. Stanislaus (the king’s 1387 endowment charter for the new cathedral in Vilnius singles out the saint as a special patron and the restoration of Cracow University of which St. Stanislaus became

38 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae…, p. 291 ff.; M. Walczak,“The Jagiello- nian Saints”: Some Political, National and Ecclesiastical Aspects of Artistic Propa- ganda in Jagiellonian Poland, [in:] Die Jagiellonen. Kunst und Kultur einer euro- päischen Dynastie an der Wende zur Neuzeit, Nuremberg 2002, pp. 139–149. 39 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Jagiellonians and the Internationalisation of National Saints, [in:] Festschrift in honour of Paul Crossley, forthcoming. 40 Idem, 2008, p. 294–317. 41 Z. Piech, Typus Fundationis Academiae Cracoviensis. Interpretacja obrazu z kaplicy grobowej Władysława Jagiełły, [in:] Scripta custos memoriae. Prace historyczne po- święcone Profesor Brygidzie Kürbis, red. D. Zydorek, Poznań 2001, pp. 355–393.

17 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei the principal patron. The panel also shows St. Stanislaus’ assistance in Jagiełło’s ultimate military triumph – a crushing defeat of the Teuton- ic Order on 15 July 1410 at Grunwald. The model of holy friendship as a quality shaping Jagiello- nian dynastic identity developed out of the devotional preoccu- pations and historical sensitivities of Cardinal Zbigniew Oleśnic- ki.42 Oleśnicki believed that saints were like jewels which adorned the Polish crown and enhanced the splendour of the kingdom.43 His synodal statutes of 1436 gave this conviction an official im- primatur invoking the intercession of St. Adalbert, St. Florian, St. Wenceslaus and St. Stanislaus. The statutes register Oleśnicki’s awareness of the need for religious regeneration in fifteenth-century Poland, and his belief that a sense of national identity can be shaped by a shared spiritual allegiance to the saints of the Pol- ish pantheon with St. Stanislaus as the supreme patron.44 Oleśnic- ki’s artistic and political initiatives reflected this conviction. He rebuilt the Wawel cathedral’s north aisle providing a new setting

42 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei, Pater Patriae…, pp. 317–391. 43 Długosz, Vita…, pp. 171–172; Jan Długosz, Vita beate Kunegundis, red. A. Przezdziecki, [in:] Opera Omnia, t. I, p.185. 44 In the statute No 4 Statutum de horis: “Sane cum ecclesia nostra inter aliorum celestium civium venerandas reliquias glorissimi martyris beati Floriani vene- rando corpore dotata sit, eius quoque interventu et meritis apud Deum totum hoc regnum Polonie credat se crebrius communiri, de fratrum constrorum Capituli Cracoviensis previa deliberacione et assensu statuimus et presentibus ordinamus praenominatum gloriosum martyrem et patronum nostrum per totam nostram diocesim inter ceteros regni huius patronos insignes, videlicet Adalbertum, Stanislaum, Wenceslaum martyres pari devotionem in choris canonicis et officiis divinis attollendum, colendum et venerandum, quodque de ipso huiusmodi officium feria Quarta, de sancto Wenceslao tercia, de sanc- to Adalberto secunda et de beato Stanislao Quinta feriis de cetero per totam nostram diocesim fiat et observetur temporibus perpetue duraturis.” Statuty synodalne krakowskie Zbigniewa Oleśnickiego (1436, 1446), red. S. Zachorow- ski, Kraków 1915, p. 47 (henceforth Zachorowski, 1915). Also U. Borkowska, The Polish Church in the writings of Jan Długosz, [in:] The christian community of medieval Poland. Antologies, red. J. Kłoczowski, Wrocław 1981, p.198.

18 St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol for the display of the martyr’s relics; and he reinvented St. Stani- slaus’ pilgrimage centre in Piotrawin founding a new church and chapel there45 (fig. 5). It was Oleśnicki’s initiative to create a new ordinal – the Ordo ad coronandum regem Poloniae – for the coronation of Jagiełło’s eldest son, prince Ladislaus III in 1434.46 The ordinal introduced the pre-coronation penitential pilgrimage to the church of St. Stanislaus in Scalcam, the site of the murder of St. Stanislaus by King Boleslaus in 1079. This pilgrimage was de- vised as a public royal expiation.47 Oleśnicki’s ritualistic enterprises, just like his artistic initiatives, were conceived as integral mani- festations of his ideology, which established St. Stanislaus as the head of the Polish pantheon and the guarantor of acts of state. In conclusion, it is clear that by the late fifteenth century St. Stanislaus’ position as a political saint was firmly entrenched. Royal and Episcopal patronage recognized and honoured him as the patron of their artistic, ritualistic and military endeavours. For kings and bishops St. Stanislaus was unequivocally a symbol of the Polish state. But was he a national saint? It is difficult

45 M. Walczak, Przemiany architektoniczne katedry krakowskiej w pierwszej połowie XV wieku i ich związek z działalnością fundacyjną kardynała Zbigniewa Oleśnick- iego, “Studia Waweliana” 1 (1992), pp. 7–28; P. Crossley, Ara Patriae: St. Sta- nislaus, the Jagiellonians and the Coronation Ordinal for Cracow Cathedral, [in:] Künstlerische Wechselwirkungen in Mitteleuropa, red. J. Fajt and M. Hörsch, Ostfildern 2005, pp. 103–123 (Studia Jagiellonica Lipsiensia, 1); R. Brykow- ski, Kościół parafialny w Piotrawinie, “Roczniki Humanistyczne” VI, 4 (1957), pp. 47–56; M. Walczak, Działalność fundacyjna biskupa krakowskiego kardy- nała Zbigniewa Oleśnickiego part I, “Folia Historiae Artium” XXVIII (1992), pp. 57–73; part II, “Folia Historiae Artium” XXX (1994), pp. 63–85. 46 Ordo coronandi Regis Poloniae, red. S. Kutrzeba, Kraków 1909–1913. 47 A. Gieysztor, Spektakl i liturgia – polska koronacja królewska, [in:] Kultura elitarna a kultura masowa w Polsce późnego średniowiecza, red. B. Geremek, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 1978, pp. 9–23; P. Crossley, History, coronation and space…, p. 2; Idem, Bohemia sacra and Polonia sacra. Liturgy and history in Prague and Cracow cathedrals, “Folia Historiae Artium. Seria Nowa” 7 (2001) pp. 49–69; Idem, Ara Patriae…, pp. 110–114.

19 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei to determine whether the cult provided the expression of national identity in an age when this concept was only beginning to form. Analysis of the fourteenth-century Cracow civic seals shows that some sense of ethnic identity went hand in hand with economic ambitions and spiritual allegiances. But it still took several hundred years to emerge in its fully fledged shape. Nevertheless, it is certain that St. Stanislaus’ cult was one of the factors important in the development of the concept of nation and national identity.

Fig. 1. Reproduction of the minor seal of the Cracow Council.

Fig. 2. The seal of the Cracow Jurists. Courtesy of Zakład Nauk Pomocniczych Historii, Cracow Jagiellonian University.

20 St. Stanislaus and the Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol

Fig. 3. Cracow cathedral showing the outline of the French- -inspired Gothic chevet, after Węcławowicz.

Fig. 4. Cracow cathedral, Crossley’s diagram.

21 Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei

Fig. 5. Oleśnicki’s foundation tablet in the church at Piotrawin. Dariusz Tabor CR The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow •

Biblia pauperum Le livre allégorique qui crée des images symboliques

Quand nous ouvrons Biblia Pauperum, nous découvrons un monde riche et très compliqué. C’est un monde plein de personnages charactéristiques1. Cèst un monde qui possède sa propre histoire marquée par des événements excitants. En fait, chaque page de Biblia nous offre une série dìmages sugges- tives et des textes provocants qui nous communiquent un message théologique de haute importance et de signification profonde. Il est évident que la structure des images et des textes est composée selon des règles de prédiction et d’accomplissement. L’Ancien Testament est devenu un monde de prophétie et de prédiction des événements futurs. Par contre le Nouveau Testament se révèle comme l’espace de plénitude et de réali- sation dànciennes promesses. La relation entre l’Ancien et le Nouveau Testament, nommée typologie consiste dans la corres-

1 Biblia pauperum: a facsimile and editio by Henry Avril, New York 1987, passim; Biblia pauperum: Az esztergoni föszékesegyházi könyvtár negyvenla pos bloc- kbuch Biblia pauperum, Budapest 1966, passim.

23 Dariusz Tabor CR pondance entre t y p u s, c’est à dire le personnage ou l’évé- nement anticotestamentaire qui est une ombre et une image, et a n t i t y p u s – un personnage ou l’ événement néotesta- mentaire, prédit par des ombres et des images. Cela est fruit de la pensée théologique fine et de réflexions venues d’une grande tradition. Mais aujourd’hui ces problèmes ne nous intéressent pas. Notre objet d’étude est un moyen par lequel les liaisons entre typus et antitypus se constituent.

I. Allégorie

Pour trouver ce moyen de communication et mettre en relief des liaisons, il nous faut analyser quelques exemples des pages séparées de Biblia pauperum. Voici la page *e*2. Ce sont trois images qui constituent la partie principale de son contenu. Au centre il y a la Crucifixion. Le Christ est pendu sur la croix. Ma- rie, sa Mère, Jean et la deuxième Marie, Longinus et le centu- rion se trouvent autour de la croix. La composition est plutôt typique. Mais deux images qui l’encadrent sont plus attirantes, plus intéressantes. Elles captent notre attention. Sur l’image à droite nous voyons Abraham qui lève son épée pour décapiter son fils Isaac, agenouillé sur l’autel. Au pied de l’autel il ya des bois d’holocaust et un agneau. L’image de gauche représente la scène où Moïse montre aux Is- raélites le serpent d’airain fixé à une hampe. Les serpents vénéneux s’embrouillent au pied du poteau. Dans les trois tableaux nous reconnaissons certains éléments semblables. Tout d’abord ce sont des personnages au bout de leur vie – Jésus, Isaac. En plus il y a aussi des éléments qui or-

2 Biblia pauperum: a facsimile and editio by Henry Avril, il. *e*, s. 141–142.

24 Biblia pauperum ganisent l’espace – la croix, le poteau. L’élévation et l’exposi- tion de Marie, de Jean et dùne autre Marie, des serpents, du Christ sont aussi considérables. En conséquence nous dénotons d’une part une similitude structurale de trois images, d’autre part nous constatons une correspondance réciproque de certains éléments constitutifs. Mais continuons notre analyse. Voici la page *g* de Biblia pauperum3. Au centre nous reconnaissons la déposition au tombeau. Joseph et Nicodème accompagnés de Marie, de Jean et dùne autre Marie mettent le corps de Jésus au sarcofage. Sur l’image à droite, les fils de Jacob abaissent leur frère, jeune Jo- seph au puits, à droite les mariniers sont en train de jeter Jonas dans la gueule d’un grand poisson qui l’engloutira. La situation constitutive qui donne un caractère à chaque image est la disparition. Les protagonistes – Joseph, Christ et Jonas se trouvent au moment de la disparition. Cette disparition semble être défini- tive. Tous les trois ne voyent plus la lumière du jour. Nous constatons l’analogie qui unit les trois personnages. L’élément menaçant est une trou, une ouverture – le puits, le sarcophage et la gueule. Comme dans la première série des images, nous constatons aussi une analogie structurale et la correspondance des éléments. Voici la troisième page (la page *h*), qui contient dans sa partie centrale la représentation de la Descente aux Enfers4. Jésus ressuscité, vêtu dùn manteau royal, le bâton à la main, s` ap- proche dùne gueule terrifiante et en retire Adam. Dans la repré- sentation à droite nous voyons David décapitant Goliath vain- cu. David se prépare à tuer son ennemi étendu par terre, la pierre dans son front. A gauche nous voyons Samson qui lutte contre un lion. Notre héros déchire la gueule de l` animal.

3 Ibidem, il. *g*, s. 142–143. 4 Ibidem, il. *h*, s. 143–144.

25 Dariusz Tabor CR

En apparence il n’ y a aucune similitude dans ces trois images. Nous observons plutôt des différences. Mais l’étude approfondie nous permet de découvrir des analogies de haute importance. En fait, dans chaque image il y a une entité terrifiante et menaçante – le lion, la gueule, Goliath. Par devant eux se présentent des personnages qui les confrontent et les vainquent. La peur d’une part et la victoire d’autre part – ce sont les composants de l’ambiance qui do- mine chaque image. Il n’est pas nécessaire d`ajouter que deux pa- ramètres déjà retrouvés – la similitude structurale et la correspondance des éléments organisent des images de trois pages. Il est moment de faire le point sur les résultats de notre étude. Les trois images comportent des éléments semblables. Leurs protagonistes jouent des rôles analogiques. Des situations représentées sur les images ont la même dynamique et le même élan. Mais surtout il faut que nous soulignions, mettions en relief la similitude profonde des structures des images. Ces constatations, ces conclusions sont importantes, mais pas suffisantes. Pour approfondir notre étude il nous faut continuer notre analyse. Sur chaque page nous avons trois images. Toutes les trois sont juxtaposées et forment une autre structure, plus complexe. Les images latérales sont soumises à l’image centrale. Leur position subordonnée semble cacher certain rôle qu’elles exercent à l`égard de l’image centrale. Alors la juxtaposition, la correspondance des éléments , l’analogie structurale et surtout la subordination indiquent que les images latérales, avec leur contenu attirent notre attention sur l’image centrale et sa signification. Il en résulte donc l’existence de deux plans de significations, le plan anticotestamentaire et le plan néotestamentaire. Le premier ne porte pas sa propre signification. Il est en fait le porteur de la deuxième signification. Cete structure de deux plans de signification constitue une métaphore large et complexe qui est allégorie.

26 Biblia pauperum

Alors des images de l’Ancien testament - le sacrifice d’Isaac et le serpent d’airain sont des allégories de la Crucufixion et de la Mort de Jésus Christ. Des représentations « Joseph abaissé au puits » et « Jonas jeté à la mer » sont les allégories de l’image « La déposition du corps du Christ au tombeau ». Des images « La victoire de David sur Goliath » et « Samson déchirant la gueule de lion » deviennent les allégories de l’image « La descente du Christ aux enfers ». Où trouvons nous les sources des pensées allégoriques créées par Biblia pauperum? La source primordiale de l’allégo- rie à l’égard des nos images est la Bible. Pour justifier cette af- firmation il suffit de rappeler la célèbre parabole du semant. (Mt 13, 1–9 ; 18–23) Ici, le porteur de signification sont des grains et la situation de semence. Ceux-ci correspondent à la réalité de la parole et des écouteurs de la parole. Alors, les grains qui sont tombés le long du chemin, sur un sol pierreux, parmi des plantes épineuses et enfin dans un bonne terre signifient des gens qui écoutent la parole. Cette parabole est composée de deux secteurs juxtaposés. La première section contient la description de l`action du semeur et appartient au premier plan. La deuxième section est une explica- tion de la situation de semence et la description des écouteurs de la parole. Donc la parabole est l’allégorie du grand processus de la proclamation et de l’acceptation de parole. L`allégorie était utilisée comme une méthode de l’exégèse pa- tristique. C’était le saint Augustin qui avait interprété la célèbre parabole du bon samaritain de l’évangile de Luc5. Selon Augustin l’homme qui est descendu de Jérusalem à Jericho était Adam. Jé- rusalem était un lieu du bonheur primordial. Jericho signifiait la mortalité humaine. Dans le personnage de Samaritain il a recon-

5 Augustinus, Quaestiones Evangeliarum libri duo, [in:] Patrologia Latina, ed. J. P. Migne, Tome XXXV, col. 1340–1341.

27 Dariusz Tabor CR nu Jésus Christ, à l’auberge il a retrouvé l’Église. L’une des plus belles paraboles de l’Evangile est devenue donc l’allégorie de la condition humaine et du salut offert dans le Christ. L’allégorie était un moyen privilégié de la proclamation du message chrétien et une voie de communication du contenu de la Bible. Mais l’allégorie a joué un rôle encore plus remarquable. Ce rôle est marqué par le célèbre vers :

Litera gesta docet Quid credas allegoria Moralis quid agas Quo tendas anagogia6.

Ces vers nous permet de découvrir les quatre sens de la Bible, une méthode complémentaire de l’interprétation élaborée par des exégètes patristiques et médiévaux. Le sens historique décri- vait l’événement historique de l’histoire du salut. Le sens allégo- rique découvrait dans un événement de l`AT des faits des la plé- nitude de temps, c’est à dire du NT. Le sens anagogique définiait les règles morales et les devoirs de l` homme. Le sens eschatolo- gique prédisait l`accomplissement de l’histoire humaine. Tous les quatres englobait le sens total de la Bible. La lecture quadruple de l’Ecriture était en fait un modèle selon lequel la culture for- mait sa manière d’existence, les voies de communication et les moyens de représentation.

6 R. M. Grant., A short history of biblical interpretation, New York 1963, passim; J. H. Emminghaus, L. Hödl, A. Riedlinger, Allegorie. III. Patristische und scho- lastische Theologie, [in:] Lexikon des Mittelalters, I: Aachen bis Bettelordenskir- chen, Stuttgart–Weimar 1999, col. 422.

28 Biblia pauperum

II. De l’allégorie au symbole

Mais le sens allégorique de deux images latérales qui encadrent l’ image christologique centrale n’épuise pas le contenu complexe de chaque page de Biblia pauperum. L’analyse des structures nous montrera certains aspects pas encore découverts. Nous concentrons notre regard sur la partie principale d’une page. L’image centrale, néotestamentaire est encadrée par deux images allégoriques anticotestamentaire. Cette juxtaposition et cette liaison nous inspirent plusieurs réflexions.Nous nous souve- nons de constructions du texte biblique qui se compose de trois parties : la partie A, la partie B et la partie A‘. Les parties A et A’ ont un sujet, un contenu analogique. La partie B a un contenu et un sujet tout à fait différents. Ce qui est le plus frappant c`est la manière de l`organisation des textes. La partie B est située entre les parties A et A’. Alors , le fragment B qui n’a rien à voir avec la partie B et B’ , qui est étrange à l’égard du sujet, devient la section principale et supérieure. Il est encadré, flanqué par deux sections A et A’ qui sont subordonnées.On appelle cet arrangement : la construction concentrique. En voici un exemple :

A : Mc 5, 21–24 Jaïros et sa demande B : Mc 5, 25–34 La femme souffrant d’hémorragie A’ : Mc 5, 35–43 La fille de Jaïros et sa ressuscitation

L’ évangéliste suggére, que le passage de l’impureté de la femme à la pureté est la chose la plus importante dans ce fragment. La construction concentrique exerce une fonction particu- lière7. Elle est appliquée pour renforcer certains messages et sou-

7 R. Meynet, L'analyse rhétorique. Une nouvelle méthode pour comprendre la Bi- ble: textes fondateurs et exposé systématique, Paris 1989, passim; R. Meynet, Lire la Bible, Paris 1996, p. 121–144.

