UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI
Date:______
I, ______, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: in:
It is entitled:
This work and its defense approved by:
Chair: ______
Isotopic Study of Migration: Differentiating Locals and Non-Locals in Tumulus Burials from Apollonia, Albania
A thesis submitted to the
Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
In the Department of Anthropology of the College of Arts and Sciences
August 2007
By
Jennifer Rose Stallo
B.S., University of Cincinnati, 2005
Committee Chairs: Dr. Vernon Scarborough Dr. Lynne Schepartz Dr. C. Jeffrey Jacobson Jr.
ABSTRACT
Strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) analysis has been applied in archaeology since the 1980s to reconstruct patterns of migration. Analysis of the 87Sr/86Sr ratios from burial mounds (tumuli) excavated near the site of Apollonia, Illyria (modern day Albania) was performed to differentiate ‘locals’ and ‘non-locals’. The Greek colony founded at
Apollonia around the beginning of the sixth century B.C.E. included a mixture of Greek colonists and native Illyrian people. As tumulus burials are the only burial features identified and excavated at Apollonia it was hypothesized that both Greek and Illyrian individuals would be represented in tumuli. If the Greek and Illyrian burials could be differentiated using 87Sr/86Sr ratios then insight into the changing interaction of Greeks and Illyrians at Apollonia is possible. 87Sr/86Sr ratio analysis of a sample of teeth from
Apollonia reveals that non-locals were incorporated into tumulus 10 along with members of the local population.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My sincere gratitude goes to Dr. Lynne Schepartz who encouraged me to pursue an advanced degree in anthropology and then fitted me with all of the resources and contacts necessary to engage in a research project that matched many of my interests.
Without the help of Dr. Schepartz this thesis would not have been possible. My gratitude is also extended to Dr. Vernon Scarborough and Dr. C. Jeffrey Jacobson who assisted me with council and revisions of this thesis in spite of changing circumstances and time limitations. I am genuinely grateful for the many hours that Pamela and Jonathan volunteered in proofreading this thesis.
The Albanian Rescue Archaeology Unit, primarily under the direction of Dr.
Lorenc Bejko and Maria Grazia Amore, provided the materials necessary for analysis in this thesis from excavations they conducted at Apollonia, Albania. The strontium isotope and concentration analyses were made possible by the accommodation of Dr. Michael
Richards and his team, particularly Dr. Vaughn Grimes and Annette Weiske, at the Max
Planck Institute in Leipzig, Germany. The completion of this thesis was possible only with the cooperation of these many people, all of whom I have endowed my deepest appreciation.
Funding from the Charles Phelps Taft Research Center as well as the University of Cincinnati, Department of Anthropology Research Grant allowed me to travel to and from both Albania and Germany to conduct the necessary research for this project.
Without such funding for graduate research many research questions would continue to go unanswered.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Figures……………………………………………………………………. ……… vi
List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………… vii
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………. 1
CHAPTER 2 THE ILLYRIANS………………………………………………………….. 5 • Geography……………………………………………………………………….. 7 • Origin………………………………………………………………………………8 • Economy…………………………………………………………………………..9 • Burial Customs…………………………………………………………………... 10 Tumulus Burials at Apollonia…………………………………. 11
CHAPTER 3 GREEK EXPANSION: MIGRATION AND COLONIZATION………… 13 • Hypotheses for the Cause of Migration: Sorting Truth from Common Misconceptions…………………………………………………………………...14 • Corinth and Her Colonial Expeditions…………………………………………. 15 Foundation of Epidamnus and Apollonia in Illyria………….. 20 Relations between a Colony and the Mother-City………….. 21 • Overview of Greek Colonization in Illyria……………………………………... 23
CHAPTER 4 INTERACTION OF ILLYRIANS WITH GREEK COLONISTS………. 25 • Early Greek Perceptions of the Illyrians………………………………………. 25 • Interaction through Trade………………………………………………………. 26 • Control of Land…………………………………………………………………... 28 • Life and Death…………………………………………………………………… 30
CHAPTER 5 STRONTIUM ISOTOPE STUDIES: BACKGROUND AND METHODOLOGY………………………………………………….. 33 • Strontium Geochemistry…………………………………………………………34 • Methods and Materials………………………………………………………….. 40 Samples and Sample Preparation…………………………… 40 Clean Laboratory Sample Preparation………………………. 42 Sr-Isotope and Concentration Analysis……………………… 45
CHAPTER 6 RESULTS…………………………………………………………………. 46
CHAPTER 7 DISCUSSION…………………………………………………………….. 53 • Limitations to 87Sr/86Sr Studies………………………………………………… 53 • Analysis of the Results from Apollonia……………………………………….. 55 • 87Sr/86Sr Interpretaion Based on Geological Data…………………………… 58 • Migrants and Mortuary Customs………………………………………………. 61
CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSIONS………………………………………………………..… 63
REFERENCES CITED………………………………………………………….. ……… 67
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FIGURES
2-1 Illyrian territory…………………………………………………………... 6
3-1 Map of the Greek isthmus and Corinth……………………………… 17
3-2 Corinthian colonial expeditions………………………………………... 19
6-1 Distribution of 87Sr/86Sr ratio values divided by tissue type for each individual sampled …………………………………… 50
6-2 87Sr/86Sr and strontium concentration comparison for dental enamel, dentin, and modern snail shell analyzed…………… 51
7-1 Geology of Corinth……………………………………………………… 60
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TABLES
2-1 Chronological timeline of the western Balkans…………………….. 9
6-1 87Sr/86Sr ratios and strontium concentrations of human tooth enamel, dentin, and modern snail shell samples collected at Apollonia……………………………………………………48
6-2 Archaeological burial details for samples collected at Apollonia……………………………………………………………… 52
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Archaeology is a field that has changed in the past few centuries from a hobby of amateur scientists and treasure hunters to an interdisciplinary science. Today, in addition to the archaeologists or anthropologists, an archaeological investigation will often include geologists, geographers, biologists including botanists and geneticists, physicists, and chemists. When radioactive dating techniques were first applied in an archaeological context in the 1950s, it revolutionized archaeology as a science. In the
1980s, chemical analyses of archaeological bone began to allow archaeologists to test new questions about past people including dietary reconstruction, weaning patterns, and patterns of migration. The use of strontium (Sr) isotope ratios in migration studies was first suggested by Ericson (1985) because of the sensitivity of these ratios to local geochemistry. The goal of this thesis is to employ this technique in a burial mound
(tumulus) to test the relationship between Greek colonists and the local Illyrian population at the Greek colony in Apollonia, Illyria (modern day Albania).
Since 2002 the Albanian Rescue Archeology Unit has employed the most up-to- date archaeological methods to excavate tumuli 9, 10, and 11 in the Apollonia necropolis under the direction of Dr. Lorenc Bejko, Maria Grazia Amore, and Dr. Vangjel Dimo.
Amore (2005) performed a great service to the site by combining information about
Apollonia from primary historical documents as well as information about the site and the previous eight tumuli excavations. Much of the information that she synthesized in her thesis was either unpublished or recorded in a variety of languages, which limited access to the information for other researchers interested in the site. Amore concluded her thesis with hopes that physical anthropological investigations would provide insight
1 into many unanswered questions about the site, particularly in regard to the interaction between the Greek colonists and the native Illyrians.
One of the goals of this thesis is to test the usefulness of archaeological chemistry in expanding current understandings of the foundation and continued use of tumuli burials at Apollonia. Other researchers have analyzed the primary documents and archaeological evidence to determine when and how the colony at Apollonia was founded. This thesis presents what is generally accepted by these researchers about the
Illyrian people, the process and motivation of Greek colonization, the site at Apollonia specifically, and the interaction of Greek colonists and natives. After establishing a knowledge base of the people and processes involved in the foundation and maintenance of the colony at Apollonia, then the scientific background and methods are presented and the results interpreted. Using strontium isotope ratios to test migration at
Apollonia will provide information that cannot be interpreted with certainty with traditional archaeological methods. The information obtained through this study will expand the current understanding of the site and interactions of the people who inhabited it. This thesis will test the hypothesis that as the Corinthian Greek colony in Apollonia, Illyria
(modern day Albania) expanded its realm of influence, the relationship between native
Illyrians and Greek colonists changed so that the Greeks began to adopt Illyrian customs including placement in Illyrian tumuli.
Chapter two is an introduction to the Illyrian people. This includes an introduction to the geography of Illyria, theories of where the Illyrian people originated and when they came to inhabit Illyria. Information that has come out of tumulus burials throughout the land of Illyria has provided most of the information about the Illyrians including their ways of life and burial customs. This discussion presents an overview of what has come to light through the most recent excavations of tumuli 9, 10, and 11 in the necropolis near
Apollonia.
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Chapter three provides background on the process of Greek colonization.
Special attention is paid to the colonial efforts of Corinth and her early colony at Corcyra, both of which were involved in the founding of the colony at Apollonia. Understanding the motivation of Greek colonial efforts is invaluable in reconstructing the interaction of colonists and native peoples. The relationship between a colony and its mother-city is another factor that is considered. The relationships among the Greek colonists, the native Illyrians, and the mother-cities was perhaps more complex than relations at other colonies because of the power struggle between Corcyra and Corinth the co-founders of
Apollonia.