29 Dariusz Tabor CR ligner certaines annonciations prophétiques et messianiques. Le nucléus du message se trouve dans la partie centrale B. Mais les parties latérales ne sont pas sans importance. Elles jettent de la lu- mière sur le contenu de la partie centrale. Alors d’une part, des idées centrales de haute importance se trouvent dans la partie B. Ici nous avons aussi la clé interprétative. D’autre part ces idées sont incompréhensibles sans lumière et sans support fournis par des parties A et A’. Suivant ces constatations, nous pouvons interpréter les triades des pages *e*, *g*, *h* de Biblia pauperum. Alors la crucifixion du Christ se révèle comme un acte de l’importance su- périeure. Le sacrifice d’Isaac met en relief l’aspect sacrificiel de la mort du Christ. Le serpent d’airain souligne l’élévation du Christ au dessus de la terre et la guérison spirituelle. La descente du Christ aux enfers, La Déposition aux tombeaux, mettent en évidence la disparition du Christ et la conclusion irréversible da sa vie et de ses actes. Deux images latérales renforcent cette signification. Mais les deux suggèrent la temporalité et l`apparence de la disparition. La descente aux enfers présente une action salvifique. En fait Jésus retire des ancêtres de cave. Deux images latérales mettent en évidence son absence temporelle et sa capacité libératrice. Cette analyse nous a montré que les images anticotestamentaire sont nécessaires. Elles jouent un rôle indispensable dans la constitution du sens de chaque page de Biblia Pauperum. Mais un coup d’oeil sur cette page nous convainc que le sens profond et le message total ne sont pas encore saisis. Au dessus des trois images des pages *e* se trouvent deux arcades avec les demi-figures. A droite nous voyons David qui tient le rouleau avec inscription : Vinxerunt manus meas et pe- des meos (Ps 21, 17). A gauche se trouve le prophète Isaias avec inscription : Oblatus est quia ipse voluit et non aperuitos suum (Is 53, 7).

30 Biblia pauperum

Au dessous des images des pages *e* il ya aussi des arcades avec des demi-figures – de Iob à droite avec l’inscritpion de son livre : Extrahere caperis leviathan hamo (Iob 40, 20) et Habacuc avec sa prophétie : Cornua in manibus eius ibi abscondita est for- titudo eius (Hab 3, 4). A la page *g* nous trouvons les demi-figures des personnages de l’Ancien Testament. Voilà David à droite en haut. Son rouleau porte l`inscription : Excitatus est tamquam dormiens dominus (Ps 77, 65). Le roi Salomon apparait à l’arcade à gauche en haut et présente le rouleau avec inscription : Ego dormio et cor meus vigi- lat (Ct 5,2). Aux arcades en bas nous voyons Isaias, à droite – inscription Et erir sepulcrum eius gloriosum (Is 11, 10) et Jacob qui porte l’inscription : Requiescens accubuisti ut leo (Gen 39, 9). Quels sont des prophètes et des patriarches de notre der- nière page – la page *h* ? Aux arcades en haut apparaissent Da- vid, à droite – inscription Contrivit portas aereas et vectes ferreos confregit (Ps. 106, 16) et prophète Osée – O mors, ero mors tua, morsus tuus ero inferne (Os 13, 14). En bas à gauche nous voyons le prophète Zaccharie qui nous présente l’inscription : Tu quoque in sanguine testamenti tui emisisti vinctos tuos (Za 9, 11) et Jacob qui tient le rouleau avec l’inscription : A praeda filii mei ascendisti (Gen 49, 9). La disposition des prophètes est ingénieuse et frappante. Les prophètes des arcades et leurs inscriptions sont accouplés suivant des lignes diagonales, c’est à dire des prophètes de droite en haut correspondent aux prophètes à gauche en bas. Les personnages à gauche en haut correspondent aux personnages à droite en bas. Alors des lignes de connexion se croissent. En conséquence nous découvrons la construction rhétorique dit c h i a s m o s8. C’est une structure très répandue dans la littérature biblique.

8 H. Lausberg, Retoryka literacka: podstawy wiedzy o literaturze, Bydgoszcz 2002, p. 402.

31 Dariusz Tabor CR

Elle était utilisée pour mettre en valeur et renforcer la signification des expresions. Voilà l ‘exemple biblique :

A Quaerite dominum B Dum invenire potest A’ Invocate eum B’ Dum prope est (Is 55, 6)

Les contenus des expressions qui se trouvent sur les posi- tions opposées, c’est à dire sur les extremités des lignes diagonales, sont analogiques. Nous pouvons analyser un exemple de la page *h*. La phrase : Contrivit portas aereas et vectes ferreos confregit res- semble vraiment à la phrase : A praeda filii mei ascendisti. La conquête de butin correspond à la demolition des portes, qui in- terdissent la sortie d’un prison. La phrase : O mors ero mors tua n’est-til pas analogique à la phrase :Tu quoque in testamenti sanguinis tui vinctos tuos emisisti? En fait la destruction de la mort et de l’enfer est semblable à la libération des prisonniers de làbîme. En bref, l’organisation des arcades avec les demi-figures et leurs inscriptions possède la structure chiastique. Elle sert à mettre en relief certaines significations. Mais cette construction sàccorde avec l’image centrale néotestamentaire. En fait, l’image néotestamentaire se trouve à la position centrale de chiasme, au point de croisement des lignes diagonales. Alors on découvre une situation nouvelle. Les inscriptions sur le ruban ajoutent des significations plus profondes de l’image centrale, des contenus que nous nàvons pas encore découverts. Elles mettent en relief de nouveaux aspects de l`événement qui a lieu dans les cadres de lìmage. En même temps cette image reçoit une qualité nouvelle – la qualité dùne image symbolique.

32 Biblia pauperum

III. L’image symbolique

Quèst ce qu’une image symbolique ? Pour définir cette structure je voudrais revenir à la signification primordiale du mot -symbole. Symbolum, symbolon vient du verbe grec symbaleo, c’est à dire je mets ensemble , jùnis, jìntègre. Alors le sens primaire et primordial du mot symbole cèst : recueillir des mots dispersés, unifier des éléments désunis, intégrer des parties desintégrées, syn- thétiser les réalités analysées. Pour éclairer les sens profonds des symboles je rappelle la réalité de Symbolum Fidei – la profession de la foi. C’est une formule brève et concise qui sert à synthéti- ser les plus fondamentales vérités de la foi chrétienne. Le symbole comme l’oeuvre de la culture est riche de contenus et plein de messages. C’est pourquoi il est très difficile de l’interpréter dùne ma- nière complète. On peut définir chaque image centrale de chaque page de Bi- blia Pauperum comme une image symbolique parce qu’on constate sa force attirante et son habilité synthétisante. En fait la signification profonde de nos images – La Crucifixion, La Déposition aux tombeaux, La Descente aux Enfers – ne vient pas seulement de la représentation simple de l’événement christologique. Elle ac- cueille des significations profondes constituées par la construction concentrique – l’image NT encadrée par des images AT et par la construction chiasmatique – quatre demi-figures avec leurs ru- bans. Toutes les deux étaient élaborées pas seulement pour mettre en relief le fait de l’histoire du salut. Ces instruments rhétoriques fins et provenant de la Bible étaient appliqués pour révéler le sens profond de ce fait et pour le communiquer au lecteur. Donc l’image symbolique dans le contexte de Biblia Pau- perum est une image néotestamentaire qui synthétise et unifie plusieurs signifiacations des images provenant de l’Ancienne Tes- tament. Cette image tend à les réinterpréter et à trouver leur profond sens théologique.

33 Dariusz Tabor CR

Conclusion

Ce n’ est pas la dernière parole de Biblia pauperum. Cette cé- lèbre et fascinante oeuvre du Moyen Âge n’a pas encore dévoilé tous ses richesses et ses trésors. La recherche systhématique et per- sévérante peut nous en rapprocher. Je l’espère.

Fig. 1. Biblia pauperum: page *e* - Le sacrifice d’Isaac/La Crucifixion/ Le serpent d’airain (Biblia pauperum: a facsymile and editio by Henry Avril, il. *e*, s. 141–142)

34 Biblia pauperum

Fig. 2. Biblia pauperum : page*g* - Joseph abaissé au puits/La Déposition au tombeau/Jonas jeté dans la gueule d’un poisson (Biblia pauperum: a facsymile and editio by Henry Avril, il. *g*, s. 142–143)

35 Dariusz Tabor CR

Fig. 3. Biblia pauperum : page *h* - David décapite Goliath/La Descente aux Enfers/Samson luttant contre un lion (Biblia pauperum: a facsymile and editio by Henry Avril, il. *h*, s. 143–144) Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow •

Maria, virga Jesse A depiction of the Tree of Jesse in a thirteenth-century Flemish Psalter (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Liturg. 396)1

Shortly after the middle of the thirteenth century, in the Bru- ges-Ghent milieu – one of the most vigorous and creative centers of book production in Europe at that time – originated a group of illuminated Psalters featuring an exceptional iconography, both as regards its general concept and the rendering of particular themes. The codices were created, without exception, for wealthy laypeople, who were under the pastoral care of mendicant orders. Visible signs of this patronage can be found on the pages of the manuscripts, the illuminations of which reflect mendicant spirituality and piety. One of the most sumptuous codices which belong to this group is a Psalter kept at the Bodleian Library in Oxford (Ms.

1 This paper has been presented in 2009 and reflects the state of research at this time. Meanwhile, an updated version of K. Carlvant's dissertation of 1978 has recently been published by Brepols, Manuscript Painting in the Thirteenth-Centu- ry Flanders. Bruges, Ghent and the Circle of the Counts, London–Turnhout 2012.

37 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz

Liturg. 396). Produced for the use of Ghent around 1255–1260, it is illuminated with a series of full-page miniatures placed before and within the Psalter texts, as well as with a cycle of Chris- tological initials decorating the psalms of the ten-fold division. As the first in the cycle comes a full-page B(eatus) initial which will be the subject of the present paper.2 The composition visible within the initial letter shows the Tree of Jesse (fig. 1). This subject is often encountered in the decoration of Psalter frontispieces – since the second half of the twelfth century it appears in English miniature painting (fig. 2)3 and is also present in the German4 and Netherlandish5 mi- lieus. Yet its particular rendering in this Flemish manuscript is far from the traditional formulas of this theme. In the centre of the composition, over the reclining figure of Jesse, one can see

2 The main study on the Flemish thirteenth-century manuscript illumination still remains an unpublished doctoral dissertation by K. Carlvant, Thir- teenth-century illumination in Bruges and Ghent, Columbia University, New York 1978, where the author repeatedly refers to the Psalter in Oxford, Bodle- ian Library, Ms. Liturg. 396. See also her article: Trends in Bruges illumination until 1260. A propos a Psalter connected with Oostkerke, „Archives et Biblio- thèques de Belgique” 56 (1985), p. 321–363. 3 TheTree of Jesse decorating the Beatus psalm usually constitutes the crowning of a Christological cycle, typically depicted in manuscripts in a series of full- page miniatures preceding the Psalter. For examples, see among others: the Imola Psalter (Imola, Biblioteca Comunale, Ms. 100), the Huntingfield Psal- ter (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, Ms. Morgan 43) and the St Omer Psalter (London, British Library, Ms. Yates Thompson 14). 4 For instance, in the codices in Wolfenbüttel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Hs. Helmst. 515, and Hamburg, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. in Scrinio 83, as well as in the Psalters: Mechtild (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Theol. lat. qu. 31) and Fenitzer (Nuremberg, Landeskirchliches Archiv der Evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche in Bayern, Ms. Fenitzer Nr. 415 4°). 5 I know of two examples of such Psalters, dating from the thirteenth century: one in London, Lambeth Palace Library, Ms. 558 from the 1270s, featuring an Apostles cycle, and another one in New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, Ms. Morgan 113, with the David cycle, a decade later than the former example.

38 Maria, virga Jesse the standing Virgin, holding a book in her left hand and a palm leaf in her right. Her monumental figure takes up almost the entire composition, dominating the sleeping Jesse and relegating to the sides the scrolling of foliage surrounding the depictions of Christ’s predecessors. What is most striking in this composition is the lack of the figure of Christ – be it a Christ Child held by His Mother, or the Savior seated in majesty, traditionally crowning the genealogical tree. The Tree of Jesse has its roots in the Old-Testament prophecy of Isaiah: “Egredietur virga de radice Jesse et flos de radice eius ascendet et requiescet super eum spiritus Domini” – “There shall come forth a Rod from the stem of Jesse, and a Branch shall grow out of his roots. The Spirit of the Lord shall rest upon Him”.6 The symbolical meaning of this composition, understood as a lin- eage of Christ, reaches back to Patristic times when the passage from Isaiah, connected with the genealogy of Christ, was associated with David, Mary and her Son.7 Over time this symbolic interpretation found its way to Latin hymns, poetry and mystery plays. A beautiful example of its popularity is the polyphonic sequence composed around 1240 for the cathedral in Rouen, beginning with a telling phrase: “Ave Maria, virga Jesse”.8 As an independent iconographic theme, the Tree of Jesse appeared at the end of the eleventh century and shortly afterwards

6 Isaiah 11:1–2 [New King James Version]. 7 Already Tertulian associated the words “radix Jesse” with the house of David, “virga radice” with Mary, and “flos ex virga” – with Christ: “An quia ipse est flos de virga profecta ex radice Iesse, radix autem Iesse genus David, virga ex radice Maria ex David, flos ex virga filius Mariae qui dicitur Iesus Christus, ipse erit et fructus?”, see De carne Christi, 21, 5, [in:] Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina, vol. 2, Turnhout, 1954, pt 2, p. 912. Later on, the passage from Isaiah was similarly understood by the majority of the authors of patristic and medieval commentaries. 8 Cf. J. Haines, New light on the polyphonic sequence Ave virgo, virga Jesse, “Early Music” 34 (2006), fasc. 1, pp. 55–74.

39 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz it spread throughout the Western Christian art. Usually the genealogical tree sprouted from the reclining figure of Jesse – the progenitor of the house. Mary, Dei genitrix, surrounded by the depictions of the Old-Testament ancestors – the Kings and Prophets of Israel – had a central position in the hierarchic composition, which was crowned by the figure of Christ with a Dove of the Holy Ghost over His head.9 A typical example of such a representation can be found, among others (fig. 3), in the famous stained glass window of abbot Suger in the western facade of the basilica at Saint-Denis, being considered at the same time the earliest rendering of this theme. Very early, along with the growing cult of the Virgin, there also appeared a typically Marian version of the composition. In this rendering it was Mary, usually holding the Jesus Child in her hands or on her lap, who crowned the composition. In this image specially underscored was the relationship between virgo – the Virgin and virga – a rod, and this play on words, noted by many commentators,10 undoubtedly contributed to the popularity of this motif. One of the earliest examples of this rendering, dating from the 1130s, appeared in the Cistercian circles. It is represented in two codices produced in the scriptorium of Cîteaux: in Explana- tio in Isaiam of St. Jerome (Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale, Ms. 129 fol. 4vº) and in the Lives of Saints (Dijon, Bibliothèque Mu- nicipale, Ms. 641 fol. 40vº).11 In the first instance a monumen-

9 On the iconography of the Tree of Jesse, see especially: A. Watson, The Specu- lum Virginum with Special Reference to the Tree of Jesse, “Speculum” 3 (1928), pp. 445–471, idem, The early iconography of the Tree of Jesse, Oxford–London 1934, and Wurzel Jesse, [in:] LCI, vol. 4 (1972), col. 550–558. 10 E.g. Alanus ab Insulis. 11 The iconography of both representations is amply treated in: Y. Załuska, L’en- luminure et le scriptorium de Cîteaux au XIIe siècle, Cîteaux 1989, pp. 134– 142, figs 12 and 15.

40 Maria, virga Jesse tal figure of the Virgin holding a Child hovers over the sleeping Jesse (fig. 4), whereas in the second one Mary, surrounded by the scrolling foliage held by Jesse, is shown enthroned with Christ Child on her lap among her Old-Testament prefigurations (fig. 5). The Virgin Mary thus became the rod from the stem of Jesse, prophesied by Isaiah, who bore the flos – flower, that is, Christ. Such a rendering specially emphasized the maternity of Mary and the role she played in the mystery of the Incarnation. The above version, in which the virga and flos are transformed into the image of Mary and her Son, gains in importance in the thirteenth century. The remaining elements of the composition, like the ancestors of Christ, the figure of Jesse or the depiction of the tree springing from his chest, are often reduced to mere attributes of Mary. This tendency can be already observed in a Domi- nican nuns Psalter from Strasbourg, dating from about mid-thirteenth century (Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, St. Peter perg. 139, fol. 7vº; fig. 6),12 in which the enthroned Mary, press- ing the Child to her cheek, dominates the whole composition; or, even most conspicuously, in a carved jamb-shaft in the cathedral in Freiburg in Breisgau, of c. 1300 (fig. 7). In the latter example a tiny figure of the sleeping Jesse seems to serve just a base for the monumental figure of the Virgin and Child which, like a statue-colonne, takes up the entire space of the jamb. Also the full-page Beatus initial in the Ghent Psalter under discussion, falls within this mariological category. Here, too, Mary is the focal point of the composition, yet with one significant difference: the figure of Christ has been altogether omitted. Mary is the key figure in this representation, dominating it both physically and ideologically.

12 F. Heinzer, G. Stamm, Die Handschriften von St. Peter im Schwarzwald, 2 Teil: Die Pergamenthandschriften, Wiesbaden 1984, p. 231–234 (Die Handschrif- ten der Badischen Landesbibliothek in Karlsruhe, vol. 10, 2).

41 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz

The mariocentric renderings of the Tree of Jesse, deprived of the figure of Christ, are very rare. Arthur Watson, the author of the now-canonical study of early examples of the subject in question, mentions just two depictions of this kind: a miniature in the Antiphonary of Salzburg of the mid-twelfth century (Vien- na, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms. ser. n. 2700 p. 383; fig. 8) and a carved jamb in the northern portal of the baptistery in Parma, dating from the end of the same century.13 Later, related depictions will become more numerous, though it must be emphasized that such a rendering is indeed very rare. A miniature in the so-called Berthold Missal, created at Weingarten Abbey around 1220 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, Ms. Mor- gan 710, fol. 112; fig. 9) is a relatively early example: here Mary is shown standing in orant pose, surrounded by seven medallions with doves symbolizing the gifts of the Holy Spirit. The Marian symbolism of the Tree of Jesse found particular expression in the fourteenth century, in the illustrations of the Speculum Humanae Salvationis. In Chapter IV of this typo- logical compilation the composition in question has been interpreted as the Old-Testament prefiguration of Mary’s birth. Among the many depictions of this theme present in the decoration of the Speculum there are examples showing just Mary, without Christ, between the branches of the genealogical tree. One of them can be found in an incunable of 1475, printed by Peter Drach in Speyer. Jesse is shown here asleep, reclining on a bed (a motif typical of the Speculum illustrations), while a mighty branch with a figure of Mary in it springs from his body. The figure of Christ is also missing from the Tree of Jes- se illustrating the famous Hours of Catherine of Cleves, created in Utrecht around 1440 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library,

13 A. Watson, The early iconography…, figs VIII and XI.

42 Maria, virga Jesse

Ms. Morgan 917 p. 148). Mary, holding a book, is shown seated among the bust-length portraits of the royal ancestors perched on the realistically rendered branches of a tree originating from the chest of Jesse. Yet, there exists a depiction showing more numerous affin- ities with the Ghent miniature, namely, one in a codex produced around 1300 on the Franco-Flemish border, in the so- called Rothschild Canticles. This devotional compendium was created for a nun, to help her in meditation and prayer (New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Li- brary, ms. 404). The miniature showing the Tree of Jesse on fol. 46 features a standing figure of the Virgin with her right hand raised, while holding a book in her left (fig. 10). She is surrounded by branches, growing from the tree trunk, turning on sides into scrolls of grapevine in which the bust-length portraits of Kings are held. Above, at the top of the tree is depicted the dove of the Holy Ghost. Mary, painted in the very center of the image, is the focal point of the genealogical hierarchy. The figure of Mary “takes Christ’s place as the flower and fruit of the prophetic tree”.14 Jeffrey Hamburger, the author of the monograph on the codex, has noted the peculiarity of this depiction, and tried to find its roots in the illustrations of the Livre du Trésor – an encyclopedic work, written in Paris by a Florentine writer and politician, Bru- netto Latini, around 1260–1266. The depiction of theTree of Jesse in some early copies of this work shows a large figure of the standing Virgin Mary surrounded, as it was the case in the Canticles, by bust-length portraits of Old-Testament Kings entwined in the foliage (fig. 11). The reduction of the genealogical tree to a mere line of heads linked like medallions by a twisting grapevine twig con-

14 J. F. Hamburger, The Rothschild canticles. Art and mysticism in Flanders and the Rhineland circa 1300, New Haven–London 1990, p. 90.

43 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz stitutes probably the most conspicuous characteristics common to both interpretations of the theme in question. Apart from the specific shape of the tree, as a characteristic feature testifying to the genetic kinship of the two ver- sions, Hamburger mentioned also the omission of the figure of Christ.15 This observation seems to be true only as regards a single, early version of the Livre du Trésor: the codex kept in Sankt Petersburg, dating from the last quarter of the thirteenth century, and being the only known example of the book dating from before 1320 from which the figure of the Savior is missing.16 As a matter of fact, it is difficult to decide whether the illumi- nator of the Canticles was indeed inspired by the miniatures in the Trésor. For on the Franco-Flemish area a similar interpretation of the Tree of Jesse was at that time widely known. It is testified to by the Beatus initial in the Flemish Psalter Liturg. 396, whose iconography is related to the corresponding miniature in the Canticles, yet it predates Latini’s encyclopaedia and its earliest illustrations by almost half a century.17 As far as the Rothschild Canticles is concerned, the omission of the figure of Christ in the Tree of Jesse composition was inter-

15 Ibidem, p. 91. 16 Sankt Petersburg, Russian State Library, Fr. F. V. III. 4 fol. 19. According to Alison Stones this is a unique solution in manuscript decoration dating from before 1320; see A. Stones, The illustration of Brunetto Latini’s “Trésor” to c. 1320, electronic document (2002) www.florin.ms/beth5.html#stones (5.10.2009). Hamburger’s note regarding that problem is not quite precise, as he does not mention the Petersburg codex, from which the figure of Christ is indeed missing, whereas he mentions two other examples – Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms. fr. 567 and London, British Library, Ms. Yates Thompson 19 – in which the Saviour is present in the form of a little Crucifix held by Mary in her right hand. See J. F. Hamburger, The Rothschild canticles…, note 25 to p. 273. 17 On the meaning of the subject under discussion, see J. F. Hamburger, The Rothschild canticles…, pp. 91–92.

44 Maria, virga Jesse preted as an early example of the iconography of the Immaculate Conception. However, the statements that are justifiable when referring to late-medieval examples of the subject in question (for instance, the above mentioned miniature in the Hours of Catherine of Cleves) may not necessarily be true for some earlier works of art. In point of fact, as Jeffrey Hamburger has rightly stated, there is no reason to see any Immaculist ideas behind the early representations of the Tree of Jesse. Nor are they present in the initial of the Flemish Psalter under discussion. The picto- rial decoration of the initial should be considered the product of late-medieval Marian devotion, of a cult that emphasized the underlying role of Mary in the history of Salvation, at the same time professing the faith in the merciful intercession of the Vir- gin. Mary was shown here full-size, bearing a closed book in her hand, that is, in the pose traditionally reserved for Christ. Si- multaneously, the palm leaf (an attribute of martyrdom), which she raises in her right hand, is a reminder that she takes an active part in her Son’s sacrifice, suffers vicariously with Him, and, as a consequence, she plays an almost equal part in the Redemp- tion, being the Coredemptrix. This depiction of the Tree of Jesse belongs to a large group of symbolic images which emerged in the Flemish book illumination in the thirteenth century. Their task was to incite among the book owners a particular kind of emotional response, stimulat- ing their religious feelings and evoking their empathy towards the depicted person. One of the best examples of that kind can be found in the image of the Second coming, in a contemporary Psal- ter executed in the same milieu for the use of Ghent (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, Ms. Morgan 106, fol. 10v; fig. 12). The image shows a monumental figure of Christ-Judge, however, His depiction very much differs from the traditional representations of an apocalyptical Weltenrichter who came in glory to judge the world. His standing all-size figure as well as His near-

45 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz ly physical contact with the humans risen from the dead for the last judgment, is imbued with humanism and recalls rather the image of Imago pietatis; it symbolizes the Son of God who suf- fered and died for the humans, and is now mercifully interceding for them at the day of the last judgment.18 The mariological version of the Tree of Jesse found its pendant in the art of later period. Late-medieval renderings of this theme will develop towards the images of glorification of Mary and her ado- ration as Mother of God.

18 Cf. J. Ziętkiewicz-Kotz, “Unus mediator Dei et hominum”. A propos d’une image de la Seconde Venue dans le psautier Morgan 106, „Scriptorium” 62 (2008), fasc. 1, pp. 169–176.

46 Maria, virga Jesse

Fig. 1. Psalter, B(eatus) initial. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Liturg. 396, fol. 15v°

47 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz

Fig. 2. St Omer Psalter, B(eatus) initial. London, British Library, Ms. Yates Thompson 14, fol. 7

48 Maria, virga Jesse

Fig. 3. Tree of Jesse, stained glass window. St. Denis, abbey church

49 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz

Fig. 4. S. Hieronimus, Explanatio in Isaiam. Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale, Ms. 129, fol. 4v°

50 Maria, virga Jesse

Fig. 5. Vitae sanctorum. Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale, Ms. 641, fol. 40v°

51 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz

Fig. 6. Psalter. Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, St. Peter perg. 139, fol. 7v°

Fig. 7. Jamb-shaft. Freiburg im Breisgau, cathedral

52 Maria, virga Jesse

Fig. 8. Antiphonary of Salzburg. \Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms. s.n. 2700, p. 383

Fig. 9. Berthold Missal. New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, Ms. Morgan 710, fol. 112

53 Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz

Fig. 10. Rothschild Canticles. New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Ms. 404

Fig. 11. Brunetto Latini, Livre du Trésor. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. fr. 567, fol. 15 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec Institute of Art Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw •

Ape, lion and paralytic A few remarks on sculptural decoration in the presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church in Cracow1

An accurate identification of presented figures has a fundamen- tal significance for recognizing a subject matter of an artistic image. This task is often hindered by a miserable condition and preservation of a work. Complications can also arise from “incompe- tence or malice aforethought of the artist” as well as from knowl- edge insufficiency of a researcher in terms of ways of presenting people, things and events in the time of the creation of a monument.2 In case of architectural sculpture, time and again a dilemma arises: Shall the decoration of corbels, capitals and keystones be discerned from “the bottom”, from a natural perspective, today

1 Polish version of the article published in “Biuletyn Historii Sztuki” 72 (2010) pp. 5–30 is available online on http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/artdok/ volltexte/2010/1459/pdf/Jurkowlaniec_Malpa_lew_i_paralityk_2010.pdf (4.10.2013). 2 E. Panofsky, Meaning in the visual arts. Papers in and on art history, Garden City, N.Y. [1955], p. 33.

55 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec usually with binoculars, or in pictures taken with a telephoto lens, which disshape reality. Or is a “straightforward” approach crucial for identifying a subject matter of elements located on upper parts of a building, in a direct contact with a sculpture or on the basis of pictures taken from purposely erected scaffolding.3

* * *

The main masterpiece of Gothic architectural sculpture in Małopolska (Lesser Poland) and one of the most important in Cen- tral Europe is a decoration of a three-span, closed triangular (5/8) presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church in Cracow, composed of figural and floral images situated on the exterior of the building – in keystones of eleven windows and on twenty one corbels of the crown cornice, where originally gargoyles were located.4 Decay and traces of weathering on existing elements of presbytery decoration (a decoration of two corbels has disappeared completely) and their positioning at the height of almost 30 meters are the main reasons for discrepancy of opinions on the iconography of over a half of representations. A pioneer yet selective interpretation of subject mat-

3 M. Grandmontagne, Claus Sluter und die Lesbarkeit mittelalterlicher Skulptur. Das Portal der Kartause von Champmol, Worms 2005, pp. 58–63; 85–91; R. Suckale, Ansichtsfragen. Bemerkungen zur fotografischen Erfassung gotischer Statuen, [in:] Schöne Madonnen am Rhein, hg. von R. Suckale, Leipzig 2009, pp. 176–177. 4 Nicolaus Wirsing the Elder, a pantler of Sandomierz, is typically credited with erecting the presbytery of the church. He died on 4th of October 1360, and this date provides an important evidence for present dating of the decoration to 1355–1360 – T[omasz] W[ęcławowicz], Kościół archiprezbiterialny p.w. Wniebowzięcia Panny Marii, [in:] Architektura gotycka w Polsce, red. T. Mrocz- ko i M. Arszyński, vol. 2. Katalog zabytków, red. A. Włodarek, Warszawa 1995, pp. 124–125 (Dzieje Sztuki Polskiej, 2. 2). Marek Walczak has recently recapitulated and enriched with new aspects the debate on the commission of the presbytery. See his: Rzeźba architektoniczna w Małopolsce za czasów Kazi- mierza Wielkiego, Kraków 2006, pp. 175–236 (Ars Vetus et Nova, XX).

56 Ape, lion and paralytic ters by Władysław Łuszczkiewicz is almost entirely accurate.5 One serious mistake was interpreting a keystone [S.1; fig. 1, 2] as Tri- umph of the Church over paganity and Synagogue, which was repeated, among others, by Michał Walicki and Juliusz Starzyński.6 In reality, it is an interesting representation of Saint Catherine, identified by Franciszek Mączyński during preservation works.7 Jerzy Gadomski, in his doctoral dissertation, alas never published, analyzed a group of sculptures from the Saint Mary’s church.8 The author confirmed and expanded explanations of for- merly identified subject matters, he offered his identification of the remaining representations as well as an interpretation of the content of decorations. In the decoration of the presbytery he discerned either “a vision of the Last Judgement with Mary and saints” and “scenes from hell” or “a moralizing sermon, full of diversions on sanctity and salvation, sins and condemnation”.9

5 In keystones of windows (I use the system of identification of sculptures introduced by Węcławowicz and retained by Walczak; fig. 1):Christ’s Head [E], Virgin and Child [SE], Saint Christopher [S. 2], Devil’s Head [N. 1]; on corbel Phyllis and Aristotle [S. 3.b]. – W. Łuszczkiewicz, Rzeźba kamienna krakowska XIV wieku, jej cechy i artystyczne znaczenie, Kraków 1871, pp. 8–10, idem, “Rocznik Ces. Król. Towarzystwa Naukowego Krakowskiego” t. XX (XLIII) 1872, pp. 63–66; W. Łuszczkiewicz, W sprawie rzeźb XIV wieku w kościele Najśw. Panny Maryi w Krakowie i w katedrze gnieźnieńskiej, “Wiadomości Numizmatyczno-Arche- ologiczne” IV (1900) No. 1 (43), col. 139; No. 2 (44), col. 172; W. Łuszczkie- wicz, Rzeźbiarstwo religijne w dawnej Polsce, [in:] Encyklopedia kościelna podług teologicznej encyklopedyi Wetzera i Weltego z licznemi jej dopełnieniami…, red. M. Nowodoworski, t. 24, Warszawa 1900, p. 64. 6 J. Starzyński, M. Walicki, Rzeźba architektoniczna w Polsce wieków średnich, Warszawa 1931, p. 35 (Zakład Architektury Polskiej i Historii Sztuki Poli- techniki Warszawskiej. Wydawnictwa Popularno-Naukowe, II). p. 35. 7 F. Mączyński, Rzeźby na prezbiterium Kościoła Mariackiego w Krakowie, “Głos Plastyków” 2 (1931) may (unnumbered page). 8 J. Gadomski, Rzeźba architektoniczna w Małopolsce 1250–1400. Praca dok- torska napisana pod kierunkiem prof. dra Lecha Kalinowskiego na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim w Krakowie, [Kraków] 1969, t. 1. Tekst, p. 52–78; t. 2. Przypisy, pp. 37–49 (typescript). 9 J. Gadomski, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, t. 1, p. 6.

57 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Tomasz Węcławowicz has proposed a new interpretation of the sculptures. In a series of utterances, written from a position of anthropology rather than history of art, far reaching interpretations of a few representations difficult to discern unequivocally have been used to support a thesis of the presbytery being commissioned by Nikolaus Wirsing (Wierzynek).10 The author claims that all the sculptures are linked by the same subject matter and he interprets them as a peculiar representation of a pilgrimage of this nobleman to Jerusalem. That expedition was prepared in 1354 but in all likelihood it never actually took place. Marek Walczak criticizes this view, although in his interpretations, taken over partly from Gadomski, he often yields to suggestive opinions of some other of his predecessors.11 What matters here is an identification of two figures – anthropoidal in a keystone [S. 4; fig. 1, 3, 13] and a young man by a corbel core [N. 3.a; fig. 1, 14, 16–17] – as well as discer- ning a keystone [N. 3; fig. 1, 14, 20] of which main motif is a head of a lion. I will discuss these sculptures at length in the next part of this text.

10 T. Węcławowicz, Dekoracja figuralna prezbiterium kościoła Mariackiego w Krakowie a zagadnienie mecenatu Mikołaja Wierzynka Starszego, “Rocznik Krakowski” LVI (1990), pp. 233–236; T. Węcławowicz, Mikołaja Wierzyn- ka żal za grzechy na Kościele Mariackim przedstawiony, [in:] Klejnoty i se- krety Krakowa. Teksty z antropologii miasta, red. R. Godula, Kraków 1994, pp. 153–169; T. Węcławowicz, Droga pielgrzymki drogą zbawienia. Mikołaja Wierzynka żal za grzechy na Kościele Mariackim przedstawiony, “Peregrinus Cracoviensis” 1 (1995), pp. 117–136 (124–125); A. Korczyńska, T. Węcła- wowicz, Prezbiterium Wierzynkowe. Historia badań i nowe pytania badawcze, [in:] O konserwacji prezbiterium kościoła Mariackiego w Krakowie. Materia- ły sesji zorganizowanej przez Oddział Krakowski Stowarzyszenia Historyków Sztuki oraz Archiprezbitera Bazyliki Mariackiej ks. Infułata Bronisława Fide- lusa, Kraków 1998, pp. 39–56. See also: T. Węcławowicz, Krakowski kościół katedralny w wiekach średnich. Funkcje i możliwości interpretacji, red. J. Dara- nowska-Łukaszewska, Kraków 2005, pp. 137–152. 11 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, pp. 175–236.

58 Ape, lion and paralytic

Keystone of window [S. 4]

An anthropoidal creature on a keystone [S. 4; fig. 1, 3, 13] has been interpreted in manifold ways. Łuszczkiewicz discerned in its face some portrait features and he claimed it was a depiction of Wirs- ing.12 This hypothesis was first supported by Feliks Kopera, but later he limited himself to describing it as a head of a “man”.13 Anna Misiąg-Bocheńska described this sculpture as “a caricatural human figure”,14 while Krystyna Sinko-Popielowa, who was admiring these sculptures up close, from scaffolding, saw “a bust of a sad demon” in the apex of a window.15 Those opinions were adopted by other researchers. Tadeusz Dobrowolski in his first edition of Sztuka Krakowa (The Art of Cracow) wrote that there was “a human monster of considerable dimensions” on the keystone, and in the next editions – “a demonic head of considerable dimensions”.16 Adam Bochnak portrayed a research situation in the mid sixties of the twentieth century, when he called it “so far unexplained, caricatural figure”.17 A new phase of research was introduced by Maciej Gutows- ki, who claimed that there is an ape on the window keystone [S. 4].18 This authoritative statement was adopted by a majority of authors.

12 W. Łuszczkiewicz, Rzeźba kamienna…, 1871, p. 9; 1872, p. 65. 13 Pomniki Krakowa Maksymiliana i Stanisława Cerchów z tekstem Feliksa Kopery, t. 1, Kraków–Warszawa 1904, p. 79. 14 A. Misiąg-Bocheńska, Ze studiów nad gotycką rzeźbą architektoniczną w Polsce, “Biuletyn Historii Sztuki i Kultury” 3 (1935), p. 203. 15 K. Sinko-Popielowa, Maszkary mariackie i przygoda Arystotelesa w Krakowie, “Kurier Literacko-Naukowy. Dodatek do Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codzienne- go” 16 (1939) No. 9, p. II. 16 T. Dobrowolski, Sztuka Krakowa, Kraków 1950, p. 140; [1959], p. 161; 1964, p. 166; 1976, p. [121]; 1978, p. 131. 17 A. Bochnak, Kraków gotycki, [in:] Kraków, jego dzieje i sztuka, red. J. Dąbrowski, Warszawa 1965, p. 130. 18 M. Gutowski, Komizm w polskiej sztuce gotyckiej, Warszawa 1973, p. 78, n. 109 on p. 125.