In chapter four the interaction of the Greek colonists and native Illyrians is presented in both a general picture as well as in regard to Apollonia specifically. Trade linked the Greeks and the Illyrians prior to and following the foundation of colonies in and around Illyria. The value of trade from both the Illyrian and Greek perspectives is therefore vital to understanding their interactions at both the founding of a colony and thereafter. Control of land is another issue that must be considered because of the potential conflict when colonists arrive and appear to take land away from the native population. The final part of this chapter introduces the evidence that might support a changing relationship between the Greek colonists and the Illyrians once the colony was established.
In order to test the hypothesis that the relationship between Greek colonists and the local Illyrian population changed at Apollonia, the analysis of strontium isotope ratios was employed in this study. Chapter five presents an overview of how and why strontium isotope ratios can be used to reconstruct migration. The nature of bone is discussed in connection with the potential problems faced in studies of bone chemistry. The actual methods and materials employed in this study are then presented in detail.
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The results of this study are presented in chapter six followed by the discussion of the results in chapter seven. The limitations of this type of study are here discussed as well as many of the possible interpretations. Strontium isotope ratio studies have been successfully employed in other regions of the world for distinguishing ‘local’ and
‘non-local’ individuals from a burial population. This method provides the ability to infer population growth, patterns of migration, and the interactions of different populations. In this study, strontium isotope ratio analysis is employed to distinguish Greek colonists and native Illyrians and might provide insight into changes in their social interaction.
Chapter eight presents the conclusions which can be made from the results in this study.
The success of utilizing this method in analyzing burials from tumuli at Apollonia is also considered. The value of applying this technique in testing hypotheses about the formation and use of tumuli as well as the interaction of colonists and natives is assessed.
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CHAPTER 2
THE ILLYRIANS
The territory of modern day Albania, located to the north of Greece and east of
Italy, was long ago occupied by people now known as the Illyrians. The Illyrian people inhabited a large area of the western Balkan Peninsula; this thesis focuses on the tribes inhabiting the area of and immediately surrounding modern Albania. The geography of this region is diverse which resulted in distinct regional differences between the related tribal people in the area, all of the tribes having been encompassed under the blanket term of ‘Illyrian’ (Harding 1992). Of the smaller tribes which make up the Illyrian people, those most involved in the Corinthian Greek expansion pertinent to this study are the
Liburnians, the Bylliones, and the Taulantii (Bylliones and Taulantii territories indicated in
Figure 2-1). Illyrian presence is first recorded in connection with the ancient Greeks, and
Illyrian history has been greatly expanded through the work of Classical archaeologists studying Greek colonialism (Harding 1992). Recent archaeological investigations, particularly of Illyrian burial mounds, known as tumuli, have shed light on the Illyrian culture in its own right. A brief introduction to the Illyrian territory will here be followed by what has been reconstructed by recent archeology about Illyrian origins, economy, and burial customs. A detailed consideration of the interaction between the Greek colonists and the native Illyrians is considered in chapter four.
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Figure 2-1: Illyrian territory - The Illyrian territory of the western Balkans is depicted with the labels indicating the different regions of Illyrian tribes. The primary Greek colonies in this thesis (Corcya, Epidamnus, and Apollonia) are highlighted. (Modified from Figure 11 in Boardman 1984:196)
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Geography
It is a challenge to reconstruct the borders of ancient territories, but geographical references from historical documents aide in this task. The southern boundary of the
Illyrian territory was described by Greek historian Appian as south of the Aous River
(modern day Vjosë River) in the ancient territory of Epirus (see Figure 2-1; Wilkes 1995).
Three Epirotic tribes, one of which is referenced again in chapter three, were situated along the coast near the Aous River. These were the tribes of Bylliace, Oricum, and
Thronium, whose inhabitants claimed were founded by Locrian and Euboean Greeks returning after the sack of Troy, a claim which later Corinthian colonists seem to have accepted (Hammond 1982b). North of Epirus, between the coast and the mountain range was the region the Classical Greeks knew as Illyris. This region between the eastern lakes and the western Adriatic stretched along the coastline and included the river valleys from the Drin river system in the north to the Aous River in the south. Illyris was primarily occupied by the Taulantii tribe, who may have moved south into the area during the early Iron Age around 1000 B.C.E. (Wilkes 1995). Another Illyrian tribe, the
Liburnians, established themselves further south in the island of Corcyra (Beaumont
1936).
The Adriatic coastline of the Illyrian territory was steep and rocky, with only strategic outcroppings serving as useful ports. In the ninth century, the Illyrian tribe of the
Liburnians set themselves apart as the leading sea power of the region, having developed fast ships that could overtake other seagoing merchantmen. By the first half of the eighth century, the Liburnians had established their settlement on Corcyra, where they could control the easiest route from the Adriatic to the heel of Italy (Hammond
1982b). The Eretrians of Euboea in eastern Greece followed the Liburnians in the settlement of Corcyra before 734 B.C.E., but as they did not expel the Liburnians, it
7 seems they were able to maintain friendly relations (Beaumont 1936). Both the Eretrians and the Liburnians were displaced from Corcyra in 733 B.C.E. when the Corinthians founded what would become one of their most prosperous colonies (Hammond 1992;
Wilkes 1995). Although Corinthian goods were being traded in the region prior to the foundation of Corinthian colonies (Graham 1990), the foundation of this colony in
Corcyra is among the first recorded instances of Corinthian Greeks coming into contact with Illyrian peoples.
Origin
The origin of the Illyrian people is unclear as ancient writings have not yet provided a general explanation for when they arrived in the Balkans or from where they may have come. Modern day scholars have also been unable to pinpoint the origins of the Illyrians in spite of a growing body of data from archeological and linguistic scholarship (Wilkes 1995). Although debated, some suggest that there was a migration of peoples from western Asia and the Black Sea region into the Balkans, which corresponded to the spread of metal technology during the Bronze Age (see Table 2-1;
Wilkes 1995). Archaeology shows that by the middle of the second millennium B.C.E., the characteristic Illyrian burial tumuli began to be used, indicating the presence of
Illyrians by at least this time (Harding 1992).
Others suggest that the Illyrian tribes were all present in the western Balkans by the late eleventh or early tenth century B.C.E, which marks the beginning of the Iron Age
(Hammond 1982a; Wilkes 1995). Hammond (1982a) noted an Illyrian expansion filling the vacuum left with the departure of the Phrygians c. 800-700 B.C.E. in Macedonia.
This expansion, Hammond (1982a) proposes, led to a decline in trade and economic development for the Illyrians just as the earliest Greek colonial expeditions and commerce were intensifying in the Adriatic.
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Table 2-1: Chronological timeline of the western Balkans (Wilkes 1995) Early Bronze Age 1900/1800 - 1600/1500 B.C.E. Middle Bronze Age 1600/1500 - c. 1300 B.C.E. Late Bronze Age c. 1300 - c. 1000 B.C.E. ^ Prehistoric ^ Iron Age c. 1000 - c. 750 B.C.E. Classical Greek Early (Hallstatt) Iron Age c. 750 - c. 350 B.C.E. Hellenistic Hellenistic Period c. 350 - 320 B.C.E. Roman Roman Period 229 B.C.E. - 378 C.E.
Economy
During the first Iron Age c. 700-600 B.C.E., the Illyrians engaged in agricultural cultivation in the valley bottoms and coastal plains coupled with semi-nomadic pastoralism in the higher land. Their diet was supplemented by hunting and fishing in the rivers, salt-lakes, and on the coast. Harvesting of salt provided them with a valuable resource for curing their meat as well as for trade. In addition to these food resources, the Mati region near the Drin River was rich in metals including copper, tin, gold, and silver (Graham 1990; Hammond 1982a). The Illyrian iris also grew in this valley, which was prized by the Greeks (Beaumont 1936). The Greeks, being a seafaring people, also desired to import ship-timber from Epirus and bitumen which was found near Selenicë
(south east of Apollonia) in Illyris (Hammond 1982b; Hammond 1992).
The Illyrian tribes were organized in a patriarchal society and were ruled by a hereditary monarchy along with a warrior class. Excavation of Illyrian tumuli, especially of the aristocratic or warrior graves, has resulted in the recovery of impressive metal weapons and jewelry, showing a mastery of metal prior to Greek contact (Hammond
1982b). The Illyrians crafted pottery, tools, weapons, and ornaments (Prifti 1986).
Perhaps by coincidence alone, the fully developed use of iron among the Illyrians by the eighth century B.C.E. coincides with the beginning of contact with the Greeks (Wilkes
1995).
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The region the Illyrians inhabited was rich in resources, which allowed them to master metalworking techniques and also provided them with raw materials that were attractive as trade commodities to others in the Adriatic. When the Liburnian tribe was in control of Corcyra, it encouraged interaction between communities of Illyrians from the
Balkans and across the Adriatic near the heel of Italy (Hammond 1982b). Trade was an important industry for the Illyrians and the topic of trade with the Greeks is further discussed in chapter four.