59 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Węcławowicz found “an ape” (perhaps inspired by Łuszczkiewicz’s idea) to be a symbolic representation of a parish church founder. The nobleman Wirsing is depicted as an anthropoidal animal, as “a sinner making pilgrimage to Christ”.19 Walczak rejected this thesis, but he treated “a squatting figure with a caricatural face” as a creature belonging to primates and by recalling images of builders accompanied by an ape, he did not reject “a connection of this representation with a medieval building practice”.20 Hitherto, the majority of scholars writing about the architectural decoration of the Saint Mary’s church focused on determining a subject matter of a given representation (fig. 3, 13), and in its usually superficial description on a physiognomy of a naked and bald figure, characterized by rachitic, hardly visible legs and a monstrous head, “tucked” in between broad shoulders, situated directly on a slightly bent forward, trapezial, neckless torso. Such displaced proportions of an almost three dimensional figure probably were not stone mason’s attempts at foreshortening or at ac- centuating the most important part of a body, but rather they re- sult from the shape of a keystone. Maybe that is why details of a seated, sophisticated pose of a figure have hardly ever attracted the researchers’ attention. A creature of interest to us, seen frontally, almost perfectly symmetrical, crossed its legs in such a way that a right foot leans on a left knee, clearly visible over a leaf covering a significant section of a lower part of this limb. Unfortunate- ly, the sculpture has been damaged – a front part of a raised foot is chipped off as well as both adjoining hands, which seriously hin- ders the description and – at least seen from Mariacki Square – it nullifies chances of unequivocal establishing of the activity carried out by the creature with its left arm, bent in an elbow and slight-

19 T. Węcławowicz, Mikołaja Wierzynka żal…, pp. 155–156; idem, Droga pielgrzymki, pp. 119–120; idem, Krakowski kościół katedralny…, p. 143. 20 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, pp. 189–190.

60 Ape, lion and paralytic ly retracted. The hand of a right, straightened arm grasps the foot placed on the knee from a side of an instep; so its entire sole is ex- posed for a potential manipulation of a left hand. The creature is surrounded by carved lavish, stylized flora – on both sides probably the leaves of ivy (Hedera), and at the bottom a leaf of grapevine (Vitis vinifera) or bryony (Bryonia). A pose, in which a sitting person places an ankle or a crus of one leg on a knee or hip of another limb is characteristic in medieval art for scenes depicting a lively discussion, and most frequently – for representing rulers and lawyers.21 However, the hands of the above mentioned figures usually perform activities or gestures in which hands do not touch a raised foot. Nakedness of the Cracovian figure and its silhouette may – despite a dam- age to a substantial part of a sculpture – suggest a quite popular medieval representation, which was an imitation of an antique Spinario – a statue of a boy pulling a thorn away from his foot. Incorporating a Małopolska (Lesser Poland) figure to this theme arises doubts similar to those resulting from describing a statue in a niche on the elevation of Reisentor (the main entrance to St. Ste- phen’s Cathedral) in Vienna with a name Dornauszieher.22 A sculpture in a portico of the cathedral in Vienna lost its raised foot and even more significant (comparing to a Cracovian one) fragments of hands, which are the parts of a primary importance to an iconographic interpretation of an image. Despite this, the Austrian fig-

21 For instance A. Melnikas, The corpus of the miniatures in the manuscripts of Decretum Gratiani, Rome 1975, t. I Distinctiones (Pars I), Pl. X; 17, t. II Causa XI, Pl. 1 (Corpus Picturarum Minutarum quae in Codicibus Manu Scriptis Iuris Continentur. Studia Gratiana, 16). 22 M. Strauss-Zykan, Das Riesentor und der Westbau von St. Stephan. Stand der Forschung, [in:] Das Riesentor. Archäologie – Bau- und Kunstgeschich- te – Naturwissenschaften – Restaurierung (1995–1998), Hg. F. Dahm, Wien 2008, p. 26 and n. 48, 49 (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Kunstgeschichte, 8; Der Wiener Stephansdom. Forschungen und Materialien, 1).

61 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec ure still belongs to the described theme,23 although over 80 years ago Hans Tietze reminded that it was described at the beginning of the seventeenth century as “Steinmetzjunge”.24 It is not easy to assign the Cracovian sculpture to a particular type of architectural decoration, especially since its texture and form are now significantly different from the original appearance. It is difficult to state which features would decide that a figure is an image of a human being and which ones that it is an ape. Most probably it is a symbolical or allegorical representation which is worth analyzing within the frame of the Spinario theme. William Sebastian Heckscher differentiates four medieval iconographical variants of a person pulling a thorn: a sick man, a fool (Marcul- fus), an ape symbolizing Luxuria and an idol.25 Their common features are negative notions which demonstrate, as was stressed by Gunter Schweikhart, their situation of subordination or exclu- sion.26 A separate problem is the image of Spinario in calendar cy- cles, where it appears as a representative of March.27 In the most recent research this image is not linked to Luxuria.28 Gundula

23 R. Amedick, Dornauszieher. Bukolische und dionysische Gestalten zwischen An- tike und Mittelalter, “Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft” 32 (2005) p. 42 and n. 37. 24 H. Tietze, Geschichte und Beschreibung des Stephansdomes in Wien, Wien 1931, pp. 121–123, fig. 76 (Österreichische Kunsttopographie, 23). Currently understood as a figure of a judge. 25 W. S. Heckscher, Dornauszieher, [in:] Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunstge- schichte, Bd IV Dinanderie – Elle, beg. von O. Schmitt, hg. von E. Gall und L. H. Heydenreich, Stuttgart 1955–1958, col. 289–294. 26 G. Schweikhart, Von Priapus zu Coridon. Benennungen des Dornausziehers in Mittelalter und Neuzeit, [in:] Die Kunst der Renaissance. Ausgewählte Schriften, hg. von U. Rehm und A. Tönnesmann unter Mitarb. von N. Birnfeld [et al.], Köln [u.a.] 2001, p. 89. 27 Ibidem, pp. 90–91. 28 L. Gotfredsen, Spinario: tornen i foden/ Spinario: The thorn in the foot, [in:] Bilder i marginalen. Nordiska studier i medeltidens konst. Images in the margins. Nordic studies in medieval art, ed. by K. Markus, Tallinn 2006, pp. 250, 251; 262.

62 Ape, lion and paralytic

Tauscher claims there are positive notions of the described image, as previously stated by Jean Adhémar,29 who interpreted a theme of Dornauszieher as an allegory of a conscious human aspiration for salvation.30 On the other hand, Liese Gotfredsen distributes the emphasis in a different way. She interprets these works as representations of negative connotations, symbolizing the doubtful, who will be saved if they choose a righteous way of living and on their own will extract a thorn of sin.31 The Cracovian figure shows a lack of interest in its raised foot as in the case of a Thorn puller on a column capital in the body of the church (c. 1200–1230) in Tingstäde on Gotland.32 May- be in this way a sinner was presented in Cracow, unaware of his situation, who has a chance for salvation but first has to real- ize (maybe with help of a bishop holding an open book – a figure at the apex of a window [S. 3; fig. 1, 4] and then overcome his bad habits leading to offences, which allegories were carved on at least five corbels of the crown on the southern wall of the presbytery [S. 1.a; S. 2.a, b; S. 3.a, b; fig. 1, 6].33 Glorious and worth following examples of Christian attitudes can be found

29 J. Adhémar, Influences antiques dans l’art du Moyen Âge français. Recherches sur les sources et les thèmes d’inspiration, London 1939, n. 2, on p. 191 (Studies of the Warburg Institute, 7). 30 G. Tauscher, Der Dornauszieher: ein paganes Idol im Mittelalter?, [in:] Zur Archi- tektur und Plastik des Mittelalters in Sachsen-Anhalt, hrsg. von W. Schenkluhn, Halle a.d. Saale 2000, pp. 55–80, Ill. XVII–XVIII (Institut für Kunstgeschi- chte der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg. Hallesche Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte, 2); see also V. Wiegartz, Antike Bildwerke im Urteil mittelalterlicher Zeitgenossen, [in:] Marburger Studien zur Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte, hg. von I. Herklotz und U. Schütte, Bd. 7, Weimar 2004, p. 88. 31 L. Gotfredsen, Spinario…, p. 262. 32 Ibidem, p. 258; fig. 1, p. 246. 33 The five riders on corbels of the cornice on the south wall are allegories of vices: S. 1a – not preserved; S. 2.b – Superbia; S. 2.a – Avaritia or Ira; S. 3.b – Luxu- ria as Phyllis and Aristotle; S. 3.a – Luxuria (?). An open question is the identification of figures on other corbels, for instance a friar [S. 1.b] was interpreted

63 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec in adjacent keystones [S. 2 – Saint Christopher; fig 1, 5] and [S. 1 – Saint Catherine of Alexandria; fig. 1–2]. In the next windows a vision of redemption with the help of the Mother of Savior [SE – Statue of the Virgin and Child surrounded by music-making angels; fig. 1, 7] is reaching its full potential in a decoration of the eastern window [E – Christ’s Head with a cross halo, glorified by angels; fig. 1, 8]. This naked, bald creature sitting in a sophisticated pose [S. 4; fig. 1, 3, 13] has its opposite in a figure which is situated sym- metrically, squatting in a knee-long robe [N. 4; fig. 1, 9, 15], and stretching its mouth with fingers of both hands (the right forearm and arm have been chipped off); under her feet there are carved two dried oak leaves. The sculptures of the two big headed crea- tures were most probably carved by the same person and they are characterized by a similar violation of proportions. According to Gutowski, the figure at the apex of the window is a devil in a def- ecation posture [N. 4].34 On the other hand, Węcławowicz adopted the interpretation by Dorota Glazek, who sees a figure as a personification of Self-restraint. He claims that figures in the windows of the western span of the presbytery – “Self-restraint from the North [N. 4] and an Ape-Sinner from the South [S. 4] are ideologically connected […]”.35 Such a union of both figures raises no bigger doubts but their interpretation is problematic. Walczak questioned the identification of Self-restraint and he interpreted a gesture of mouth stretching in a traditional way as “a presen- tation of evil forces”, which, according to the author, closes a cycle of scenes from hell, carved on keystones of the northern win-

as “personification of Vicissitude or Invidia […] Envy” – M. Walczak Rzeźba architektoniczna…, p. 203. 34 M. Gutowski, Komizm…, p. 103, fig. 42. Zob. też: J. Gadomski, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, t. 1, pp. 59, 110–111. 35 T. Węcławowicz, Mikołaja Wierzynka żal…, pp. 161–162; idem, Droga pielgrzymki…, pp. 127–128.

64 Ape, lion and paralytic dows [NE, N. 1 – N. 2; fig. 1, 10–12].36 An uncomfortable pose of a long haired figure “with knees drawn up into its chest”37 – us- ing the words of Dante – and a gesture of mouth stretching allows for interpreting a figure in a window [N. 4; fig. 9] as a symbolic interpretation of an active, dedicated sinner. Unlike a figure on the southern side [S. 4; fig. 3], he is not going to follow a path of im- provement, despite of discomfort he dwells in mistake, condemns himself to eternal tortures which were most probably depicted in the window apexes [NE, N. 2; fig. 1, 10, 12]. Life without sin requires sacrifice, sometimes even heroism, which is suggested by a scene of Samson tearing the lion, which symbolizes the defeat of evil. This subject matter was discerned on the much destroyed corbel by Węcławowicz [S. 4.a; fig. 1, 13].38 Walczak dismissed such interpretation and thought that the group is “an allegory of Fortitude”.39 Another subject of con- troversy is a relatively well preserved figure on an adjacent corbel [S. 4.b; fig 1, 13]. According to Węcławowicz, it presents a man with exaggerated ears and this feature is supposed to ex-

36 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, pp. 194–196. Such stretching of the mouth and simultaneous sticking tongue out is interpreted as an apotropaic gesture – See also H. Bome, The “Marginal” Motifs of Karja Church – Magical or Mistical?, [in:] Bilder i marginalen, p. 228. 37 „Just as one sees at times as corbel for | support of ceiling or of roof a figure | with knees drawn up into its chest …” (Come per sostentar solaio o tetto, | per mensola talvolta una figura | si vede giugner le ginocchia al petto) Pur- gatorio, Canto X, [130–132] – Dante Alighieri, The Divine comedy, transl. by A. Mandelbaum, http://www.divinecomedy.org/divine_comedy.html (27.09.2013). On the subject of symbolism of the hair see: Dictionary of biblical imagery, ed., L. Ryken, J. C. Wilhoit, T. Longman III Downers Grove 1998, pp. 359–360, s. v. Hair. 38 T. Węcławowicz, Samson rozdzierający lwa z prezbiterium kościoła Mariackie- go, czyli – jak Mikołaj Wierzynek chciał zwalczyć swe grzeszne skłonności, [in:] Renowacja Bazyliki Mariackiej 1989–1999, Kraków 1999, pp. 57–62; idem, Krakowski kościół katedralny…, p. 144. 39 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, pp. 204–207.

65 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec press “a spiritual inclination of a sinful founder to open up to God’s Word”.40 According to Walczak, and I share this view, “bi- zarre rolls” on a head of this creature are not ears but “most probably remnants of a cap, covering a woman’s head”, which has been destroyed by time.41

Sculptures [N. 3.a; N.3; N.3.b]

A figure of a young man, constituting a part of a corbel [N. 3.a; fig 1, 14, 16–17], never attracted attention. Most probably Gadomski was the first to deal with it.42 A researcher described the sculpture and emphasized: “This figure, among other sculptures decorating the corbel, belongs to the most dynamic in movement but the weakest in artistry”.43 According to Węcławo- wicz, there is a man by the core of a corbel, heavily bent, unnat- urally broken in hips and leaning on a walking stick. The author interpreted this figure as well as a figure of a woman on an adjacent corbel [N. 3.b; fig. 1, 14, 18–19] in connection with a window apex decoration [N. 3; fig. 20], where a head of a lion with melancholical physiognomy was carved, resting peacefully on its paws. There is also a small quadruped lying on its belly in front of the lion. This scene has been differently interpreted. Accord- ing to Gadomski, it presents the head of a king of animals and “some kind of a monster (lizard?)”, which “bites lion’s paws”.44 On the other hand, Węcławowicz discerns aggression in the lion’s behavior and claims:

40 T. Węcławowicz, Mikołaja Wierzynka żal…, p. 157; idem, Droga pielgrzymki…, p. 122. 41 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, p. 198. 42 J. Gadomski, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, p. 62. 43 Ibidem, p. 65, and pp. 62–63. 44 Ibidem, p. 59.

66 Ape, lion and paralytic

A lion grasping a prey appears in the prophecy of Ezekiel in the vision of the sins of Jerusalem with “her prophets in her midst like a roaring lion tearing the prey” (Ez 22, 25). A bending figure is most probably a suffering and condemned man: “son of man, groan with breaking heart and bitter grief, groan in their sight”. (Ez 21, 6), and a woman exposing her breasts is Oholibah, a pros- titute, a personification of Jerusalem: “the Egyptians handled your bosom because of the breasts of your youth” (Ez 23, 21), “You will be filled with drunkenness and sorrow… Then you will gnaw its fragments and tear your breasts” (Ez 23, 33–34).45

Walczak suggests another reading and interpretation of this scene. He claims that it is not possible to classify a little quadruped, he denied its hostile behaviour and stated that “a lion’s mouth – leo rugiens – supplements episodes of hell torments, during which an apostolic prophecy of devouring sinners by beasts is materialized”.46 A key to the interpretation of a discussed scene is the identification of a small animal, probably a lion’s cub, which lies in a waiting position, stretched and idle. Its habitus and location and a visibly sad mouth of the adult lion suggest one of the features of the king of animals, described in “The Physiologus” and bestiaries:

When a lion gives birth to a cub, it is born dead and she looks after it for three days after which a father comes and breathes life into its face.47

45 T. Węcławowicz, Mikołaja Wierzynka żal…, p. 161; idem, Droga pielgrzymki…, pp. 126–127. 46 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, pp. 193–194 (presented on two other keystones NE i N. 2 – T. J.). 47 „Tertia natura eius est, cum leena parit catulos suos g e n e r a t e o s m o r t u o s, e t c u s t o d i t e o s tribus diebus donec veniens pater eorum tertia die insufflat in faciem eorum et vivificat eos. Sic omnipotens Pater

67 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

It is difficult to prove that the scene [N. 3; fig. 20] is a literal illustration of a quoted text, because the attempts to show a direct iconographical analogy do not give fully successful results. In the stone sculpture of the fourteenth century there often appears an image of reviving three little lions by their father and there is often a dead,48 new born lion cub lying on its back in the bestiary miniatures.49 The closes iconographical analogies to the Cracovian Gothic scene can be found in the Romanesque art. A similar, yet still unexplained motive – a statue of a lying lion with a small animal between its paws – can be found by the northern portal of the basilica of San Lorenzo in Lucina in Rome.50 A peculiarly posing figure at a core of a corbel [N. 3.a; fig. 14, 16–17] has been laconically described by Walczak as – “a young man with a convulsively twisted body, leaning on a walking stick […]”.51 The author, similarly to Gadomski, did not appre-

Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum, tertia die suscitavit a mortuis, dicente Iacob: dormitabit tanquam leo et sicut catulus leonis suscitabitur.” – W. B. Clark, A medieval book of beasts. The second-family bestiary. Commentary, art, text and translation, Woodbridge 2006, pp. 120, 121. 48 For instance on corbels or keystones in Schwäbisch Gmünd (Heil- ig-Kreuz-Münster), Prague (cathedral, Carolinum), Vienna (Maltese Church), Neuberg (cistercian monastery, cloister), Magdeburg (cathedral), Nuremberg (St. Lorenz), Strzegom (St. Peter and Paul church), Wrocław (franciscans and hospitallers churches), Malbork (High Castel, chapter house) or in Lidzbark Warmiński (bishop’s castel, refectory). A lion bending over a one cub is carved on keystone in Maulbronn (cistercian monastery, cloister; fig. 21). 49 Np. R. de Fournival Bestiaire d’amour, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fr. 1951, fol. 18r (XIV w.), The Queen Mary Psalter, London, British Library, Royal MS 2 B. vii, fol. 86v (ok. 1310–1320); Bestiary, Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, MS. Ludwig XV 3, fol. 68r (ok. 1270) – http://bestiary.ca/beasts/beastgallery78.htm (5.08.2009). 50 Fig. http://www.bildindex.de/?+ptitel:%22san%20lorenzo%20in%20luci- na%22#|home or http://www.bildindex.de/ Gesamtindex | Titel | Bauwerk- name | san lorenzo in lucina (5.08.2009). 51 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, p. 202.