Burial Customs
Archaeological investigations into the Illyrians have primarily focused on the excavation of tumulus burials, because they are striking monumental features on the landscape and contain much in the way of material and skeletal remains (Hammond
1982a; Papadopoulos et al. 2007). Due to the transhumant nature of the Illyrian tribes, tumulus cemeteries are often not associated with an easily recognizable settlement
(Hammond 1982a; Hammond 1992). The central burial of the tumulus is identified as the original burial, but a single tumulus can contain up to one hundred additional burials, added after the tumulus foundation. In some tumuli, additional burials were added by digging a shaft down into the tumulus where the burial was placed and the shaft then refilled. In these types of tumuli, the burials cannot always be dated by stratigraphy and can often dislodge components from previous graves (Hammond 1982a). Stratigraphy can supplement ceramic information used in dating the burial when more elaborate grave construction, such as brick or tile lined graves or limestone sarcophagi, is present indicating that the tumulus was built up on the landscape instead of added by shaft openings.
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Rich tumulus burials found in the north of Illyrian territory, particularly in the
Zadrime plain and the Mati valley, were constructed for the warrior or aristocratic classes. These burials contain impressive burial goods including iron weapons, armor, jewelry and fibulae made out of bronze (Hammond 1982b). The pinnacle of these elaborate burials is assigned to the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E. Included in the burials of Illyrian royalty and warriors were not only elaborate native goods, but also high-quality pottery, metal wares, and jewelry of Greek origin. The presence of these Greek prestige goods in Illyrian burials decreases considerably by the middle of the fifth century (Wilkes
1995). The practice of building tumuli was uninterrupted from the Late Bronze Age up until the fourth century B.C.E. and well into the Roman period in some regions
(Hammond 1982b; Wilkes 1995).
Tumulus Burials at Apollonia
The tumulus burials excavated in recent years near the site of Apollonia show differences in the time periods of use and display a great variety of burial types.
Excavations of the tumuli from the necropolis near Apollonia were first conducted in the
1950s, then again in the 1980s, in 1996, and most recently from 2002 through the present (Amore 2005). The variety of burial types found in tumuli 9, 10, and 11 include: simple pits, mud-brick lined pits, wood lined pits, tile lined pits (with a tile roof termed alla cappuccina), sarcophagi, pot burials (enchytrismoi), in situ cremations, and urns (Amore et al. 2005; Amore 2006). Simple pits and cremations were used throughout all periods, but a single individual in a simple pit is the most common grave type. Burials in enchrytrismoi or sarcophagi are characteristic of the Archaic and Classical periods, and when these types begin to decline, the mud-brick lined pit graves increase in use. Adults and subadults of both sexes were buried in the tumuli, many with associated grave
11 goods including pottery, bronze jewelry, bronze and iron strigils (tools used to scrape the skin after bathing), and some bronze and iron weapons. At Apollonia, grave goods from tumuli 9, 10, and 11 consist of a mixture of native and import materials. A decline in the presence of grave goods is associated with the Hellenistic period (Amore et al. 2006)
Tumuli 9 and 11 are believed to have been used from the sixth to the end of the fourth century B.C.E., which corresponds to the period of Greek colonization at
Apollonia. Tumulus 10 is unique among the tumuli in the necropolis excavated to date in that it contains prehistoric burials from the Iron and Bronze ages and was therefore in use prior to the foundation of Apollonia. Pre-colonial interaction is supported for this site by the discovery in tumulus 9 of a Corinthian Type A transport amphora, which is dated to the third to last quarter of the seventh century B.C.E., also preceding the foundation of the colony. Corinthian influence upon the native Illyrians is clear through the presence of
Corinthian pottery among the grave goods as well as the use of monolithic limestone sarcophagi, a Corinthian custom (Amore 2005).
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CHAPTER 3
GREEK EXPANSION: MIGRATION AND COLONIZATION
Beginning before the ninth century B.C.E. and continuing until the rise of the
Roman Empire, Greek people expanded throughout the Mediterranean and along the
Black Sea. Greek expansion was a combination of both migration and colonization. Prior to 850 B.C.E. the movement of people was primarily migratory as the Greek mainland, principal Aegean islands, and the western seaboard of Asia Minor were settled. The second phase is the colonial movement, which began about 750 B.C.E. and continued until about 550 B.C.E. (Gwynn 1918; Hammond 1975). The final phase of Greek expansion involves the Macedonian kings and the Hellenization of the East, which was accomplished by Alexander (Gwynn 1918). Consideration of the colonial phase will dominate the discussion presented in this thesis. The motivations for colonization were different at the start and the end of this phase, and the differences between the early and later colonial stages are important to keep in mind.
The focus of this chapter is on the process of Greek colonization, particularly in the area to the north of Greece known in the Classical Age as Illyria. While many Greek city-states (poleis) participated in founding colonies throughout the Mediterranean and along the Black Sea, it was Corinth that founded the major colonies in the Adriatic and in
Illyria which will be discussed. The hypotheses most often proposed to explain cases of migration and/or colonization are examined as well as general features of early Greek city-states, the process of Greek colonization, and the motivational factors for establishing and maintaining colonies. This chapter provides the background for the relationship between mother-city and its colonists in preparation for an examination of the interaction between Greek colonists and the native Illyrians; the latter is the topic of chapter four.
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Hypotheses for the Cause of Migration:
Sorting Truth from Common Misconceptions
In archaeology there is a danger of applying modern assumptions and motivations when reconstructing past behavior. This is especially harmful when erroneous explanations are offered by earlier archeologists, and in the absence of opposition their explanations are accepted as fact. This is one of the primary challenges for those attempting to fully understand Greek migration and colonization. A few of the commonly accepted causes for the movement of people include environmental problems
(particularly silting), economic motivation, or desire to expand the Greek democratic or oligarchic realm (Demand 1990). Gwynn (1918) explored the ideas that religious missionary work or curiosity and adventure were possible causes for colonization, but makes a convincing argument that overpopulation was the primary cause of Greek colonization. Snodgrass (1994) takes the argument of overpopulation as the motivating factor one step further, suggesting that the colonization movement was less motivated by famine and more by a desire for land and the power that is inherently associated with owning it. A brief examination of these potential motivating factors assists in distinguishing the more likely explanations from the erroneous ones.
Prior to Alexander the Great, the end goal of Greek colonial expansion was not to incorporate new territory and people into a Greek empire. Although united by language and similar customs, there was no Greek empire; the largest political unit was the independent city-state (polis). Unlike more modern examples of colonization, the Greeks were not motivated to move in order to spread their political systems, culture, or religious beliefs (Gwynn 1918). Likewise, colonization was not inspired wholly by curiosity or a sense of adventure. Although historical evidence suggests that the Greeks were capable sailors they were quite conservative in their sailing expeditions, often staying within sight
14 of the coastline (Gwynn 1918; Kirby 2001). The most commonly proposed reason for expansion was to increase trade (Boardman 1999; Gwynn 1918) or to find markets for surplus goods (Kirby 2001). Trade was certainly important once Greek colonies were established, but it is questionable whether trade was the key motivating factor for establishing the first colonies. The earliest Greek colonies were more likely established to relieve stress on food resources from overpopulation (Gwynn 1918) as well as to satisfy a desire for land (Snodgrass 1994). While many of these factors may have played a part in the decision to send out a portion of the community in founding a colony abroad, it seems that colonial efforts were initially a response to the strife caused by overpopulation. Trade flourished after the establishment of colonies, prompting the foundation of additional colonies to secure important trade routes (Gwynn 1918).
Corinth and Her Colonial Expeditions
The polis (pl. poleis; a small independent state commonly called a city-state) of
Corinth was one of the first established in the mainland of Greece. Poleis developed as freemen of separate villages joined together in an agreement to become a united community. Any one polis was therefore more powerful than a family group or village, and this strength allowed for growth by either extending citizenship to other freemen and expanding their small state or taking control of weaker neighbors by force (Hammond
1975). According to Aristotle, “The polis came into existence for survival; it continues to exist for the good life” (Hammond 1975:14). The early Greeks had progressed to state level in terms of social complexity, but the difference between modern states was one of scale. Social complexity for early Greeks paused at the level of the polis without continuing on to consolidate the individual poleis, each with separate laws and traditions, into a larger nation. In Corinth, the original polis formed from the combination of eight
15 villages. The ruling members then chose to subjugate their neighbors in the process of expansion to incorporate perioeci (‘the neighbors’) as well as serfs (Hammond 1975).
Corinth is located at the crossroads of both land and sea, putting it in a very strategic location for commercial exploitation. Any traveler going between central Greece and the Peloponnese by land, or from the Gulf of Corinth on the west to the Saronic Gulf on the east by sea (see Figure 3-1), was met by the Corinthians. The seafarers especially benefited from cooperating with Corinth by not only reducing their travel time by passing through the narrow isthmus rather than rounding the entire Peloponnese, but also by gaining protection offered by the Corinthian navy. In exchange for these conveniences, the Corinthians collected tolls on the trade goods passing through. In addition to this source of income, Corinth collected revenue by putting her own goods into the market (Kirby 2001). From 700-550 B.C.E., Corinth produced some of the finest pottery of the western Greeks as well as exceptional bronze cauldrons (Hammond
1975). Through exploitation of the trade networks that Corinth intercepted, this polis achieved considerable wealth and importance. Additionally, Corinth built up its navy and confidence in sea voyaging, which would prove necessary as its growing population put pressure on her for both land and food (Kriby 2001)
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Figure 3-1: Map of the Greek isthmus and Corinth - Modern and Ancient Corinth as well as the two primary ports, rivers, and the isthmus that Corinth operated. Mainland
Greece and the Peloponnese are connected by the land bridge that the isthmus dissects
(Modified from Figure 4.11 in Crouch 2004:139).