68 Ape, lion and paralytic ciate this image in terms of artistry and workmanship.52 He saw a figure as “a crippled young man” or “a paralytic”53 and, in relation to vices symbolized by images carved on other corbels of the cornice, he interpreted it as an allegory of a fault, referring to treaties, popular with preachers, in which sins were compared to wounds or diseases. In a composition of disorders and crimes, written down by Malachias Hibernicus OFM and recalled and recalled by Walczak, a paralysis was assigned to lazi- ness and acute convulsions to misery.54 To prove this interpretation, the author recalls a commentary by Isidorus of Sevilla to a healing of a paralytic described in the Gospel according to Matthew (Mt 9, 1–8).55 As we know this miracle proves that spiritual healing i.e. an absolution of sins (compared by the author of Etymology to a paralysis) is equal to regaining a physical ability and activity by a bed-ridden person. Summing up, for Węcławowicz and Walczak the basis for describing a physical condition of a discussed figure is its unusual posture and a corbel element in the form of an elongated cuboid, interpreted by both authors as a walking stick, and generally described by Gadomski as a supporting device.56

* * *

A muscular young man (fig. 14, 16–17), dressed in a tight, knee-long dress, is presented in a pose which stands out among other images in this church. This “most dynamic in movement”

52 Ibidem, p. 228. 53 Ibidem, p. 233; illustrations 185–187. 54 Ibidem, pp. 201–202. 55 Ibidem, pp. 201, 202 and n. 146. 56 „Podniesiona prawa ręka oparta jest na konsoli, lewa na kamiennej podpór- ce.” – J. Gadomski, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, t. 1, p. 62.

69 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec human figure,57 like some others under the crown of the presbytery, supports a core of a corbel but is the only one which assumes an almost acrobatic posture and vigorously strides along the wall. Shoed feet are squarely placed one after another and adroitly evade spiky endings of a polygonal (5/8), profiled core of the corbel. From a front perspective we can see a youngster’s profile from tail to toes, he is stooping, twisted in hips almost at an angle of 90 degrees – as if pressed down by the weight of a roof and cornice, transferred on his loins by a core of a corbel. An athletic torso in the middle of its height is already upright and turned to the right at an angle of 90 degrees so it is almost presented in a front view. His head, slightly slanting to the right with a plethora of shoulder-long curls, which part through the middle of the head, slip- ping from an ovally convex hat. The right hand, bent in an elbow, with an arm placed along the side, is raised in a way characteristic for a carrier fixing a load taken on a shoulder. However, the young man is not supporting a core of a corbel, because an inner part of his raised, open hand with fingers deflecting to the back is not ad- herent to a wall of the core but is directed to the outside, which may be interpreted in three ways: as a greeting gesture, as an acrobatic display – lifting the weight without protection – or (which seems most probably especially from the bottom perspective, as presenting the moment in which a giant supporting a building gives up an imposed or accepted duty of taking care of its stabil- ity. An impression of such a neglect or abandoning the duty is deepened by a composition of the left hand, slightly bent in an elbow, lowered and suspended in space, as if a youngster was suddenly changing a direction of his walk. The other giants of the Saint Mary’s church [S. 4.b; N. 4.a; fig. 1, 13–15, 22 ], lifting a core of a corbel, are resting one or both hands on a knee.

57 Ibidem, p. 62.

70 Ape, lion and paralytic

The above-mentioned, vigorous figure can hardly be described as a paralytic. A person suffering from a palsy (plegia) is not able to move. Paralytics in the art of the middle of the fourteenth century were presented in such a way.58 To recognize a figure it is very important to describe a fragment of a corbel, regarded as a walking stick. There have been no arguments to prove this view. But a stick serving to lean on, easifying the life of the elderly, sick and disabled has been semicircularly bent at an upper top or equipped with a special handgrip.59 A stick or crutch should naturally be characterized by a small weight and considerable stiffness, it means a little, usually circular cross-section. Yet, this intriguing part of a corbel, resembling more a solid piece of wood rather than a stick, due to the gabarits of the cross-section and a lack of a proper end- ing would rather hamper than facilitate walking. So what is this cuboid? To define that, it is worth recalling a selected techniques of sculpture carving and pay attention to a professional performance of a stone mason. Significantly protruded, three dimensional parts of stone-carved sculptures require, due to natural properties of the material (fragility and a particular weight of rocks), applying supports and the so-called bridges i.e. leaving out part of material between the processed elements.60 Sculptures were carved like that already in antiquity. Artists naturally aimed

58 For instance – The healing of paralytic (Mk 2, 1–12; Łk 5, 17–26), [in:] Concor- dantiae caritatis, Lilienfeld, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 151, fol. 124v; fig. http:// tarvos.imareal.oeaw.ac.at/server/images/7004868.JPG (6.08.2009). 59 See for instance Hesso von Reinach, [in:] Große Heidelberger Liederhandschrift (Codex Manesse), Zürich, 1305–1340; Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, Cod. Pal. germ. 848, fol. 113v – fig. http://diglit.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/cpg848/0018 (5.08.2009); Konrad von Marburg (?), retable of St. Elisa- beth’s altarpiece, c. 1360; Magdeburg, cathedral, fig. http://www.bildindex. de/ Orte | Deutschland | M | Magdeburg | Sakralbau | Dom | Austattung | Altäre – Taufstein | 22 (5.08.2009). 60 See for instance Lexikon der Kunst, hrsg H. Olbrich, Bd. 7, [München 1996], pp. 22–23, s. v. Steg.

71 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec at concealing all the necessary surplus things but most often they tried to drape clothes of figures in a sophisticated way or provided different things which constituted attributes or accessories. This antique tradition of stone masonry was continued in the Middle Ages and hardly visible reinforcements in the well known stat- ues in the Bamberg Cathedral,61 in the works of the Naumburg Master circle,62 or in the statue of Gerhard I. von Jülich-Berg on tombstone in Altenberg (dated to after 19th of February 1389; fig. 23)63 may serve as an example here. It is necessary to mention two Silesian corbels, closer to Cracow chronologically and geo- graphically, one in the body of the Joannites church in Strzegom64 and at the Saint Mary on Sand in Wrocław.65 Especially a corbel in the Augustinians church in Wroclaw is characterized by a discreet, almost masterly introduction of a bridge, visible only

61 See for instance: W. Sauerländer, Figuren von der Adamspforte des Bamberger Domes: Kaiser Heinrich II., Kaiserin Kunigunde, Eva (Gipsabgüsse), Bamberg, vor1237 [in:] Die Zeit der Staufer. Geschichte – Kunst – Kultur. Katalog der Ausstellung, hrsg. von R. Haussherr, Stuttgart 1977, Bd. I. Katalog, p. 319 [cat. no. 442]; Bd. II., Fig. 240; R. Suckale, Die Bamberger Domskulpturen. Technik, Blockbehandlung, Ansichtigkeit und die Einbeziehung des Betrachters „Münchner Jahrbuch des Bildende Kunst” III Folge 38 (1987), p. 36. 62 For instance in the scene of Denial of Peter on the western rood screen in Naumburg cathedral (a bridge between a hand of a female and St. Peter’s shoulder) or in the representation of St. Martin in Bassenheim (the reinforcement of the sword and right legs of the horse)– fig. http://www.bildindex.de/ Orte | Deutschland | N | Naumburg (Saale) | Sakralbau | Dom | Ausstattung | West-Lettner | Brüstungsreliefs | Südteil | 115–123; Orte | Deutschland | B | Bas- senheim | 34 (5.08.2009). 63 See for instance Nordrhein-Westfalen I. Rheinland, bearb. von C. Euskirchen, O. Gisbertz, U. Schäfer u a., mit einer Einführung von U. Mainzer, [Mün- chen–Berlin] 2005 (Dehio, Handbuch der deutschen Kunstdenkmäler), p. 86. 64 In the northern nave of the edifice – S[tanisław] S[tulin], A[ndrzej] W[łodarek], Strzegom […]. Kościół par. pw. śś. Piotra i Pawła, joannitów, [in:] Architektura gotycka…, vol. 2, p. 216. 65 In the northern nave – R. Kaczmarek, Rzeźba architektoniczna XIV wieku we Wrocławiu, Wrocław 1999, p. 119 [Nº XII, fig. p. 116], fig. 159 (Acta Uni- versitas Vartislaviensis, Nº 2015; Historia Sztuki, 12).

72 Ape, lion and paralytic thanks to the play of light and shadow (reinforcement of lowered, bent in elbows and protruding hands of angels is placed between tangled hands and a core of a corbel). Application of the described technical manipulation by stone masons in Cracow is conspicuous in the bridges linking a pom- mel of a sword with a robe in an image of Saint Catherine [S.1; fig. 2] or in the portrait of the Virgin and Child [ES; fig. 7] – between the heads of figures and a concave profile of jambs (a figure of Jesus has not been preserved, there is a trace of a cylindrical bridge on a key scotia). Yet, the additional parts of two sculptures from the Saint Mary’s church are hardly visible (not significant or hidden), and a support of a youngster’s hand on a corbel [N. 3.a; fig. 14, 16–17], on a foreground, is conspicuous from the start. Undoubtedly, a stone hand of a giant, suspended in space and moved away from a body of a figure and from a corbel block fixed to the wall, required a special reinforcement. If a present shape of a support was intended, definite and was not an interim phase in a further carving process (which cannot be completely rejected), a dilemma arises. It may be questioned if a composition of a left hand was significant enough to introduce such a visible construction element or on the contrary – maybe they wanted to demonstrate secrets of their craft. Does it possess any mysterious, nowadays largely illegible meaning, most probably connected with stone masonry habits or their peculiar sense of humor?66 The least probable is an assumption that a discussed part of a corbel presents a real object, a short beam67 – an ele-

66 R. Hamann-Mac Lean, Künstlerlaunen im Mittelalter [in:] Skulptur des Mit- telalters. Funktion und Gestalt, hrsg. von F. Möbius und E. Schubert, Weimar 1987, pp. 385–452. 67 The fragment of one of the gargoyles from the lower section of a church’s tower in Lärbo, Gotland (fig. 24) – a man bent, who squeezes with his squatting a horizontal beam and holds the loose end with both arms, should be interpreted in a similar way.

73 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec ment of scaffolding or roof rafter framing – ostentatiously or im- pertinently taken away from a building site. Poor abilities of a stone mason, rightly pointed out by Gadomski and Walczak, are the main source of difficulties in perception and interpretation of the outcome of his work. Un- doubtedly, a task to present a walking man, who turns suddenly lifting a profiled core of a corbel on his loins, exceeded a level of professional performance of a stone mason. A figure of a woman on the adjacent corbel [N. 3.b; fig. 1, 14–15, 18–19], carved by another, more dexterous hand, shows how difficult that task had been. The woman is directed to a man striding towards her and suddenly changing his mind. She supports an evenly cut base of the core of a corbel with her buttocks, neck and shoulders. She is posing in such a way that it is not clearly visible if she is preg- nant (which her conspicuous finger gesture may suggest to an observer looking from Mariacki Square) or protrudes her belly in an unnatural way and seems to present her covered breasts with a violent movement of her hands. If we look straight on, we can discern an arrangement of fingers of the left, damaged hand. Little decay of a sculpture does not allow to state if her head is covered with a scarf or a cap (which is important for establishing her social and legal status). It is hard to discern, looking from the bottom, if lavish curls were shown at their best. A poor condition of the sculpture makes the description difficult but a meaning of the hand gestures of this woman (rather young and unmarried) is quite clear. Most probably she directs a tempting incentive or maybe even an explicit proposal to an impulsively striding young man, who suddenly changes his mind. We can cautiously assume a different kind of relationship between these two figures, for example, by interpreting hand gestures as a sign of reproach, which could be, depending on the woman’s age, uttered like: “How could these breasts feed an artisan who neglects his duties” or “I gave you all I had but you are leaving”.

74 Ape, lion and paralytic

Interpretations of a woman behavior, secret by nature, will not contribute to solving a problem of an angular support of the left hand of the walking man (fig. 14, 16–17). This small “pole” should rather be treated as evidence of a low level of craftsman- ship, a consequence of a faulty or not well thought out design or a mistake made at the initial stage of the corbel carving. We should not look for any reflection of a real object or any sublime meanings in this support.

* * *

Facing difficulties with an accurate description of the figures on respective corbels, it is worth observing whether a behavior or activities of those people are in accord with a natural, supporting function of corbels. We can distinguish two groups of works on this basis.68 In the first one a core of a corbel is a background for a two-person scene or for individual figures and their poses and gestures do not directly imply any weight lifting.69 The second group consists of four corbels with figures assuming the poses of giants,

68 Interesting results may be expected from an investigation of the floral motifs (their types, stages of vegetation, characteristics of the composition, symbolism), which are combined with figurative scenes only in three window keystones: beside the human figure [S. 4; fig. 1, 3] and by the figure of bishop [S. 3; fig. 1, 4], (which was already brought up by scholars, recently by M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, p. 228.) and, hitherto ignored, motifs under the feet of the kneeling figure [N. 4; fig. 1, 9]. Similarly, angels appear on only two “heavenly” keystones [SE – the Virgin and Child; E – Christ’s Head; fig. 1, 7–8]. In this case, it would be also interesting to consider the repetitive quality of other motifs, for instance characteristically crossed legs of figures of St. Christopher in the window [S. 2; fig. 1, 5] and the man by the core of the corbel [E. a; fig. 1]. 69 Five cantilevers with riders belong to this group [S. 1.a – damaged; S. 2.a, b; S. 3.a, b; fig. 1 ], as well as sixth with Samson tearing a lion [S. 4.a] and eleven corbels with figures of a friar [S. 1.b], five women [SE.b; E.b; NE.a; N. 1.b; N. 2.b] and five presumably laymen [SE.a; E.a; NE.b; N. 1.a – damaged; N. 2.a].

75 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec i.e. two corbels with male figures [N. 3.a; N. 4.a; fig. 1, 14, 16, 22] and two with women - or alternatively two with images of women. Alternatively, because the reservation needs to be made for the corbel [S. 4.b; fig. 1, 13] which demonstrates a rather static female figure (?) with hands resting on her knees, and, with even greater doubt, the cantilever [N. 3.b; fig. 1, 14–15, 18–19], with image of a woman, with her shoulders and buttocks burdened with a heavy load, making advances to a young man. Medieval images of lifting or supporting a heavy load may be interpreted as a representation of a relation of subordination, as a voluntary act of support and cooperation or acting under pres- sure, so most often as a kind of punishment.70 Male figures posing as giants on corbels in the Roman and Gothic buildings are usually described as images of a building creator and (or) his sculptural decoration.71 Lifting the load means that a builder is responsible for his work.72 It is more difficult to suggest an interpretation of a similarly posed woman. Although in Baumeisterbildnis a group of images of a married couple (a builder and his wife) was identified but in this iconographic variant people presented in the form of a bust do not lift corbel imposts.73

70 S. Schweitzer, Exemplum servitutis? Zum Nachleben des antiken Atlasmotiv und zur Genese architektonischer Stützfiguren im Mittelalter, [in:] Bilder der Macht in Mittelalter und Neuzeit Byzanz – Okzident – Rußland. International conference proceedings, held in Göttingen, Germany Oct. 21–22, 2002, and in Moscow, Rus- sia Oct. 6–7, 2003, hg. O. G. Oexle, M. A. Bojcov, Göttingen 2007, p. 141. See also: E. W. Braun, Atlant, [in:] Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte, hg. von O. Schmitt, Bd. I A – Baubetrieb, Stuttgart 1937, col. 1180–1183; K. Clausberg, Herkules-Metamorphosen. Glanz und Elend der Atlanten im Mit- telalter [in:] Herakles. Herkules. Metamorphosen des Heros in ihrer medialen Viel- falt, hrsg. von R. Kray und S. Oettermann, Basel [u.a.], 1994, pp. 47–72. 71 K. Gerstenberg, Die deutschen Baumeisterbildnisse des Mittelalters, Berlin 1966. 72 A. Schottner, Die “Ordnungen” der mittelalterlichen Dombauhütten. Verschrift- lichung und Fortschreibung der mündlich überlieferten Regeln der Steinmetzen, Münster 1995, p. 66 (Volkskunde, 7). 73 K. Gerstenberg, Die deutschen Baumeisterbildnisse, pp. 128–138.

76 Ape, lion and paralytic

If in the case of the four analyzed Cracovian corbels we deal with images of Baumeisterbildnis type, it means that a behavior of pairs of figures and their positioning on the opposite corbels of the cornice in the western presbytery span [N. 4.a; S. 4.b; fig. 1, 13–15, 22] and on the adjacent crown corbels of the northern wall [N. 3.a i b; fig. 1, 14, 16–19] suggests two contradictory attitudes towards the duties and tasks of a builder as well as roles, which women are to play in this respect. It seems to be contained in Gadomski’s eschatological and moral plot of the Saint Mary’s church sculptures and a stipulated interpretation of a subject matter of the keystone sculptures [S. 4; fig. 3] and [N. 4; fig. 9].

* * *

The above observations and remarks stress the need for further analyses of sculptural decorations in the presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church in Cracow. Prospects of this research seem promising. In new attempts to interpret the subject matter of the sculptures, the lion’s head and the small animal carved in a keystone [N. 3; fig. 1, 20] will have to be taken into account. If these images are regarded as illustrations of a bestiary text, it means that after three days a lion cub was revived by his father, which implies Christ’s Ressurection.74 In this case (appreciating the role of numbers in medieval symbolism) after deducting three corbels – counting from a keystone N. 3 – we encounter a scene of Samson tearing a lion [S. 4.a; fig. 1, 13], interpreted as a victory

74 See n. 46. However, Konrad von Würzburg (died in 1287) ascribed to the discussed lions’ behavior the symbolic significance of Christ’s last breath on the Cross. See for instance: Ph. M. Halm, ”Zur marianische Symbolik des späten Mittelalter”. Defensoria inviolate virginitatis b. Mariae, “Zeitschrift für Christliche Kunst” 17 (1904), col. 119–120. See also: D. Schmidtke, Geistliche Tierinterpretation in der deutschsprachigen Literatur des Mittelalters (1100–1500), Diss., Berlin 1968, pp. 332–333.