Corinth is among the many poleis that were situated as sea-ports in Greece
(including Megara, Chalcis, Eretria, Phocaea, and Miletus; see Figure 3-2 below), which beginning in the eighth century experienced the pressure of a growing population. As sea-ports, these poleis were more circumscribed by natural barriers or powerful neighbors than other poleis which prevented expansion into nearby territory as a viable solution (Gwynn 1918). Also, the practice of land inheritance caused the land available for cultivation to become more and more fragmented and consequently less productive
(Gwynn 1918; Kriby 2001). Kirby (2001) notes that some of the first attempts to relieve this pressure can be observed in historical accounts that indicate modification of social behavior, such as delaying marriage and procreation, increased infanticide, and
17 increased sibling marriage as means of limiting the number of mouths that the available land would have to support. Behavioral modifications did not permanently relieve the need for agricultural land and the desire of Greeks to own land, therefore, the long term solution became colonization (Gwynn 1918; Kirby 2001; Snodgrass 1994).
After the inception of the polis in Corinth, a united aristocratic class called the
Bacchiadae rose to power. They responded to the need for land by investing some of
Corinth’s wealth in the establishment of colonies at Oeniadae, Corcyra, and Syracuse
(Hammond 1975). Unlike other colonies established at this time, Corinth strategically established her own colonies where there was not only good agricultural land but also sea-ports (Gwynn 1918). The Bacchiadae sent forth a large expedition to drive out the
Illyrian Liburnians and the Greek Eretrians (of Euboea) who inhabited Corcyra. That expedition succeeded in founding a Corinthian colony at Palaiopolis, Corcyra in 733
B.C.E. (Hammond 1982b; Wilkes 1995). Another part of that expedition went on to found the colony at Syracuse, Sicily. Establishment of these early colonies was an important step for advancing Corinth’s power and notoriety. Through use of their naval fleet, they proceeded to quell piracy in the Adriatic (Gwynn 1918; Hammond 1982b), which would clear the waters for further colonization and trade.
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Figure 3-2: Corinthian colonial expeditions - The first wave of colonization (solid arrows) in 733 B.C.E. involved an expedition sent to establish colonies at Syracuse,
Sicily and Palaiopolis, Corcyra. The second wave of colonization (dashed arrows) was a joint venture between Corinth and Corcyra and resulted in colonies being established at
Epidamnus in 625 B.C.E. followed by the foundation of the colony at Apollonia in about
600 B.C.E.. (Modified from Figure 17 in Boardman 1984:278)
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Foundation of Epidamnus and Apollonia in Illyria
The Bacchiadae class split in 657 B.C.E. and for the following 75 years Corinth was under the rule of a single person, known as a tyrant because one-man-rule was contrary to the oligarchic ideals associated with the birth of the polis (Hammond 1975).
Although unpopular, tyrants succeeded in establishing colonies and developing trade networks. After the foundation of the Corinthian colony on Corcyra, some of the
Liburnian inhabitants were displaced and returned to the Illyrian coast between the rivers
Shkumbi to the north and Aous to the south (see Figure 3-2), which had been settled by the Taulantians since the Liburnians had re-settled on Corcyra. The Taulantians called upon Corinth and her colony at Corcyra to assist them in combating the Liburnians in about 625 B.C.E., which resulted in a Greek victory and the founding of a Greek colony called Epidamnus. Although properly a colony of Corcyra, settlers were also sent from
Corinth and the aristocratic leader (oikist) selected from the Bacchiad family (Gwynn
1918). From Epidamnus, the Greeks then had control of the best passage across the lower Adriatic from the north, in addition to the best passage in the south. Epidamnus became a wealthy colony because the colonists there managed the trade by sea, and they also exploited the transport of goods into and out of Illyris (Hammond 1982b).
Around 600 B.C.E., during the Cypselid tyrannical rule, Corinth and Corcyra joined together again in the foundation of a colony near the Aous River. It was recorded that about 200 Corinthian settlers were sent to establish good relations with the Illyrians and to found a colony (Beaumont 1936; Hammond 1992; Wilkes 1995). The colony was originally called Gylakia, after the original Corinthian oikist named Gylax, but was renamed Apollonia around 588 B.C.E. (Gwynn 1918; Hammond 1982b). Malkin (1987) proposes that when the need arose to change the name of their polis from Gylakeia
(possibly because of the fall of tyranny in Corinth); the citizens consulted the oracle at
20
Delphoi to determine what name they should call their polis and find out who should now be oikist. The answer was to call the city Apollonia, and the oikist would therefore be the god Apollo. The recovery of different pottery types such as Corinthian subgeometric,
Protocorinthian, and seventh-century Attic pottery in tumulus burials suggest that Greek trade was already a feature for the Illyrians near Apollonia before the colony was founded (Amore 2005; Hammond 1982b). The phase of Greek colonization to which
Apollonia belongs was inspired by trade more than overpopulation, and the foundation of
Apollonia served to fortify the prosperous colony of Epidamnus and the Corinthian stronghold on Adriatic trade-routes (Gwynn 1918).
Relations between a Colony and the Mother-City
Colonization differs from relocation because while the whole population changes locations in an act of relocation, in colonization the mother-city is retained and only a small segment is moved to the new location (Demand 1990). The foundation of a Greek colony was not a gradual process of settlers trickling in and building up a new polis. It was a planned event, sanctioned by one or two city-states, and often sanctioned by an oracular pronouncement. The location of the colony was known prior to setting sail, and land at the colonial site was pre-divided amongst the selected colonists (Kirby 2001).
Colonists revoked citizenship of the mother-city in exchange for citizenship of the new colony (Gwynn 1918). Although a colony became a fully independent polis upon its foundation, there was a tendency for the colonists to try and re-create aspects of the mother-city and to feel a bond in tradition, religion, and kinship with their mother-city
(Graham 1983; Hammond 1975).
The connection between the colony and mother-city was facilitated by the appointment of an oikist, or aristocratic founder, who by Greek tradition retained
21 citizenship of the mother-city (Gwynn, 1918). The oikist served as the intermediary between the colony and the mother-city, reinforcing the bond between the two (Kirby
2001). It was the oikist who made decisions about the use of land including the placement of shrines and other sacred places, the times when ritual activities were performed, and what laws and traditions the colony would follow (Malkin 1987). In return for these duties, the oikist was given heroic honors after his death (Kirby 2001).
The relationship between Corinth and her colony at Corcyra is one of the most interesting cases in the study of colony and mother-city relationships. In the beginning, it seems that both Corinth and Corcyra cooperated in establishing colonies and expanding trade in the Adriatic. However, Corcyra’s naval power and influence in the Adriatic appears to have increased faster than did Corinth’s, which resulted in tension and hostility (Graham 1983). Corcyra and Corinth co-founded the colonies at Epidamnus and
Apollonia, and while evidence suggests that Corcyra was the dominant party in the foundation of these later colonies, Corinth still exerted her power by appointing a
Corinthian oikist, as seen at Epidamnus (Beaumont 1936; Graham 1983). Beaumont
(1952) suggests that Corinth ensured access to the colonies in Illyria by building a land route to Apollonia to maintain a close relationship with the colony without having to pass
Corcyra by sea. Apollonia therefore was closely connected to her mother-city, calling on
Corinth to protect its independence when Corcyra began to yield too much influence
(Beaumont 1936; Graham 1983). Apollonia also proved its loyalty to Corinth by sharing the spoils that resulted following Apollonia’s defeat of the Epirotic tribe at Thronium early in the fifth century B.C.E. (Beaumont 1936; Beaumont 1952; Hammond 1982b). Despite their quarrels, however, Corcyra paid the respect that was owed to its mother-city.
Overall, Corinth was able to boast about the good relations she maintained with her colonies. For example, the colony at Syracuse was founded in the eighth century and it turned to Corinth for help after falling on hard times four centuries later (Gwynn
22
1918). Corinthians and their colonists were also noted for maintaining good relations with the native people where colonies were established. The colonizing Greeks were not interested in incorporating the natives, but were interested in exploiting trade (Hammond
1975). Maintaining good relations with the native Illyrians in Epirus and Illyris encouraged both import and export trade in this region.
Overview of Greek Colonization in Illyria
The Illyrians were present in the region north of Greece prior to the foundation of the earliest Greek colonies in Illyria. Although there is evidence of the trade of Greek goods preceding the earliest colonies (Boardman 1999; Hammond 1982b), it was with the start of Greek colonization in the eighth century B.C.E. that the Greek and Illyrian worlds began to collide. The first Greek colonizers were not operating under a strict policy of subjugation or incorporation of the native peoples so as to expand their culture or to build an empire (Hammond 1975). When the first colonies were founded, the Greek polis was still a relatively new concept and each individual polis was independent, not part of any larger Greek nation. Each new colony was an independent polis, although there was a bond to and respect for its own mother-city (Gwynn 1918).