77 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec of Christ over Satan and death and regarded as an Old Testament type of Descent into hell.75 Accuracy of a proposed way of analyzing the presbytery decoration is proven by a theme of an image in the third window keystone, counting in an opposite direction, recognized as Hell (fig. 1, 10).76 Consequently, there should be two other works taken into account: a corbel [N. 2.a] with a damaged figure of a young, elegant man with a money-bag at his belt, described – probably unjustly – as a personification of Avarice77 and a keystone [S. 3; fig. 1, 4] with an image of the Church hierarchy, regarded by some authors as a portrait of a patron of a parish church (it was a Cracovian bishop), by others as

75 See for instance: E. Lucchesi Palli, Höllenfahrt Christi, [in:] Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, Hrsg. von E. Kirschbaum, Bd. 2, Rom [u.a.] 1990, col. 330; W. A. Bulst, Samson, [in:] Lexikon der christlichen…, Bd. 4, col. 30–38. Is the number of angels glorifying the Christ’s face [E; fig. 8] and the Virgin and Child significant for the interpretation of the Marian sculptures [SE; fig. 7]? Another issue would be to analyze the characteristics of the lioness in relation to the amount of her cubs. In a window keystone [N. 3] the lioness rests by one cub, which should therefore be seen as her last child. The lioness was a young mammal six years earlier, because, after the first litter of five, every year she gives birth to a lesser number of cubs, until she becomes infertile. „Fetu primo catulos quinque educant. De inde per singulos numerum decoquunt annis in sequentibus. Et postremo cum ad unum pervenerint, materna fecunditas re- ciditur, sterilescunt in eternum” – The Aberdeen bestiary, Aberdeen, University Library MS 24, f. 7v–8, see – http://www.abdn.ac.uk/bestiary/translat/7v.hti (3.08.2009). An interesting aspect which calls for further research is whether those characteristics of lioness were imbued with a symbolic meaning. In the meantime, I note: the sixth position (counting from N. 3; fig. 1, 20) is occupied by keystones with respective figures of virgins: [SE – the Virgin and Child, fig. 7] and [S.1 – St. Catherine, fig. 2]. 76 By J. Gadomski (Rzeźba architektoniczna…, t. 1, pp. 57–58) and M. Wal- czak (Rzeźba architektoniczna…, pp. 190–193), meanwhile T. Węcławowicz seen it as the purgatory (Mikołaja Wierzynka żal…, pp. 158–159; Droga pielgrzymki…, p. 124). 77 J. Gadomski, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, t. 1, pp. 62–63; T. Węcławowicz, Mikołaja Wierzynka żal…, p. 160; M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, p. 203.

78 Ape, lion and paralytic

Saint Stanislaus or Saint Nicolaus.78 Usefulness of the proposed way of interpreting the presbytery decorations may be proven by the results of analyses of all sculptures of the Saint Mary’s church, which is an extremely difficult task as far as the current preservation condition is concerned.

The translation was revised and edited by Zuzanna Sarnecka

78 J. Gadomski (Rzeźba architektoniczna…, t. 1, p. 55) shared the opinion of previous scholars on the “portrait” quality of the discussed figure and seen it as an image of the donor of the Marian church, the bishop of Cracow (whom, at the time of the sculptural decoration i.e. 1348–1366, was Jan Bodzanta) Tomasz Węcławowicz saw in the figure of the bishop an image of St. Nico- las (Dekoracja figuralna…, p. 234; Mikołaja Wierzynka żal…, pp. 155–156; Droga pielgrzymki…, pp. 119–120; Krakowski kościół katedralny…, p. 143). While T. Chrzanowski (Sztuka w Polsce Piastów i Jagiellonów. Zarys dziejów, Warszawa 1993, p. 240) asserted that it is a depiction of St. Stanislaus, the bishop. This view is shared and justified by M. Walczak (Rzeźba architektoniczna…, pp. 186–189, 208–209). However, the location of the sculpture in the series of three windows is not at all straightforward, because in the northern wall of the west bay there are two windows: one “usual” like in other bays and one extensive opening with a pointed arch top (fig. 1, 15). If the latter should be included in the list, then perhaps it was a place for the figure of the Spinario at the apex of the window [S. 4; fig. 1, 3].

79 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Fig. 1. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Plan of the distribution and location of the sculptures according to Tomasz Węcła- wowicz, ed. author

80 Ape, lion and paralytic

Fig. 2. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [S.1]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 3. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [S.4]. Photo: author (2009)

81 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Fig. 4. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [S.3]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 5. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [S.2]. Photo: author (2009)

82 Ape, lion and paralytic

Fig. 6. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Corbel [S.3.b]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 7. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [SE]. Photo: author (2009)

83 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Fig. 8. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [E]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 9. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [N.4]. Photo: author (2009)

84 Ape, lion and paralytic

Fig. 10. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [NE]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 11. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [N.1]. Photo: author (2009)

85 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Fig. 12. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [N.2]. Photo: author (2009)

86 Ape, lion and paralytic Fig. 13. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [S.4] and corbels [S.4.a], [S.4.b]. of window Keystone church. Mary’s presbytery of the Saint 13. Cracow, Fig. author (2009) Photo:

87 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec Fig. 14. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [N.3] and corbels [N.3.a], [N.3.b], [N.4.a]. of window Keystone church. Mary’s presbytery of the Saint 14. Cracow, Fig. author (2009) Photo:

88 Ape, lion and paralytic Fig. 15. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [N.4] and corbels [N.4.a], [N.4.b]. of window Keystone church. Mary’s presbytery of the Saint 15. Cracow, Fig. author (2009) Photo:

89 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Fig. 16. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Corbel [N.3.a]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 17. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Corbel [N.3.a]. Photo: author (2009)

90 Ape, lion and paralytic

Fig. 18. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Corbel [N.3.b]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 19. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Corbel [N.3.b]. Photo: author (2009)

91 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Fig. 20. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Keystone of window [N.3]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 21. Maulbronn, Cistercian monastery, cloister. Keystone. Photo: author (2011)

92 Ape, lion and paralytic

Fig. 22. Cracow, presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church. Corbel [S.4.a]. Photo: author (2009)

Fig. 23. Altenberg (Bergisches Land), North Rhine-Westphalia, Cistercian monastery, church (‘Altenberg Cathedral’). Tomb of Gerhard I von Jülich-Berg (died 18th May1360) and Margarete von Ravensberg-Berg (died 19th February 1389). Detail. Photo: author (2010)

93 Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec

Fig. 24. Lärbo Church, Gotland. Gargoyle. Photo: Waldemar Moscicki (2003) Jan Royt Charles University in Prague •

Ein Beitrag zur Ikonographie der Alegorie vom hl. Kreuz in Raudnitz an der Elbe

Eine nicht weniger bedeutende Tat des Johann IV. von Dra- schitz war die Gründung des Ordens des Hl. Augustin in Raud- nitz an der Elbe, als ihm das Vorhaben mißlang, sie in Prag bei der Marienkirche an der Lacke (na Louži) zu errichten. Die Augusti- nerchorherren zählten im 13. Jahrhundert in Frankreich zu den geistig progressivsten Orden überhaupt, wir erinnern zum Bei- spiel an den Kanonikerstift zu St. Victor in Paris oder den Kon- vent zu St. Rufus in Avignon. Ordensangehörige wurden zu den bildungsmäßig und geistig elitärsten Persönlichkeiten und darü- ber hinaus war der Orden jurisdiktionell direkt dem Bischof un- terstellt, was sicherlich Johann IV. von Draschitz entgegenkam, der zahlreiche Streitigkeiten mit den Bettelorden führte, die nicht unter seine Rechtsgewalt fielen. Da die Mitglieder der Bettelorden hauptsächlich Ausländer waren, fügte Johann IV. von Draschitz in die Klosterregel die Klausel ein, wonach in den Konvent bloß „väter- und mütterlicherseits geborene Tschechen“ aufgenom- men werden konnten. Diese Bestimmung hob Johanns Nachfol- ger Ernst von Pardubitz wieder auf. Die Raudnitzer Kanonie fun-

95 Jan Royt gierte im 14. Jahrhundert in Böhmen als Mutterkloster, von dem aus weitere Klöster besetzt wurden (zb. Rokycany, Kladsko/Glatz und Třeboň/Wittigau). In Raudnitz wurde eine bedeutende Re- formregelung des Klosterlebens, Consuetudines Rudnicenses ge- nannt, formuliert. Ihre Bedeutung übersteigt die Grenzen unserer Länder, denn es nahmen sie auch zahlreiche Klöster im Ausland an (Österreich, Polen, usw.). Die Raudnitzer Augustiner stehen an der Geburt einer neuen geistigen Bewegung, der sog. devotio moderna – „der modernen Frömmigkeit“, die vereinfacht gesagt nach einer Individualisierung des religiösen Lebens strebte. Ei- nige Forscher (E. Winter, F. Machilek) sprechen von einem sog. „erneuerten Augustinianismus“, einer Geistesströmung paralell zur devotio moderna. Im Kloster wirkten bis zu seiner Beschädi- gung durch die Hussiten im Jahr 1421 eine ganze Reihe bedeu- tender Persönlichkeiten, mehrheitlich Professoren der Karlsuni- versität. Wir erinnern besonders an Nikolaus von Raudnitz, der um die Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts an der Formulierung der oben genannten Reformregelungen teilnahm und später zum geistli- chen Berater und Generalvikar des Erzbischofs Johann von Jen- stein wurde. An den bedeutenden Juristen Štěpán von Uherčice oder an den reformorientierten Petrus Clarificator. Die finanziel- le Absicherung des Klosters boten zahlreiche, vom Gründer ge- schenkte Dorfgemeinden.1 Sehr reich war sicher die Klosterbib- liothek, Bischof Johann schenkte Handschriften, die dann seine Nachfolger und weitere Wohltäter vermehrten. Das Raudnitzer Kloster gründete er im Jahr 1333 an dem Ort, wo schon eine kleine Kirche aus der Zeit des Tobias von Bechyně stand. Wir nehmen im Hinblick darauf, dass unweit des Neubaues der Fluss lag und sich an dem Ort ein Quellgebiet befand, ein relativ wenig

1 Im Jahr 1338 gehörten zu ihm: Babina, Bakov, Bříza, Budenice, Dolín, Drc- hkov, Hlinné, Libořice, Mikov, Obridov, Očihov, Páleč, Šlapánice, Vrbičany, Záboř, Želevčice und verschiedene weitere Güter.

96 Ein Beitrag zur Ikonographie der Alegorie vom hl. Kreuz in Raudnitz an der Elbe tragfähiges Terrain an, was sicherlich Ansprüche an den Baumeis- ter stellte. Es ist nicht ausgeschlossen, dass in der ersten Phase des Baues mit seinem Rat der Architekt Wilhelm aus Avigno- nu half, den der Bischof aus Frankreich als Brückenbauspezialist mitgebracht hatte. Der Grundstein der Klosterkirche wurde am 25. Mai 1333 feierlich gelegt. Dieses Datum kennen wir aus der lateinisch verfassten, in die Südwand des Presbyteriums einge- lassene Inschriftentafel: “Im Jahr des Herrn eintausend dreihun- dert dreiunddreissig am Pfingstdienstag hat der in Christus ehr- würdige Vater Johann IV., Sohn des Herrn Gregor von Draschitz, siebenundzwanzigster Prager Bischof im dreiunddreissigsten Jahr seiner Priesterordination dieses Kloster zu Ehren der Hl. Jungfrau Maria gegründet, errichtet und ausreichend die hierher geführ- ten Ordenskanoniker begütert. Auch erbaute derselbe Herr Bi- schof im selben Jahr am Festtag des Hl. Bartholomäus eine Brü- cke über den Fluss und binnen sieben Jahren hat er auf seine Kosten diese Brücke und den Chor des besagten Klosters vollen- det. Auf dass ihm Gott auf Fürbitte seiner Gebärerin in der Ge- genwart ein gutes Leben bescheiden möge, und in der Zukunft mit seinen Auserwählten eine ewige Heimstätte. Amen“. Der Bau der Klosterkirche begann mit der Errichtung einer Choranlage mit Polygonalabschluss, des zweiten Geschosses über der Sakri- stei – der Klosterbibliothek, des Kapitelsaals, der Umfassungs- mauer des dreischiffigen Langhauses der Kirche und des Nordflü- gels des Ambits. Zur Weihe des Presbyteriums kam es nach der Inschrift am 15. August 1340. Die Arbeiten setzten sich mit der Einwölbung des Kirchenschiffes und im Ambit fort. In der ersten Etappe arbeitete an der Erbauung des Klosters eine böhmi- sche Bauhütte, die eine die Tektonik betonende architektonische Formensprache benutzte. Überdimensioniert sind zum Bei- spiel die Säulchen mit Kapitellen mit anthropomorphen, zoolo- gischen, vegetabilen und heraldischen Motiven im Kapitelsaal. Eines der Kapitelle blieb unvollendet.

97 Jan Royt

Nach dem Jahr 1340 kommt es offenbar zu einem Wechsel der Bauhütte, was besonders beim Ostteil des Ambits mit den herrli- chen Kapitellen der Arkadensäulen in den Fenstern mit dem Mo- tiv des wilden Mannes und vegetabilen Elementen offenkundig wird. Einige Forscher (V. Mencl) setzen in dieser Phase eine Betei- ligung französischer Baumeister voraus, denn bei den neuen Tei- len kommen augenscheinliche Tendenzen zu einem anderen Be- griff eines nach Entkörperlichung strebenden architektonischen Raumes zum Ausdruck. Gleichzeitig wandeln sich die Vorstellun- gen von der Funktion und der Anordnung der einzelnen Teile des Klosters, was sich zum Beispiel in der Vermauerung der in den Kreuzgang gerichteten Fenster des Kapitelsaals äußert. Nach dem Tod des Johann IV. von Draschitz kommt es zu baulichen Ver- änderungen, die zum Beispiel durch eine andere Auffassung des Fenstermasswerks hervortreten. Es scheint, wonach diese Archi- tektur wieder an der heimischen Entwicklung orientiert war. Über die damalige Gestalt der Klosterkirche, die durch spätere Umbau- ten verwischt wurde, erfahren wir aus der Chronik des Franziskus von Prag: „Aus den Mauern aus behauenen Quadern wuchsen die mit Sicherheit und Schmuck ausgeführten Gewölbe empor. Von außen ließ der Bischof die steinernen, mit Gold verzierten Wap- pen seines Geschlechts und des Prager Domkapitels einsetzen. Die Fenster, die ein kunstvoll ausgeführtes Masswerk besaßen, waren herrlich verglast. Das Innere war verziert mit vorzüglichen, durch getriebenes Gold, Silber und kostbare Farben gewandt verschöner- ten Bildhauerwerken, und auch mit verschiedenen, feinen und rei- chen Malereien….“ Gegen die Ordensregeln, die ein gemeinsames Dormitorium (Schlafsaal) vorschrieben, konnten sich die Raud- nitzer Augustiner auf der Grundlage eines eigenen Ansuchens und seiner nachfolgenden päpstlichen Bewilligung offenbar im Stock- werk über dem Ambit Einzelzellen errichten. Herrlich war die Ausschmückung des ganzen Komplexes. Die Wände und das Gewölbe des ersten Jochs des Ostteil des Kreuz-

98 Ein Beitrag zur Ikonographie der Alegorie vom hl. Kreuz in Raudnitz an der Elbe ganges zierte eine Wandmalerei mit dem in Böhmen ungewohnten ikonographischen Motiv der Kreuzallegorie, die von den Schrif- ten des Hl. Bonaventura Lignum vitae dicitur oder Vitis mystica inspiriert war. Die Achse der Komposition dieser Malerei bildet eine monumentalisierte Weinrebe, auf der Christus gekreuzigt ist. Aus dem Stamm der Rebe wachsen sieben Zweigpaare, unter de- nen sich Inschriftenbänder befanden. Auf der linken Seite unter dem Kreuz erblicken wir neben den traditionellen Figuren der drei Marien, des Hl. Johannes des Evangelisten oder des Hl. Longi- nus auch den Ordenspatron, den Hl. Augustinus und zwei knien- de Augustinerkanoniker. Die Komparsen auf der zweiten Seite des Kreuzes bildeten die in der historischen Kreuzigungsszene ungewohnten Gestalten des Hl. Johannes des Täufers, des guten Haupt- manns und des sich ein Birett aufsetzenden Augustiners. Diese in- dividualisierende Geste kann man als Hinweis auf den Stifter der Malerei auffassen, als der der schon erwähnte Nikolaus von Raud- nitz erachtet wird. Den Fuß des Kreuzes umarmt die kleine Fi- gur der büßenden Hl. Maria Magdalena, ein Motiv, das zum ersten Mal bei Giotto in der Scrovegnikapelle in Padua auftaucht. Die Kreuzigungsszene rahmen 42 Halbfiguren, die die Propheten, den alttestamentarischen König und Heilige darstellen, als so et- was wie die Heerscharen (Militas Christi). Mit großer Wahrschein- lichkeit konnte das Vorbild für die Raudnitzer Malerei eine Illu- mination in einer Handschrift gewesen sein, die ähnlich Jener war, die wir in einer vom italienischen Maler Pacino di Bonaguida il- luminierten Handschrift aus der Zeit vor der Mitte des 14. Jahr- hunderts finden. Derselbe Maler schuf auf der Grundlage der Bo- naventura-Schrift für das Monticelli-Kloster der Klarissen in der Vorstadt von Florenz. Noch eine frühere Darstellung des Themas finden wir jedoch in den aus der Kathedrale Saint-Nazaire in Car- cassonne stammenden Glasfenstern aus den Jahren 1310–20. Auf ähnliche Motive treffen wir in Frankreich auch in den illuminier- ten Handschriften aus der Wende des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts,

99 Jan Royt zum Beispiel im Missal von St. Nicasius in Reims, im Stundenbuch der Jolanda von Soissons oder auf den Wandmalereien im Lan- guedoc-Gebiet (Rabastens, Lageasse). Eine bemerkenswerte, in ihrer Komposition der Raudnitzer Malerei nahestehende Abbildung, finden wir in der in die Jahre 1310–20 datierenden Bibel MS 78 E (fol. 1.) aus dem Berliner Kupferstichkabinett. Die Raudnitzer Malerei ist also eine Art meditative Allegorie, mit deren Hilfe die Ordenskanoniker über die Sendung Christi, seiner direkten Jünger und Nachfolger kontemplieren konnten. In der letzten Zeit wurden in den Gewölbekappen über dem ersten Joch des Ostflügels des Kreuzganges eine Wandmalerei mit dem Motiv des von Engel mit herrlich gefärbten Pfauenflügeln angebeteten Christus-Panto- krator entdeckt. Diese Malerei knüpft sich ideell ohne Zweifel an die Kreuzigung. Die Entstehung beider Malereien können wir in die Zeit um das Jahr 1345 legen. Bildkünstlerisch orientieren sie sich noch am linearisierenden Stil, der die böhmische Kunst um die Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts beherrschte. Der theologische Subtext des Bildes ist bereits im Werk Au- gustinus, namentlich im soliloquium Manuale enthalten. Es geht hier nicht unmittelbar um eine verbale Struktur der Schrift als vielmehr um den Inhalt der Lehre des Augustinus vom Parado- xen der Macht Gottes im Leiden des Sohnes und um den Aspekt seiner Erhebung. Die Bipolarität des Inhaltes ist auch im Baum- kreuz verborgen, das zugleich Instrument der „Erbsünde“ und Weg zum „ewigen Leben“ ist. Die Augustinenchorherren auf dem Bild rufen durch ihre Existenz in der heiligen Handlung die Mitglieder der Kommuni- tät auf, ihnen nachzufolgen und sich mit ihrem Inneren ganz in den Bildinhalt kontemplativ zu vertiefen. Die visuelle Form des Werkes wird zum mentalen Bild eines Individuums transponiert. Das Individuum erfasst so innerlich in einem einzigen Bild die Totalität der Erlösungsgeschichte und projiziert diese in sein in- dividuelles Bewusstsein.