The earliest phase of Greek colonization was primarily motivated by the need for land due to overpopulation at home. Corinth was one of the earliest and most successful city-states at exploiting trade and in establishing colonies in the Adriatic. A phase of colonial expansion primarily guided by economic motivations followed the foundation of the initial colonies. Corinth and her colony on Corcyra fostered good relations with the native Illyrian people, which encouraged both the foundation of additional colonies along the Illyrian coast as well as trade. By the end of the fifth century B.C.E. Corinth controlled the safest and easiest passage across the Adriatic.
23
Despite the friction felt between Corinth and her very powerful colony at Corcyra,
Corinth maintained good relations with her colonies. As the colonies and the colonies of colonies (such as Epidamnus and Apollonia) became more prosperous and established on the landscape, their relationships with their mother-city (or cities) are known to have changed, and one of the goals of this thesis is to show that the relationship with the native Illyrians likewise changed.
24
CHAPTER 4
INTERACTION OF ILLYRIANS WITH GREEK COLONISTS
One of the primary goals of this thesis is to explore the potential for changing relationships between the Greek colonists and native Illyrians. The shift in this relationship can be difficult to sort out from an archaeological context, and it is likely not fully presented in the ancient historical record. Combining what has been reconstructed from archaeology about the Illyrian people with what has been interpreted from the ancient historical documents about Greek colonization in Illyria, we can begin to reconstruct how the Greek colonists and native Illyrians interacted with one another. It is from this combined viewpoint that a more complete picture of this interaction emerges.
Beginning with the earliest Greek perception of the Illyrians and progressing to the
Classical era of Greece when colonies were well established in Illyria, the evidence of a changing relationship between the Greek colonists and the native Illyrians is analyzed.
Early Greek Perceptions of the Illyrians
The Greeks did not have to venture far from their homeland before they met a people who they perceived as barbarians. The original term barbaros actually refers to a speaker of gibberish, but Hammond (1975) indicates that even a Greek speaker who lived at a tribal level of social development and not in a city-state (polis) was considered a barbarian. Prior to the foundation of colonies outside of the Greek mainland, merchants reported back to the Greeks about the people who lived to the north of them who were primitive, living in tribes, speaking a language few could understand, and consuming their food raw. Although as centuries of contact continued and more updated descriptions were likely available, this viewpoint of a primitive people, as recorded by
25
Thucydides, was favored even by later writers. It was not until the establishment of
Greek colonies in Illyria that Greek people overcame their hesitation to move into Illyrian territory (Wilkes 1995).
As noted in the previous chapter, however, the Corinthians were able to foster friendly relations with the Illyrians. The Illyrian’s perception of the Greeks is challenging to directly evaluate due to a lack of Illyrian historical documents, so their attitude towards the Greeks can only be ascertained through their actions as recorded by other historians and archaeological remains. Illyrian tribes invited Corinthians and Corcyreans to assist them in settling their disputes with other Illyrian tribes, which led to the foundation of the prominent Corinthian/Corcyrean colonies of Illyria. This good relationship not only allowed the Corinthians to establish and populate colonies in Illyria, but it was also noted as key for the prosperity of Corinthian trade.
Interaction through Trade
Much of Greece is lacking in natural resources, forcing trade to develop early; while some goods were moved by land, the preferred method of trade was by sea (Kirby
2001). The Greeks exported wine, olive oil, pottery, clothing, jewelry, weapons, and other luxury items (Hammond 1975; Kirby 2001). The primary imports from Illyria were metals (copper, tin, gold, and silver), timber, salt, fish, and medicinal herbs (Graham
1990; Kirby 2001). As a sea-faring people, the Greeks were especially in need of timber and bitumen, which was used as pitch for sealing their ships. At first the Greeks traded with the native populations using a barter system (Beaumont 1936), but by the end of the fourth century B.C.E. a money economy was developed and colonies would either mint their own coin or use the coin of their mother-city (Prifti 1986).
26
As mentioned in the pervious chapter, the Corinthian exploitation of trade was pivotal in the development of the Corinthian navy and wealth, both of which enhanced their colonial prowess (Hammond 1975). Although Corinthian goods were widely dispersed and were traded in pre-colonial days, it is believed that Corinthians were not among the earliest traders but it was some combination of other Greeks, the Etruscans, or the Phoenicians (Graham 1990). While not acting directly as ship merchants, the
Corinthians were adroit exploiters of trade with a keen eye for economic opportunity.
Once Corinthian colonies were established, the colonial settlers were quick to track down resources in their new backyard and to install systems with which to take advantage of every economic avenue. Gwynn (1918) discusses that there was evidence on the Adriatic and in Thrace of Greeks controlling mining operations manned by native
Illyrian tribes. To the southeast of Apollonia was a hill of fossilized pitch, or bitumen, which the settlers soon brought under their control. The excellent pastureland near
Apollonia was viewed by the Greek settlers as another available resource and they exploited this by levying taxes on the Illyrian nomadic pastoralists who brought their flocks there to graze (Hammond 1992; Wilkes 1995).
Greek colonies in Illyria tended to stay close to the coast, never pushing too far into the mainland. This was especially characteristic of Corinthian colonies because both import and export trade could be controlled and taxed from their coastal ports. While never penetrating far into the interior, when it proved opportunistic some colonies did extend their district along the coastline. This was true of the settlers of Apollonia who extended their territory and trade network south of the lower Aous River and along the
Aous River valley (Beaumont 1936; Hammond 1992).
Apollonia was built on a hill along the banks of the Aous River (the course of the river has since changed). Although it was about 6 miles from the Adriatic coast, the river was navigable from the site westward (Prifti 1986). Exploitation of the hinterland was
27 perhaps intensified at Apollonia because a sandbar near the entrance of the river made travel along the Aous River difficult enough to prevent Apollonia from becoming a regular port of call. The site where Apollonia was built was not easily defensible, which demanded good relations with the native people in order to ensure their continued presence (Hammond 1992). This information raises questions about how the Greek settlers were able to maintain the requisite good relations with the natives when they were exploiting their resources and labor while also absorbing their land and proceeding to tax them for using it.
Control of Land
The success of the Greeks for planting colonies along the coastline is sometimes attributed to their superior weapons and technology or to the lack of an Illyrian state which could organize to resist the Greeks (Hammond 1975). The complete picture of
Greek and Illyrian interaction is likely more complex, requiring more finesse to establish their control in the region while still maintaining friendly relations. What factors were in play before, during, and after the foundation of Greek colonies in Illyria?
Although present for some time before the arrival of the Greeks, it appears that some of the Illyrians were just moving southward into Illyria and Macedonia at the time that the first Greek colonies were established (Hammond 1982a). Additionally, the transhumant and tribal nature of the Illyrians did not seem to have involved ownership of land (Hammond 1982b). Greek colonists may not have immediately been perceived by the Illyrians as taking away their land because no particular tribe claimed prior ownership.
The influence of Illyrian tribes on the seaboard rotated and rivalries between certain Illyrian tribes had more precedent than hostility to the Greeks. As presented in
28 the previous chapter, when the Corinthians ousted the Liburnian tribe from Corcya in
733 B.C.E. it displaced the Liburnians to Illyris. This renewed tension between the
Liburnians and the Taulantians, who in turn sought the help of Corinth leading to the foundation of Epidamnus in 625 B.C.E., which was then fortified by the foundation of
Apollonia around 600 B.C.E. (Hammond 1992; Prifti 1986). The Corinthians and
Corcyreans were recruited by the Taulantians, and they cooperated in establishing these colonies. Initial cooperation with the Illyrians was then followed by exploitation and in some cases oppression (Hammond 1975).
The Corinthian colonies at Apollonia and Epidamnus were successful because they were able to maintain a good relationship with their Illyrian neighbors. Despite the ensuing exploitation, there were benefits for the Ilyrians to continue their cooperation with the colonists. The Greeks developed and managed an urban and capitalistic system which allowed the Greeks and Illyrians to coexist in a mutually beneficial manner (Coja
1990; Hammond 1975). Aside from the Liburnians, most Illyrian tribes were not dominant sea powers. The Greek establishment provided the framework for the Illyrians to expand their trade while still maintaining much of their land and customs. Archaeological evidence shows that the native tribes and Greek colonists throughout the Greek colonial sphere coexisted peacefully while continuing to live within their own social organizations
(Coja 1990).
Corinthian colonial efforts were primarily motivated by economic opportunity.
Friendly relationships were created with certain Illyrian tribes prior to the foundation of colonies in Illyria and were actually responsible for the founding of Epidamnus and
Apollonia. These good relationships were maintained so that even in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.E., the Illyrians were generally known as friends of Corinth (Beaumont
1936). The Illyrians may not have sensed that their land was being usurped because they were neither strongly attached to the land through long historical presence nor a
29 sense of ownership. The coastal property so desirable to the Corinthians was less important to the Illyrians than the pastures and territory in the hinterland. The earliest
Greek colonists did not immediately displace the native tribes in Illyria and Epirus and they did not try to Hellenize them, but they allowed their separate social organization and customs to continue unimpeded (Gwynn 1918). The mutual benefit of trade appears to have been the driving force for maintaining peaceful relations.