100 Ein Beitrag zur Ikonographie der Alegorie vom hl. Kreuz in Raudnitz an der Elbe

Die Alegorie vom hl. Kreuz aus Raudnitz an der Elbe synthe- tisiert die aus italienischen und franzözischen Bildern bekannten Motive und ist überdies um die eucharistische Komponente be- reichert. Die Betonung der Eucharistie als eines mystischen Op- fers Jesu Christi und als Invidualisierung religiösen Erlebens, die den italienischen Bildern fehlt, antizipiert die prähumanistischen Intentionen der Zeit Karls IV. und Wenzels IV. und widerspricht auch nicht den Bestrebungen der Kirchenreformatoren des ausge- henden 14. und des beginnenden 15. Jahrhunderts, die die häufi- ge Kommunion als Mittel zur Erlösung hervorhoben.

101 Jan Royt

1. Raudnitz an der Elbe, Klostergang im Kanonikerstifts der Augustiner-Chorherren

2. Raudnitz an der Elbe, Alegorie der Erlösung, die Wandgemälde in der Klostergang im Kanonikerstift der Augustiner-Chorherren, 1345–1350

102 Ein Beitrag zur Ikonographie der Alegorie vom hl. Kreuz in Raudnitz an der Elbe

3. Pacino di Bonaguida, Alegorie der Erlösung, Tafelmalerei, vor 1320, Florenz, Galleria dell´Accademia

4. Alegorie der Erlösung, Vitrage, 1310–1320, Carcassonne, die Kathedrale Saint-Nazaire

103 Jan Royt

5. Alegorie der Erlösung, fol. 1, Bibel MS 78 E, 1310–1320, Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett Marek Walczak Jagiellonian University •

The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow1

Owing to a series of circumstances, especially to John of Lux- embourg’s claim to the Polish throne,2 the coronation of Ladis- laus the Short (Łokietek) took place in 1320 in Cracow and not in Gniezno, where these ceremonies had been held from the early eleventh century.3 The transference of the coronation place, unusual in medieval Europe, diametrically changed the status of the

1 The major part of this text is based on my paper: M. Walczak:The gothic tombs of the kings of Poland in the Wawel cathedral, [in:] Italien-Deutschland-Polen. Geschichte un Kultur im europäischen Kontext vom 10. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, hg W. Huschner, E. Bünz, Ch. Lübke, Lepizig 2013, pp. 531–552. 2 J. Kurtyka: Odrodzone Królestwo. Monarchia Władysława Łokietka i Kazimie- rza Wielkiego w świetle nowszych badań, Kraków 2001, pp. 15, 41, 47, 70; K. Jasiński: Ryksa Elżbieta – Boemie et Polonie bis regina, [in:] Przemysł II. Od- nowienie Królestwa Polskiego, red. J. Krzyżaniakowa, Poznań 1997, pp. 269– 280 (Publikacje Instytutu Historii Uniwersytetu Adama Mickiewicza, 13); W. Iwańczak, Elżbieta Ryksa – królowa, kobieta, mecenas sztuki, [in:] Nasi Pia- stowie, “Kronika Miasta Poznania” 2 (1995), pp. 153–164. 3 G. Labuda: Przeniesienie koronacji królewskich z Gniezna do Krakowa w XIV wieku, [in:] Cracovia – Polonia – Europa. Studia z dziejów średniowiecza ofia- rowane Jerzemu Wyrozumskiemu w sześćdziesiątą piątą rocznicę urodzin i czter- dziestolecie pracy naukowej, Kraków 1995, pp. 47–59.

105 Marek Walczak

Church of SS. Wenceslas and Stanislaus on Wawel Hill.4 It became necessary to undertake the propaganda activities which in the language of architectural forms would glorify the capital of the revived kingdom and elevate the cathedral to the status of a Königs- kirche.5 It may be presumed that soon after 1320 it was decided to accommodate a necropolis in the church whose rebuilding was under way.6 Ladislaus the Short’s rule needed a strong legitimiza- tion, also in the face of the moves made by the local dukes. La- dislaus, descending from the Kujawy line of the Piasts, was only one of a number of domini naturales – natural lords of the kingdom – who were theoretically equal to one another and had the same right to the throne.7 The king died in 1333 and was buried under the eastern arch of the northern arm of the ambulatory, when the major construction work in the new, Gothic chancel

4 M. Walczak, K. J. Czyżewski, Die Krakauer Kathedrale und die Marienkirche in ihrer Funktion für Hof und Stadt, [in:] Krakau, Prag und Wien. Funktio- nen von Metropolen im Frühmodernen Staat, hg. Von M. Dmitrieva, K. Lam- brecht, Stuttgart 2000, pp. 103–115 (Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kul- tur des Östlichen Mitteleuropa, 10). 5 P. Crossley: Gothic architecture in the reign of Casimir the Great. Church architecture in Lesser Poland 1320–1380, Kraków 1985, esp. pp. 39–51 (Bibliote- ka Wawelska, 7); idem, Bohemia sacra and Polonia sacra. Liturgy and history in Prague and Cracow cathedrals, „Folia Historiae Artium”, new series VII (2001), pp. 5–30. 6 J. Pietrusiński, Katedra krakowska – biskupia czy królewska?, [in:] Sztuka i ideologia XIV wieku. Materiały sympozjum Komitetu Nauk o Sztuce Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa, 29 i 30 listopada 1973 r., red. Piotr Skubiszewski, Warszawa 1975, pp. 249–273; M. Walczak: The tomb of King Ladislaus the Short (1320– 1333) and the beginnings of the royal necropolis in Cracow cathedral, [in:] Epi- graphica et Sepulcralia, vol. 2, ed. Jiřì Roháček, Praha 2009, pp. 359–385. 7 “Omnes duces Poloniae consueverant sibi esse aequales, nec alter ab altero quicquam dominii recognoscebat, sed unusquisque suo dominio gaudebat. Et hoc ideo, quia de una stirpe processerant, unde uno et eodem jure gaude- bant seu gaudere volebant”; Joannis de Czarnkow Chronica Polonorum, [in:] Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol. 2, Lwów 1872, p. 645; Kronika Jana z Czarnkowa, red. M. D. Kowalski, Kraków 1996, p. 35; Kurtyka, Odrodzone Królestwo…, p. 57.

106 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow had already been finished.8 Shortly afterwards a stone tomb was raised over the grave, probably before 1346, the year of the consecration of the high altar of the church. The burial place of Ladislaus the Short may be defined as promi- nent; nevertheless, the restorer of the kingdom and the real founder of the cathedral church deserved a free-standing memoria, for which the best place would be the centre of the choir. All four sides of the royal sarcophagus were decorated, which may indicate that it was intended as a free-standing structure;9 however, there are no grounds for asserting that the present burial place is not original.10 Viewing it in the context of the sacred topography of the church, we may point out a fair number of assets of the tomb's location. At first the tomb was visible not only from the ambulatory, where it was accessible to the faithful and where it could be a station during pro- cessions and memorial ceremonies. It could also be seen from the choir and from the steps of the altar, thus remaining all the time before the eyes of the praying canons. In the cramped interior of the cathedral it occupied a “well-balanced” place between the high altar and the altar with the relics of the main patron saint of the kingdom – St. Stanislaus – forcing the location of subsequent tombs.11

8 “Sepultum est corpus suum in ecclesia maiori Cracoviensi e regione altaris summi in parte laeva, albaque petra per sculpturas et testudinem adornatum, ante Sancti Wladislai Regis altare, quod ipse vivens erexerat, dotaveratque”; Jan Długosz, Historia Polonica, vol. III, [in:] idem, Opera omnia, t. XII, ed. A. Przezdziecki, Cracoviae 1876, p. 161; cf. T. Wojciechowski, Kościół katedralny w Krakowie, Kraków 1900, p. 70; M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna w Małopolsce za panowania Kazimierza Wielkiego, Kraków 2006, pp. 77–116 (Ars Vetus et Nova, 20). 9 T. Wojciechowski, Kościół katedralny w Krakowie, p. 70; A. Misiążanka, Kilka uwag o grobowcu Łokietka, “Przegląd Powszechny” vol. 184 (October 1929), nr 550, p. 54. 10 J. Pietrusińki, Katedra krakowska…, p. 261. 11 A. Rożnowska-Sadraei: Pater Patriae. The cult of Saint Stanislaus and the patronage of Polish kings 1200–1455, Kraków 2008, pp. 199–201. Yet, on the basis of a thorough analysis of written sources recently carried out by Maria

107 Marek Walczak

Casimir the Great (d. 1370) was buried vis-à-vis his father, within the eastern arch of the southern arm of the ambulatory,12 while the tomb of Anne of Cilli (d. 1416), second wife of King Ladis- laus Jagiello, was set up under the third arch on the south side.13 Jagiello himself, who died in 1434, was buried in the nave, under the third arch from the west on the south side.14 However, other locations occurred as well. Hedvige of Anjou (d. 1399), for instance, was interred on the north side of the high altar, probably because of her reputation for holiness.15 Jagiello’s third wife – Eliza- beth of Pilcza Granowska (d. 1420) – was interred in the Mansion- aries’ Chapel, beside the Pilecki family altar of St. Elizabeth.16 In the fifteenth century finding a place for burial became quite a chal- lenge, as the cramped interior of the cathedral, including the ar-

Starnawska, it is known that – until the consecration of the Gothic cathedral in 1364 – the tomb of St. Stanislaus had been located in the Chapel of Sts Peter and Paul on the south side of the church, in a place specially prepared for that purpose at the behest of the Cracow bishop Prandota; M. Starnawska, Świętych życie po życiu. Relikwie w kulturze religijnej na ziemiach polskich w śre- dniowieczu, Warszawa 2008, pp. 210–214. 12 E. Śnieżyńska-Stolotowa, Nagrobek Kazimierza Wielkiego, “Studia do Dziejów Wawelu” IV (1978), pp. 1–115; P. Mrozowski, Nagrobki gotyckie w Polsce, Warszawa 1994, pp. 177–178, cat. I 25; M. Walczak, K. J. Czyżewski, Die Krakauer Kathedrale…, pp. 105–106. 13 The place of this grave was still clearly visible in the early eighteenth century; J. Szablowski, Nieznane i mało znane plany katedry wawelskiej z wieku XVIII (ich znaczenie dla dziejów Wawelu i topografii zabytku), “Studia do Dzie- jów Wawelu” V (1991), tab. 1, 3; P. Mrozowski, Nagrobki gotyckie w Polsce, pp. 262–263, cat. II 34; K. J. Czyżewski, M. Walczak [review of] P. Mrozow- ski, Nagrobki gotyckie w Polsce, Warszawa 1994, “Biuletyn Historii Sztuki” 62 (2000), nr 1–2, p. 292. 14 K. Estreicher, Grobowiec Władysława Jagiełły, „Rocznik Krakowski” 33 (1953), pp. 29–41; P. Mrozowski, Nagrobki gotyckie w Polsce, pp. 179–180, cat. I 28. 15 A. Bochnak, Groby królowej Jadwigi i królewicza Kazimierza Jagiellończyka w katedrze wawelskiej, “Studia do Dziejów Wawelu” III (1968), pp. 149–173; P. Mrozowski, Nagrobki gotyckie w Polsce, pp. 261–262, cat. II 31. 16 P. Mrozowski, Nagrobki gotyckie w Polsce, p. 263, cat. II 35.

108 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow cades of the ambulatory and nave, contained more than 50 altars.17 No wonder, then, that Jagiello’s last wife, Sophia (d. 1461), was laid to rest in her own foundation, the Holy Trinity Chapel, added to the cathedral façade north of the entrance. The last resting place for King Casimir the Jagiellonian (d. 1492) and his only wife Elizabeth (d. 1505) was the twin Chapel of the Holy Cross on the southern side of the façade.18 Returning to the grave of Ladislaus the Short, and the symbolical meaning of its placement, it is necessary to note a few French necropolises in which it became customary to bury the dead in the chancel walls, in the immediate vicinity of the high altar, the side to the north of the sanctuary being regarded as the most honoured place. This tradition was ushered in by the tomb of Archbishop Hugues d’Amiens, set in the early thirteenth century in the outside wall of the ambulatory of Rouen Cathedral.19 After 1260 the bishops of Senlis were buried in a very similar way in the abbatial church at Chaalis. The extension of the last-mentioned necropolis was begun with the erection of the tombs of the bishops Amury (d. 1167) and Robert de la Hous- saye (d. 1260), which were placed in the north wall, in the choir bay preceding the apse. The next step was to “remove” a tomb from the wall and to set it in church space so as to make it accessible on two sides. The first known case of such a location was the tomb structure for Bishop Ulger (d. 1148) within the arch of the south wall of Angers Cathedral and thus visible from the gallery as well as from aisle.20 The idea of a memoria accessible from two different parts of the church was taken up for

17 M. Walczak, K. J. Czyżewski, Die Krakauer Kathedrale…, p. 108. 18 P. Mrozowski, Nagrobki gotyckie w Polsce, pp. 181–183, cat. I 31. 19 A. McGee Morganstern, Liturgical and honorific implications of the placement of Gothic wall tombs, “Hortus Artium Medievalium” 10 (2004), pp. 81–82, figs. 3, 4. 20 A. McGee Morganstern, Liturgical and honorific implications…, p. 81, fig. 1.

109 Marek Walczak the erection of the royal abbey at Royaumont (perhaps as early as its consecration c. 1235).21 The tombs of Philippe Dagob- ert (younger brother of Louis IX, d. 1232) and Louis of France (eldest son of Louis IX, d. 1260) were set up there within the arches connecting the pillars of the choir and the ambulatory.22 The next links in the development of this tradition were the Cis- tercian Abbey at Longpont, and especially Westminster Abbey, the monumental necropolis of the Plantagenets.23 During the building campaign started by King Henry III, the choir of this church became the centre of the veneration of Edward the Con- fessor, around which tombs were set up between the pillars.24 All these monuments were accessible from the high altar and from the ambulatory, but at the same time they formed a natural bar- rier, a sort of a chancel screen. The original concept of the Cracow necropolis, legible in the situation of the tomb of Ladislaus the Short, was abandoned during the reign of his son and successor. Before 1370 it was decided to completely separate the east bay of the choir from the ambulatory by connecting the pillars with a high wall, thereby the arcades being turned into quasi-chapels.25 Their considerable depth effective-

21 A. Erlande-Brandenburg: Le roi est mort. Étude sur les funérailles les sépultures et les tombeaux des rois de France jusqu’ à la fin di XIIIe siècle Genève 1975, pp. 93, 111, 115–117, 121, 123, 126–127, cat. 94, 98, figs. 115, 121 (Bib- liothèque de la Société Française d’Archéologie, VII); G. Schmidt: Typen und Bildmotive des spätmittelalterlichen Monumentalgrabes [in:] Skulptur und Grab- mal des spätmittelalters in Rom und Italien. Akten des Kongresses “Scultura e mo- numento sepolcrale del tardo medioevo a Roma e in Italia (Rom, 4.-6. Juli 1985), hg. von J. Garms, A. Maria Romanini, Wien 1990, p. 48, fig. 7; H. Körner, Grabmonumente des Mittelalters, Darmstadt 1997, pp. 85–86. 22 H. Körner, Grabmonumente des Mittelalters, pp. 85–86. 23 P. Binski, Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets. Kingship and the Representation of Power 1200–1400, New Haven–London 1995. 24 A. McGee Morganstern, Liturgical and honorific implications…, p. 86, fig. 12. 25 T. Wojciechowski, Kościół katedralny w Krakowie, p. 62; E. Śnieżyńska-Stolo- towa, Nagrobek Kazimierza Wielkiego, p. 8.

110 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow ly isolated the tombs within cathedral space and ensured enough room for the founders to develop the memoria programme. It became customary in Cracow Cathedral to use a dualistic model of commemorating the queens and kings. The tombs of the queens were either slabs with no figural decoration or plain tomb chests without sculptural ornamentation. The sole surviv- ing material evidence is the stone tomb slab of Queen Sophia, wife of Jagiello (originally provided with appliqué elements of bronze); moreover, there exist drawings documenting the “men- sa” set up on the grave of Anne of Cilli.26 The sepulchral monuments of the kings are entirely different. The location of the tomb of Ladislaus the Short corresponds perfectly with its iconographic programme devoted to the liturgy for the dead (fig. 1–5). In- troduced into cathedral space is the conventional “space” of the arches dividing the tomb chest, which contain the participants in the funeral procession: clergymen (the west and east sides), laymen (the south side), and women (the north side).27 The depiction of a cortège funèbre is of course of French origin (the already cited tomb of Louis, son of King Louis IX), as is the head in a crown of leaves, carved beneath the bracket on which the king’s feet rest. Foliated masks, leaving aside the justified reser- vations concerning the typology and terminology in reference to such representations, as expressed recently by Pierre-Yves Le Pog- am, are quite frequently encountered in sepulchral art.28 Kathy Toma ascribed their popularity to their eschatological signifi-

26 P. Mrozowski, Nagrobki gotyckie w Polsce, pp. 242, 262–263, cat. I 137A, II 34; M. Walczak, K. J. Czyżewski, Die Krakauer Kathedrale…, pp. 289, 292, figs. 5, 13. 27 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, pp. 88–89, figs. 47–59. 28 P. Y. Le Pogam, Le thème de la “tête de feuilles” aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles: l’hu- manisme gothique à l’épreuve, [in:] La sculpture en Occident. Études offerts à Jean-René Gaborit, ed. G. Bresc-Bautier, F. Baron, P. Y. Le Pogam, Dijon 2007, pp. 33–45, esp. p. 34.

111 Marek Walczak cance (incessant revival, unending vital force).29 The source of numerous repetitions were probably French monuments, such as the tombs of Louis of France, of Blanche, Louis IX’s mother (c. 1260) at Saint-Denis, and of Isabeau du Crèus in the Church of Saint-Gervais at Pompoint (Oise). The Cracow monument is almost contemporary with the tomb of Joan of France, Duchess of Evreux and Queen of Navarre (d. 1349) in Saint-Denis Ab- bey, where the foliated head motif appeared repeatedly on the miniature brackets of the canopy.30 Unlike most fourteenth-century monuments of sepulchral art, the figures of weepers in the tomb of Ladislaus the Short are markedly varied, the fact that the scholars try to link with their belonging to different estates.31 Such an interpretation would deprive the Cracow “procession” of the appearance of reality, bringing it closer to the level of allegory. The gestures of the weepers (tearing their hair out, rend- ing their garments, supporting their heads tilted to one side, and holding up the wrist of one hand with the other hand) go back to classical antiquity, this tradition usually reaching Western medieval art via Byzantium.32 Its development came up against numerous obstacles, as the writings of the Fathers of the Church contained a condemnation of wild gesticulation, especially when it was connected with the custom of mourning the dead, considered to be unworthy of a Christian.33 Expressive, emotional movements beyond conscious control were believed to be the do-

29 K. Toma, La tête des feuilles gothiques, “Information d’Histoire de l’art” XX (1975), nr 4, pp. 180–191. 30 P. Y. Le Pogam, Le thème…, p. 36, ill. 1, 4. 31 A. Misiążanka, Kilka uwag o grobowcu Łokietka, p. 59; P. Mrozowski, Nagrob- ki gotyckie w Polsce, p. 74, n. 48. 32 H. Maguire, The depiction of sorrow in middle Byzantine art, “Dumbarton Oaks Papers” XXXI (1977), pp. 125–174. 33 M. Barasch, Gestures of despair in medieval and early Renaissance art, New York 1976, p. 35.