Life and Death
The privileged class of Apollonia is believed to have been the descendents of the original colonists who integrated the other colonists and native Illyrians into their successful economic system (Wilkes 1995). The quantity of Greek products found with native burials is a reflection of the level of commercial activity which gives insight into the relations between the natives and colonists (Coja 1990). For example, high quantiies of
Greek goods within Illyrian graves indicates a high level of trade and suggests favorable relations between the two parties. Despite being part of the same economic system, the customs of each population were maintained so that from the founding of the colony onward, separate Greek and Illyrian cemeteries were in use (Hammond 1982b). What is not revealed archaeologically, however, is the possible cultural borrowing and changes in the personal relationships between the Greek colonists and the native Illyrians.
It is possible that as early as the third century B.C.E., the typical character of a
Greek colony was either changed or lost at Epidamnus and Apollonia. This suggestion is supported by the evidence of a high proportion of influential Illyrians, many controlling high ranked positions. The freedom the Greeks allowed for the Illyrians to operate their own social, cultural, and political systems meant that powerful Illyrian kings were potential threats. Epidamnus was occupied by Illyrian kings of the Taulantii tribe twice
30 during the fourth century, the second of which simultaneously occupied Apollonia in 312
B.C.E. (Prifti 1986). It is speculated that this threat was acceptable to the Greeks to maintain the colony and continue to operate the successful economic system established at Apollonia.
Another potential source of admixture and changing relationships could be
Apollonia’s growth as a colony and extension of its territory. Later Greek colonists might have been incorporated into the colony after its foundation, but they were likely not offered citizenship. The first wave of colonists were granted a tract of land upon foundation of the colony. The descendents of the founding colonists therefore inherited the right to that land and the power associated with it (Gwynn 1918; Snodgrass 1994).
As Apollonia grew in power, it became advantageous to extend its territory southward beyond the Aous River valley (Beaumont 1936; Hammond 1992). This extension led to a greater number of unprivileged Greek colonists and native people being more immediately incorporated into the Apolloniate economy. A struggle to maintain power is often a concern when the number of unprivileged members of a population begins to significantly outnumber that of the privileged group (Beaumont 1936). The number of privileged citizens remained relatively fixed and the unprivileged colonists and native populations assumed a subservient role; this division may have brought the unprivileged class of Greek colonists and the native Illyrians closer together.
Although conscious of their own identity, the Greeks were noted for having an absence of prejudice toward those of a difference color or religion. Intermarriage between Greek colonists and members of the native populations sometimes occurred, and it may have been common in the more remote colonial regions (Gwynn 1918). As the unprivileged class of colonists grew through incorporation into the colonial system and a sense of amity developed, it is reasonable to presume that Greek and Illyrian intermarriages increased in frequency. Intermarriage would have increased the exposure
31 of each culture to the customs of the other and “the life of the Greek settlers must gradually have become merged in the life of the surrounding nations” (Gwynn 1918:109).
Through the analysis of strontium isotope ratios from the dental enamel of selected inhumations recovered from two Illyrian tumuli at Apollonia, it may be possible to differentiate individuals born locally from those not born locally potentially identifying
Greek colonists and native Illyrians. If Greek colonists are identified within the Illyrian tumuli, this would provide evidence for a closer relationship between the Greek colonists and the Illyrians and provide evidence that some Greek colonists adopted the Illyrian burial custom as opposed to burial in the Greek flat cemetery. This information can provide insight into the changing relationship of the Illyrians and the Greek colonists as reflected in their burial customs.
32
CHAPTER 5
STRONTIUM ISOTOPE STUDIES: BACKGROUND AND METHODOLOGY
Strontium (Sr) isotope studies have been employed in an archaeological context for several decades, and analysis of this as well as other chemical isotope compositions of bones and teeth have become routine for some archaeologists in the growing discipline of bioarchaeology (Larsen 1997). Bioarchaeology is an interdisciplinary field where scientific techniques from other fields of research (e.g., biology, geology, chemistry) can be applied to answer questions that interest physical anthropologists and archaeologists. Chemical bioarchaeology developed out of the techniques employed in isotope geochemistry and geochronology (Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003). The geochemical background concerning the use of strontium is introduced in this chapter.
Ericson (1985) was the first to present the potential uses of strontium analysis for reconstructing past behavior. Of the two primary applications, the first is based on the elemental concentration of strontium in biological remains, which should be a measure of the trophic position (location in the food chain) of the individuals analyzed. When strontium is incorporated into the bones and teeth from the diet, it is selected against in favor of calcium (Ca) so that the Sr /Ca concentration decreases as you go up the food chain. The second primary application is that strontium isotope ratios of bones and teeth reveal geological information, which can be used to reconstruct patterns of migration
(Price et al. 1994a).
This study focuses on the second of these applications where strontium isotope ratios are analyzed to determine if they can provide direct information for differentiating
‘locals’ and ‘non-locals’ from two of the tumuli burials at Apollonia (Albania). Strontium isotope ratios provide the potential to examine this information, which can be difficult to assess employing traditional archaeological methods. Artifact analysis is limited in that
33 the distribution of certain styles of ceramics, art, or architecture may be the result of trade of goods or ideas and not be a direct effect of migration or invasion. Similarly, traditional physical anthropological methods aimed at directly analyzing human remains to assess the diversity of a population can be inconclusive due to morphological patterns caused by environmental influences (Price et al. 1994a; Price et al. 2004). Analysis of strontium isotope ratios, however, provides a quantifiable means of distinguishing ‘local’ and ‘non-local’ individuals in a burial population. In light of this additional information, archaeological data may reveal patterns which the bioarchaeologist can then use to support inferences about the relationships of ancient people.
The theoretical background for how strontium isotope ratios can be used to reconstruct patterns of migration begins the discussion in this chapter. A brief history of how this technique has been applied over the past few decades reveals the problems that were identified and the subsequent refinement of the methodology. This refinement has largely been the result of researchers addressing complications caused by post- mortem (diagenetic) changes in the biological tissues commonly sampled in this type of analysis. Finally, the methods of strontium analysis performed in this thesis are presented in detail.
Strontium Geochemistry
Strontium isotopes have been well studied as they are routinely used by geologists to study the origin and age of rocks (Faure and Powell 1972). There are four
88 87 86 84 naturally occurring stable isotopes of strontium ( 38 Sr, 38 Sr, 38 Sr, and 38 Sr), with natural isotopic abundances that are approximately 82.53 percent, 7.04 percent, 9.87 percent, and 0.56 percent, respectively (Faure 1986; Faure and Mensing 2005). In strontium
34 stable isotope studies, the ratio of 87Sr/86Sr is most often reported because of the small difference in isotopic number and the similarity in natural abundance.
Rubidium (Rb) occurs naturally in many rocks and minerals and the one radioactive isotope of Rb, 87Rb (half life of about 4.7 x 1010 years), decays to a stable isotope of strontium (87Sr), which is then also present in the rock formations (Faure and
Powell 1972). Rocks with more original Rb content contain more 87Sr than rocks that initially contained less Rb. Due to the variety of rock types and the different ages of rocks around the world, the isotopic composition of Sr changes and the ratio of 87Sr/86Sr can act as a geological signature (Ericson 1985; Faure 1986). Rock formations that are very old (>100 million years old) and originally had a very high Rb/Sr ratio will have a very high 87Sr/86Sr ratio while rocks that are not as old (< 1-10 million years old) and which had a low original Rb/Sr ratio will have a low 87Sr/86Sr ratio. Ratios of 87Sr/86Sr generally vary from between 0.70000 and 0.75000 across this spectrum (Price et al.
2002). Strontium isotope ratios are reported to the fifth decimal place, and variations in even the fifth place can be meaningful to a geochemist. For an archaeologist, the modern values of 87Sr/86Sr are considered to be constant because the scale of time is much smaller for archaeological than for geological considerations (Sealy et al. 1995).
Light isotopes, often analyzed for paleodietary reconstruction, including carbon, nitrogen, and oxygen, are subject to a process called fractionation. This occurs when there is a large difference in the mass of the isotopes of these elements and results in the isotope ratios becoming measurably changed due to fluctuations in temperature or other biological factors (Faure 1986). Strontium, however, is a heavy isotope with a very small mass difference between the two isotopes in question so that the strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) is not subject to significant fractionation (Bentley and Knipper 2005; Blum et al. 2000; Graustein 1989; Hurst and Davis 1981). Even if there was some amount of strontium mass-dependent fractionation as it passed through the food web, it would be
35 corrected when analyzed by the mass spectrometer upon normalization to the constant value of 86Sr/88Sr in natural rocks within the instrument (Beard and Johnson 2000;
Rehkämper et al. 2004)
Strontium is an alkaline earth element found in group 2A on the periodic table, which also includes beryllium, magnesium, calcium, barium, and radium. Strontium (as well as barium) is a non-nutrient trace element that is capable of substituting for calcium and being incorporated into the mineral component (hydroxyapatite) of teeth and bones as they are formed (Blum et al. 2000; Burton et al. 2003; Capo et al. 1998; Faure 1986).