112 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow main of the devil and his servants – the sinners. The Cracow relief sculptures may have been inspired by such monuments as the tomb of Blanche of France (d. 1305) in the Church of the Mi- norites in Vienna.34 Close parallels can also be found in strictly religious compositions, such as depictions of the Last Judgment (St. Mary’s Church in Mainz).35 In view of the political significance of the tomb, it is also worth recalling the scene of the death of Emperor Henry VII in the Codex of Baldwin, Archbishop of Trier, dating from about 1320/1340 (Codex Balduini, Koblenz, Landeshauptarchiv).36 Equally important here is the literary context of the decoration (descriptions of the death of the monarchs in the oldest works of Polish historiography, for instance, the allegory of Poland weeping over the loss of King Boleslaus the Brave, her son and husband at the same time, in the Kronika by Gallus Anonymous I, 16; I, 29).37

34 G. Schmidt, Das Grabmal der Blanche de France († 1305) bei den Wiener Mino- riten, [in:] Beiträge zur Kunst des Mittelalters. Festschrift für Hans Wentzel zum 60. Geburtstag, Berlin 1975, pp. 182–183; E. Englisch, Zur Geschichte der Franziskanischen Ordensfamilie in Österreich von den Anfängen bis zum Einset- zen der Observanz, [in:] 800 Jahre Franz von Assis. Franziskanische Kunst und Kultur des Mittelalters. Niederösterreichische Landesaustellung, Krems–Stein 1982, p. 303, ill. 26. 35 W. Pinder, Die Deutsche Plastik des Vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, München 1925, p. 13, figs. 4–6; B. Dengel-Wink, Die ehemalige Liebfrauenkirche in Mainz. Ein Beitrag zur Baukunst und Skulptur der Hochgotik am Mittelrhein und in Hessen, Mainz 1990, pp. 224–241. 36 Kaiser Heinrichs Romfahrt. Die Bilderchronik von Kaiser Heinrich VII. und Kurfürst Balduin von Luxemburg 1308–1313, hg. von F. J. Heyen, München 1978, pp. 120–121; Heiliges Römisches Reich Deutscher Nation 962 bis 1806. Von Otto dem Grossen bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters. Katalog, hg. von M. Puhle, C. P. Hasse, Dresden 2006, pp. 373–374, cat. V. 5. 37 Gall Anonim, Kronika Polska, transl. R. Grodecki, introduction and notes M. Plezia, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 1968, pp. 38–42, 60–61 (Biblioteka Narodowa I, 59); B. Kürbis, O życiu religijnym w Polsce X–XII wieku, [in:] Pię- ciu braci męczenników. Z dziejów religijności polskiej XI wieku, ed. D. Zydorek, Gorzów Wielkopolski 1997, p. 43.

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Only three sides of the tomb chest of Casimir the Great are decorated, as the monument abutted on the wall connecting the pillars on the chancel side (figs. 5–8). The arches contain seated laymen, who turn towards one another and make expressive and varied gestures.38 They were believed to be the members of the Royal Council, the model for them being seen in the descriptions of Monarchy in the manuscripts of Aristotle’s Poli- tics.39 However, there exist numerous other precedents for the depiction of scholars engaged in discussion, among which can be mentioned scholarly manuscripts of Liber de herbis by Man- fred de Monte Imperiali and of Collectanea rerum memorabi- lum by Solinus.40 The most important works for the Cracow tomb are those in which men of wisdom have been represented as symbolic pillars supporting political power. They appeared in a great many manuscript decretals and also in a Venetian draw- ing of c. 1370–1375, showing a doge surrounded by his advis- ers.41 An example of the plain identification of the civitas with the group of men who govern it is the seal of Peyrusse-le-Roc (before 1243), the obverse of which shows pairs of discussing

38 M. Walczak, Postacie na bokach tumby nagrobka Kazimierza Wielkiego. Z dzie- jów ikonografii odrodzonego Królestwa Polskiego, [in:]: Narodziny Rzeczypospo- litej. Studia z dziejów średniowiecza i czasów nowożytnych, ed. W. Bukowski, T. Jurek, Kraków 2012, pp. 1057–1079. 39 E. Śnieżyńska-Stolotowa, Nagrobek Kazimierza Wielkiego, pp. 74–77; A. Roż- nowska-Sadraei: Art, death and legitimacy. The comission and artistic provenance of the tomb of Kazimir the Great in Cracow cathedral, [in:] Artifex doctus. Księga pamiątkowa dedykowana Profesorowi Jerzemu Gadomskiemu w siedemdziesią- tą rocznicę urodzin, ed. W. Bałus, W. Walanus, M. Walczak, Kraków 2007, vol. 1, pp. 368–369. 40 A. von Hülsen-Esch, Gelehrte in Gruppen, oder: das Gruppenporträt von der Erfindung des Gruppenporträts, [in:] Das Porträt von der Erfindung des Porträts, hg. von M. Büchsel, P. Schmidt, Mainz am Rhein 2003, pp. 173–189, esp. 182–183, figs. 7, 8. 41 Ibidem, pp. 175–181, figs. 3, 6.

114 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow councilors turned towards each other, while its reverse bears city walls symbolizing a commune.42 The tomb of Ladislaus Jagiello introduced a new type of tomb chest decoration which was then consciously [and delibe- rately] repeated when the iconographic programme of Casimir the Jagiellonian’s memoria was taking shape. It is comprised of the depictions of weepers with attributes of their various offices, who are mourning the death of the monarch, and of the coats of arms of the lands of the Kingdom (fig. 9–11).43 This innovation probably stemmed from the rich heraldic programmes present on carved bosses in the churches and secular buildings founded by Casimir the Great.44 Moreover, the finest sepulchral monuments decorated with armorial bearings must be taken into account, including the preeminent group of the tombs of the Pre- myslid dynasty in Prague Cathedral. In Jagiello’s tomb, which was accessible on all sides, the long sides show the doubled arms of the Polish Kingdom and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as well as single coats of arms of Great Poland and the Dobrzyń region. The short sides carry the arms of the Wieluń region and Ruthenia. These representations correspond to the heraldic programme of the king’s great seal with the image of the monarch in majesty, in general outline only; nevertheless, the ideological meaning of the two objects is similar: the monarch in ple- no apparatu regali is the guarantee of the integrity of the lands

42 W. Brückle, Civitas Terrena. Staatsrepräsentation und politischer Aristotelismus in der franzözischen Kunst 1270–1380, Berlin 2005, p. 102, figs. 42, 43. 43 K. Estreicher, Grobowiec Władysława Jagiełły, pp. 14–20; P. Skubiszewski [review of] K. Estreicher: Grobowiec Władysława Jagiełły, “Rocznik Krakows- ki” 33 (1953), p. 29–41, “Biuletyn Historii Sztuki” XVIII (1956), p. 165; S. K. Kuczyński, Polskie herby ziemskie. Geneza, treści, funkcje, Warszawa 1993, pp. 28–30; Z. Piech, Monety, pieczęcie i herby w systemie władzy Jagiellonów, Warszawa 2003, p. 200. 44 M. Walczak, Rzeźba architektoniczna…, chapters 5–7.

115 Marek Walczak making up the Kingdom.45 The tomb chest bears the coats of arms of four main members of the kingdom – the Crown, Lith- uania, Great Poland, and Ruthenia; the preeminence of the first two has been underscored by their being doubled. The arms of the Wieluń and Dobrzyń regions call up the recovery of these lands by Poland under Jagiello. The sublimity of the programme is best testified by the setting of the coat of arms of the Wieluń region on the side below the king’s head, thus in the place of honour. This location was determined by the form of the em- blem which represents the Lamb of God with the banner of Res- urrection. Here it appears at the same time as a heraldic motif and the symbol of Christ the Savior in opposition to the drag- on-devil under the king’s feet.46 The sarcophagus of Casimir the Jagiellonian is set up in the corner of the chapel, so only two of its sides are visible (fig.12). The shorter bears only the arms of the Polish Kingdom, and the longer the coats of arms of Lithuania, the Dobrzyń region, and Kujawy (figs. 13–15). On the top slab, the effigy of the monarch is accompanied by a rich heraldic setting with the coat of arms of the Jagiellonian family – a double cross flanked by the White Eagle and the Austrian Bar – which in this arrangement should be interpreted as the personal arms of the king and queen.47 The introduction of lions as supporters in crowned close helmets, one of which carries an enormous tautological crest, while the other enfolds a sword with its paw, was the effect of a reference to the pattern in the form of the tomb of Emperor Frederick III

45 S. K. Kuczyński, Polskie herby ziemskie…, esp. p. 30. 46 P. Skubiszewski [review of:] Karol Estreicher: Grobowiec Władysława Jagiełły, p. 165; S. K. Kuczyński, Polskie herby ziemskie…, p. 30. 47 Z. Piech, Średniowieczne herby w katedrze wawelskiej. Treści i funkcje, [in:] Katedra krakowska w średniowieczu. Materiały Sesji Oddziału Krakowskiego Stowarzysze- nia Historyków Sztuki, Kraków, kwiecień 1994, ed. J. Daranowska-Łukaszewska, K. Kuczman, Kraków 1996, p. 142.

116 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow in the Church of St. Stephen in Vienna.48 The character of the decoration on the longer side of the tomb chest has been the subject of diverse interpretations. The presence of the arms of the Dobrzyń region and Kujawy at the expense of those of the Kingdom’s most important provinces, and even of Royal Prus- sia – incorporated into the Polish Kingdom by Casimir the Jagi- ellonian – has been explained as a manifestation of the wish to emphasize the relationship between the Jagiellons and the Piast dynasty. Heraldic decoration serves here to accentuate the con- tinuity of royal rule and to assure that it was legitimately taken over together with the territorial “core”, that is, the ancestral lands of Ladislaus the Short and Casimir the Great.49 In addition to the ornate sculptural compositions, and the choice of material, there are canopies which were a major carriers of message conveyed by funerary monuments.50 Arguably, in Cra- cow there was an awareness as to the uniqueness of such solutions, which contributed to the perpetuation of local tradition. Symbol- ical values attached to the canopies were certainly among the most important factors. This is confirmed by certain written sources from the area of Gniezno archdiocese. For instance, a tradition in

48 P. Skubiszewski, Der Stil des Veit Stoß, “Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte” 41 (1978), p. 128, ill. 40, 41. 49 P. Skubiszewski, Rzeźba nagrobna Wita Stwosza, Warszawa 1957 p. 106, n. 130; W. Kopczyński, Wątek polityczno-dynastyczny w programie ikonograficz- nym nagrobka Kazimierza Jagiellończyka – próba interpretacji, [in:] Wit Stosz. Studia o sztuce i recepcji, red. A. S. Labuda, Warszawa–Poznań 1986, p. 83 (Prace Komisji Historii Sztuki Poznańskiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk, XVI); S. K. Kuczyński, Polskie herby ziemskie…, p. 33; R. Marciniak, O rze- komym herbie Wielkopolski XIV i XV wieku, “Roczniki Historyczne” 65 (1999) pp. 53–72; Z. Piech, Monety, pieczęcie i herby w systemie władzy Jagiellonów, pp. 208–209. 50 M. Walczak, „Per testudinem adornatum”. Canopies over the Gothic royal Tombs in Poland, [in:] Mikroarchitektur im Mittelalter. Ein Gattungsübergreifendes Phänomen zwischen Realität und Imagination, hg. von Ch. Kratzke, U. Al- brecht, Leipzig 2008, pp. 161–188.

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Wroclaw Cathedral had it that tombs of respective church canons within the cathedral were covered with linen baldacchinos on the anniversary of their death.51 In all probability this was the initiative of Casimir, Ladis- laus the Short’s son, who with this foundation started the construction of a clear political programme inside the cathedral. As a model work it introduced into Polish art a theme with a great tradition and immense ideological content – a sarcophagus in the form of a chest with an effigy of the deceased as well as relief sculptures of the cortège funèbre, covered by a canopy. In my view, its reception is one of the most important artistic achievements in the revived Regnum Poloniae.52

51 Statuta Capituli ecclesiae cathedralis Wratislaviensis ex anno 1482/1483, ed. K. Dola, Wrocław–Opole 2004, pp. 42–43. 52 M. Walczak, Casimir the Great’s Artistic Foundations and the Court art of the Luxembourgs, [in:] Kunst als Herrschaftsinstrument. Böhmen und das Heilige Römische Reich unter den Luxemburgern im Europäischcen Kontext, hg. von J. Fajt, A. Langer, Berlin–München 2009, p. 541; idem, Art in Kraków during the reign of the two last kings of the Piast dynasty (c. 1320–1370), [in:] Po- land-China. Art and cultural heritage, ed. J. Wasilewska, Kraków 2011, p. 23.

118 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow

Fig. 1. Cracow, cathedral, tomb of Ladislaus the Short, a north-side view; photo Stanisław Michta

Fig. 2. Cracow, cathedral, two mourning clerks on the east side of the tomb of Ladislaus the Short; photo Stanisław Michta

119 Marek Walczak

Fig. 3. Cracow, cathedral, two mourning friars on the east side of the tomb of Ladislaus the Short; photo Stanisław Michta

Fig. 4. Cracow, cathedral, two mourning women on the north side of the tomb of Ladislaus the Short; photo Stanisław Michta

120 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow

Fig. 5. Cracow, cathedral, the tomb of Casimir the Great; photo Stanisław Kolowca

121 Marek Walczak

Fig. 6. Cracow, cathedral, two disputing men on the west side of the tomb of Casimir the Great; photo Stanisław Kolowca

122 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow

Fig. 7. Cracow, cathedral, two disputing men on the south side of the tomb of Casimir the Great; photo Archive of the Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University

Fig. 8. Cracow, cathedral, two disputing men on the south side of the tomb of Casimir the Great; photo Archive of the Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University

123 Marek Walczak

Fig. 9. Cracow, cathedral, two mourners with the coat of arms of Greater Poland on the south side of the tomb of Ladislaus Jagiełło; after: Wawel 1000–2000. Kultura artystyczna dworu królewskiego i katedry, t. I: Katedra Krakowska – biskupia, królewska, narodowa, ed. M. Piwocka, D. Nowacki, Kraków 2000

124 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow

Fig. 10. Cracow, cathedral, two mourners with the Pogoń coat of arms of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania on the north side of the tomb of Ladislaus Jagiello; after Katalog Zabytków Sztuki w Polsce

Fig. 11. Cracow, cathedral, two mourners with the Pogoń coat of arms of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania on the south side of the tomb of Ladislaus Jagiello; after Katalog Zabytków Sztuki w Polsce

125 Marek Walczak

Fig. 12. Cracow, cathedral, the tomb of Casimir the Jagiellonian in the Holy Cross Chapel; photo Archive of the Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University

126 The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow

Fig. 13. Cracow, cathedral, two mourners with the Pogoń coat of arms of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania on the north side of the tomb of Casimir the Ja- giellonian; photo Archive of the Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University

Fig. 14. Cracow, cathedral, two mourners with the coat of arms of the Dobrzyń Region on the north side of the tomb of Casimir the Jagiellonian; photo Archive of the Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University

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Fig. 15. Cracow, cathedral, two mourners with the coat of arms of the Kujawy Region on the north side of the tomb of Casimir the Jagiellonian; photo Archive of the Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University •

Table of contents

Agnieszka Rożnowska-Sadraei St. Stanislaus and a Concept of Nation: the understanding of a symbol ...... 5

Dariusz Tabor CR Biblia pauperum. Le livre allégorique qui crée des images symboliques ...... 23

Joanna Ziętkiewicz-Kotz Maria, virga Jesse. A depiction of the Tree of Jesse in a thirteenth-century Flemish Psalter ...... 37

Tadeusz Jurkowlaniec Ape, lion and paralytic. A few remarks on sculptural decoration in the presbytery of the Saint Mary’s church in Cracow . . . . . 55

Jan Royt Ein Beitrag zur Ikonographie der Alegorie vom hl. Kreuz in Raudnitz an der Elbe ...... 95

Marek Walczak The symbolic meaning of weepers in the Gothic royal tombs in Cracow ...... 105

Pontifical University of John PaUl ii in cracow

he history of the Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow can be traced back to the Tsame time as the beginnings of the oldest Polish higher education institution – Jagiellonian University. In 1397 Pope Boniface IX decreed the establishment of the Faculty of Theology within Studium Generale. Since then the Faculty developed and operated actively for centuries, gaining fame and respect in the scientific community, both in Poland and abroad. An attempt at stopping its operations was made by the communist authorities when in 1954 the Faculty of Theology was liquidated at the Jagiellonian University by way of a unilateral decision of the Council of Ministers. However, that decision did not interrupt its activity or canonical existence. he Pontifical University of John Paul II is a dynamically developing higher education Tinstitution. Our educational offer is interesting for young people. In our five faculties, we constantly open new majors and specialisations, keeping up with the needs of the present times. We constantly establish new international contacts. he tradition we are rooted in obliges us to care for the high quality of education and taking Tnew research challenges, according to the thoughts of our patron, Blessed John Paul II who emphasised a positive role of the Church for culture and education and attached great importance to the dialogue with the scientific world. We hope that in future the Pontifical University will play a role in preserving the European identity by strengthening relations between science and faith in the spirit of Fides et ratio encyclical and reminding us about the Christian roots of the European culture. tudying in Cracow is a unique opportunity for our students to have close contact with Sculture and science in one of the most beautiful cities of Europe and a guarantee of both spiritual as well as intellectual development. We offer classes in small groups, which are conducive to good relations between students and lecturers, and treating each person individually. The unique aspect of our University is the combination of the atmosphere of faith and tradition of the Catholic Church with the modern form of studies.

stUdy in Pontifical University of John PaUl ii in cracow Faculty of Philosophy Faculty of Social Studies • Philosophy • Family Studies Faculty of History • Journalism and Social Communication and Cultural Heritage • Social Work • Church Music Faculty of Theology • History • Theology • History of Art Faculty of Theology Section in Tarnów • Protection of Cultural Property • Theology

Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow 31-002 Kraków, ul. Kanonicza 25, Poland tel. +48 12 421 84 16 • +48 12 421 68 48 ext. 15 • fax +48 12 422 86 26 e-mail: [email protected] • www.upjp2.edu.pl