Rainwater runs off of the local geological rock formations and into the soil transporting strontium that has the 87Sr/86Sr ratio matching the local geology. Animals (including humans) then drink the groundwater or ingest local plants and animals which have picked up the local strontium signature in their diets and this intake provides the strontium which is incorporated into bones and teeth. Because the strontium isotope ratio is not subject to fractionation, the strontium obtained through dietary intake reflects the local geology where an individual lived at the time when their bones and teeth were formed (Blum et al. 2000).
Ericson (1985) proposed that strontium isotope studies would be able to trace the life history of ancient people by testing different tooth and skeletal elements of the same individual, which are formed at different phases of life. The theory is that teeth are formed in the earliest years of life, and once formed they are not remodeled. Bone, on the other hand, is reshaped and remodeled throughout life (White 2000) and chemical analysis of bone represents the last six to ten years of life. Additionally, different types of bone remodel and turn over completely at different rates so that compact bone (such as the shaft of the femur) remodels every seven to ten years while cancellous or spongy bone (such as the ribs) turns over in a fewer number of years. Therefore 87Sr/86Sr analysis of different tissues of the same individual could be compared and if they differed
36 significantly then it is likely that the individual analyzed changed their residence (or place from where they obtained their food and water) during the course of their life. Sealy et al.
(1995) put this to the test using many different tissue types from the same individual, while many other studies were conducted comparing compact bone with tooth enamel from the same individual (e.g., Ezzo et al. 1997; Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al. 1994a;
Price et al. 1994b; Price et al. 2001; Price et al. 2004). The technique of comparing different components of the same person to reconstruct an individual’s migration history initially generated excitement because when the data was analyzed as a population it appeared that large portions of the study samples were migrants. Horn and Müller-
Sohnius (1999) contended that this method of multi-element comparison within an individual (specifically as employed by Grupe et al. 1997) did not take into consideration the effect of diagenesis on bone, which they suggested presented erroneous results.
Diagenesis is the first of the primary problems associated with strontium isotope analysis studies. Other problems include how to establish the geological variety of
87Sr/86Sr ratios and how to interpret the results in light of the range of variation observed between individuals in a burial population (Ericson 1989; Price et al. 2002). Bone is a complicated tissue in that it is constantly changing in vivo but is also capable of changing in morphological form and chemical composition post mortem. Nelson et al. (1986) demonstrated that archaeological bone takes on the chemical signature of the soil in which it is buried. In addition to chemical changes due to mineral exchange by groundwater, the soil type as well as the microbial environment cause morphological changes to the bone (Child 1995; Grupe et al. 1993). It is now understood that diagenesis is inevitable for archaeological bone (Schoeninger et al. 1989).
Methods were developed to remove diagenetic Sr from the surface of bones prior to analysis. Price and his colleagues (e.g., Bentley and Knipper 2005; Bentley et al.
2004; Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al. 1994a; Price et al. 1994b; Price et al. 2001; Price et
37 al. 2004) used a method of surface cleaning followed by an overnight soak in one normal
(1N) acetic acid, which was believed to remove the diagenetic material and preserve the biogenic component. Sillen and LeGeros (1991) as well as Sealy et al. (1995) employed a method they refer to as ‘solubility profiling’ where washes in acetic acid are repeated and each round of washes is analyzed to separate the diagenetic contaminants from washes believed to represent uncontaminated biogenic material (Katzenberg 2000).
Sillen and Sealy (1995) showed that the solubility profile method did not result in recrystallization of bone mineral, which would result in a mixing of diagenetic Sr added to the bone surface and biogenic Sr. To Sillen and Sealy (1995) the solubility profile method appeared to be superior because they believed that diagenetic Sr only added to the surface of bone. However, other researchers showed that while solubility profiling did remove some contaminants from bone and tooth dentin, these tissues were never fully free of contamination and the most reliable tissue for strontium analysis was tooth enamel (Hoppe et al. 2003; Trickett et al. 2003).
Hoppe et al. (2003) and Trickett et al. (2003) also showed that diagenetic contamination was not just additive, but involved partial exchange with the original biogenic material. Groundwater percolating through buried remains will cause a variable degree of digenesis according to the pore size and structure of the biological tissue present (Hedges and Millard 1995). Bone is a relatively porous material with tiny hydroxyapatite crystals while tooth enamel is not porous and is composed of larger crystals, making dental enamel much more resistant to diagenesis (Ambrose and
Krigbaum 2003; Ericson 1989; Hoppe et al. 2003; Koch et al. 1997). Budd et al. (2000) suggested that in vivo strontium isotope ratios are approximately the same for dental enamel and the underlying dental tissue, dentin. Due to the increased organic content of dentin and in vivo blood supply to this tissue (which increases the surface area subject to diagenesis) dentin does not retain the same 87Sr/86Sr ratio as dental enamel post
38 mortem. While dentin is less reliable than enamel as an indicator of the biogenic
87Sr/86Sr ratio, it has been shown to be more resistant to diagenesis than bone (Budd et al. 2000; Hillson 2005; Kohn et al. 1999; Trickett et al. 2003). More recent studies have begun to eliminate examination of bone tissue or dentin in favor of dental enamel, which is then compared to the local signature to distinguish non-locals (e.g., Bentley and
Knipper 2005; Bentley et al. 2005; Bentley et al. 2007; Budd et al. 2000; Budd et al.
2003; Budd et al. 2004).
It is clear that dental enamel is the most reliable tissue available for 87Sr/86Sr analysis, but without having bones of the same individual with which to compare the enamel isotope ratios, it is necessary to establish the local geochemical signature.
Where local geology is relatively uniform it is evident that the local geologic 87Sr/86Sr ratios are directly reflected in the soil and through the food chain (Blum et al. 2000).
Where the geology is more diverse, however, soil 87Sr/86Sr ratios have been found to be more variable and data from geologic surveys or limited soil tests may not represent the range of variation that is displayed in the human or animal remains analyzed (Price et al.
2002). Some have suggested that surface waters may provide an average signature
(Chiaradia et al. 2003), but contamination from pollution and fertilizer run-off at many locations makes this method less desirable (Martin and McCulloch 1999). Additionally, analyzing the isotopic composition of Sr in surface water requires a consideration of the complexity of the local geology and drainage system (Faure and Mensing 2005). Capo et al. (1998) suggested that leaching soil from a number of sites in the area of question with weak acid would provide a better indication of the bioavailable strontium. Other researchers, however, suggest that a better proxy for bioavailable strontium is to analyze tooth enamel of fossil and modern animals known to have been born and raised locally or using snail shells which are known to have a limited range and would represent an average value of the strontium available in that area (Bentley et al. 2004; Price et al.
39
2002). Once the local geochemistry is established then extreme outliers from the local range are easy to differentiate as non-local individuals. The topic of how to interpret the results is discussed in further detail in chapter seven.
In light of these more recent studies, the methods employed in this thesis depend upon the 87Sr/86Sr ratio analysis of tooth enamel. The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of a sample of tooth dentin from the same individuals was also analyzed as a proxy for bone (Budd et al.
2000) to establish the local geochemical base line. Modern snail shells were collected and the 87Sr/86Sr ratio analyzed as another indicator of bioavailable Sr near Apollonia.
Tooth enamel, tooth dentin, and snail shells were all prepared for 87Sr/86Sr ratio analysis using the same methods, which are presented in detail below.
Methods and Materials
Samples and Sample Preparation
The burial population of tumuli 9 and 10 from the necropolis at Apollonia were sampled for this analysis. From the recent excavations of these tumuli, 79 total individuals were uncovered in tumulus 9 and about 80 individuals were uncovered in tumulus 10. In tumulus 9 the number of children buried (n=39) is nearly equal to the number of adults present (n=37) with the addition of two juvenile/sub-adults. Sex determination for the 37 adults in tumulus 9 is limited by skeletal preservation, but it appears that the number of males and females is also quite equal (9 certain females, 4 probable females vs. 6 certain males, 7 probable males; 11 adults were given no sex assignment). Tumulus 10 revealed a disproportionate number of children (n=17) from adults (n=63); details concerning sex assignments are not yet available (Amore 2005;
Amore et al. 2006).
40
Teeth from 29 burials sampled from tumulus 9 and tumulus 10 were prepared and analyzed for Sr-isotope ratio and concentration analyses. The first permanent molar was selected for every individual (except one where the second permanent molar was substituted) because it starts forming in utero and continues to form through childhood until construction is complete somewhere between the age of nine and twelve years
(Hillson 2005). Crown formation was complete in all tooth samples, but many of the teeth from this burial population display heavy attrition, calculus, and caries. The portion of enamel submitted for analysis was carefully cleaned of calculus and selected to recover a suitable amount of enamel away from sites of heavy attrition and sites of caries while preserving as much of the remaining tooth as possible. In the cases where dentin was also collected from a tooth a quarter section of the crown was removed and the enamel and dentin samples were subsequently separated from one another.
Prior to any cutting of the tooth, the surface around the desired enamel was abraded to clean away adhering dirt or calculus using a tungsten carbide dental bur. A diamond impregnated cutting disc was then used to cut the enamel section from the crown. All adhering dentin was then cut or burred away and larger portions of dentin were collected for separate analysis and all powder was discarded. Once the enamel appeared clean of dentin, all surfaces of the enamel sample were once again abraded.
The sample was weighed to ensure that between 10-50 mg of cleaned enamel for each sample was collected prior to additional cleansing steps. The enamel sample was then cleaned ultrasonically in high purity water (Millipore Alpha Q = MilliQ water) for approximately ten minutes. The waste water was removed by pipette and the sample was rinsed twice more in MilliQ water before being placed in a labeled Eppendorf® vial.
To prevent contamination, cutting wheels and burs were ultrasonically cleaned in MilliQ water for ten minutes and then dipped in 2M nitric acid (HNO3) and rinsed again in MilliQ water between uses in cutting samples from different individuals.
41
Modern snail shells were collected around the site of Apollonia for analysis.
Whole shells were placed in beakers and ultrasonically washed for 15 minutes with
MilliQ water, the water was changed and the shells were washed an additional hour after which that water was discarded and the shells were washed for 15 minutes in acetone.
After discarding the acetone the shells were broken into small pieces and ultrasonically washed in MilliQ water another five minutes to ensure that all surface material was removed. The shell pieces of each snail were then transferred to separate clean 2 mL
Eppendorf® vials. To each of these vials 1.5 mL of 1.5% NaOCl was added and the vials were then mixed by a rotator overnight. This solution was decanted the next day and replaced with a stronger oxidizing agent (1.5 mL of 2.5% NaOCl), which was left to rotate for several days. The NaOCl was removed with a pipette, rinsed twice with MilliQ water, and then transferred to the clean laboratory.
Clean Laboratory Sample Preparation
The cut and cleaned enamel samples were transferred to a clean (class 100, laminar flow) laboratory for the next phase of preparation. Once in the clean lab the samples were rinsed three times with MilliQ water, removing the waste water by pipette each time. After the samples dried down under a flow of air in a clean lab working space, the samples were divided into four batches. The samples from each batch were then weighed separately into pre-cleaned (acid leached) Teflon or Savillex® beakers.
Included with each batch of samples was a beaker that had a weighed amount of powdered cattle tooth enamel (FBC standard) added to it as a control for the 87Sr/86Sr ratio analysis for each batch submitted. Another control beaker (containing no sample or cattle tooth standard referred as the ‘blank beaker control’) was also included in each
42 batch at this step to ensure that the beakers were devoid of contamination which might have jeopardized the results.
Into all beakers (containing sample, standard, or the black beaker control)1 mL of
65% (14.3M) Suprapur HNO3 was added, the beakers were capped and then staggered along a hot plate and heated to and held at 120°C. After several hours the enamel or dentin sample had been fully digested by the acid, at which point the lids were carefully removed to accelerate evaporation to dryness, which took several more hours. During this process the beakers were routinely shifted from the front to the back of the hot plate to ensure even heating and rotated 180° to reduce the build up of condensation on one side caused by the unilateral direction of air flow. Once evaporation was complete the beakers were removed from heat and 1 mL of 3M HNO3 was added drop wise around the inside edges of each beaker to dissolve the now digested sample. Each sample, now in 3M HNO3, was then transferred from the beaker to labeled Eppendorf® vials. The sample in solution contained the mineral part of the tooth, the organic matrix having been disrupted through the digestion process.
The next phase involved separation of Sr from the mineral components of the sample solution. Separation is possible using ion exchange column chromatography
(see description below). The plastic columns (BioRad Poly-Prep®) used were first collected from a 6M hydrochloric acid (HCl) cleaning bath and rinsed repeatedly with
MilliQ water before being set in the rack. One column for each of the samples collected in the previous step (including the standard and the blank beaker control) in addition to one extra column to serve as a control was required for each batch. Each column was equipped with a porous frit near the bottom and to ensure the frit was rinsed of HCl the columns were filled twice with MilliQ water and the waste water was collected in a tray below. A 0.5 cm bed of Eichrom® Sr spec resin (suspended in MilliQ water) was added to each of the rinsed columns so that the resin settled in an even layer on top of the
43 column frit. The resin was then rinsed twice by carefully loading 2 mL of MilliQ water with an Eppendorf pipette to each column so as to not excessively disturb the resin layer.
The resin of each column was then conditioned with 3 mL of 3M HNO3 before loading the 1 mL sample solution which was also in 3M HNO3 to its corresponding column. The control column in this step was loaded with 3 mL of 3M HNO3.
Ion exchange chromatography is based on the principal that different chemicals and elements can be separated by their net charge. The resin in the column attracts and binds to the charged strontium (Sr+2) and allows the other elements in the original sample solution to pass through the frit and be collected into the vials below. The eluted sample was loaded onto the column three additional times to ensure that the resin picked up the majority of the Sr in the sample. After the fourth time that the sample solution was passed through the column then three washes of 400 µL of HNO3 were added to each column to rinse the Sr-loaded resin and these washes were collected as waste. Empty labeled 2 mL Eppendorf® vials were then placed below each column and
1.5 mL of MilliQ water was passed through each column. The addition of water changed the binding quality of the resin so that the Sr was released and eluted in this wash. The samples were then transferred from the vials to clean Teflon or Savillex® beakers, staggered on a hot plate, and heated to and held at about 100°C until the solution was completely evaporated. Once fully evaporated the collected Sr was represented by a small yellow dot at the bottom of the beaker. The final step in this portion of the preparation was to dissolve the dot of Sr in 1 mL of 3% HNO3 and transfer this solution to a clean and labeled Eppendorf® vial.
44
Sr-Isotope and Concentration Analysis
The Sr-isotope and concentrations were determined on a Neptune Multicollector
Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometer (MC-ICP-MS) at the Max Planck
Institute in Leipzig, Germany. All Sr ratios have been corrected to an accepted value according to the deviation of the average values from the standard in each batch run from the known 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.710240. Fourteen measurements of the MES standard (adopted 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.710240) during the analysis on the MC-ICP-MS produced an average value of 0.710257 ± 0.0002 (2 σ). The samples were diluted prior to being loaded into the mass spectrometer. The Sr concentration was calculated based on the original mass of the digested sample and the concentration of Sr measured in the total sample collected off of the column and corrected for the dilution factor of 0.625. The
Sr concentration for each sample was also adjusted according to its deviation from an international value of 156 parts per million (ppm) and the value generated for the FBC cattle standard for each batch. The adjustment was performed by dividing the Sr concentration reported for the FBC cattle tooth in each batch by the 156 ppm value and then dividing the reported value for each sample by the FBC standard/156 value. This correction allows for comparison of values among separate batch runs and for comparison with other studies. The corrected results are presented in Table 6-1 in the results section.
45
CHAPTER 6
RESULTS
Local geochemistry for the site of Apollonia was established by analyzing the strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) of modern snail shells as well as dentin from a selection of the individuals sampled in this study. The modern snails (n=2; duplicate analysis for snail 1) were selected according to the suggestion of Price et al. (2002) and
Bentley et al. (2004) to use either a variety of local animal bones or snail shells to establish local levels of bioavailable strontium. Dentin (n= 7; duplicate analysis for individual 15) was used by Budd et al. (2000) as a proxy for bone to determine local
87Sr/86Sr, because dentin is more prone to the effects of diagenesis than enamel. The enamel samples (n=29; duplicate analyses for individuals 9, 10, 11 from tumuli 9) are resistant to diagenetic change and significant differences in enamel are the basis for distinguishing locals and non-locals. Both 87Sr/86Sr ratios and strontium concentration values were assessed for all samples and these corrected values are presented in Table
6-1.
Figure 6-1 is a visual representation of the 87Sr/86Sr data collected for each individual sampled (29 separate human samples and 2 separate snail samples).
Duplicate analyses are presented in this figure, for example individuals 9 has two square markers representing duplicate data for enamel 87Sr/86Sr data and one diamond marker representing the dentin 87Sr/86Sr from this individual. Individual 15 has two diamond markers representing duplicate 87Sr/86Sr analysis of the dentin tissue, which overlaps the square marker for the enamel 87Sr/86Sr value. The shell of snail 1 (individual 30 in Table
6-1 or Figure 6-1) was sampled twice using different portions of the shell (inner and outer coil). These duplicate analyses were used to test for variability through micro- sampling within different tissue types (Balasse 2003; Schweissing and Grupe 2003).
46
The strontium concentration data is plotted against the 87Sr/86Sr ratios for the different tissue types in Figure 6-2. This chart provides additional information about variability between and within different tissue types sampled. Comparison of Figure 6-2 with the corrected raw data in Table 6-1 is useful for analyzing this variation, which might indicate which tissues were most affected by diagenesis. Budd et al. (2000) suggested that Sr levels and 87Sr/86Sr ratios are similar for enamel and dentin in vivo, so extreme differences between these values would suggest the degree of diagenetic alteration in the dentin tissue. Comparison of the strontium concentration data and the 87Sr/86Sr ratios for the enamel could also be useful for indicating differences in dietary behaviors.
Strontium concentration is useful as a trophic indicator and therefore individuals eating more meat will have lower Sr concentrations than those eating more vegetation (Price et al. 1994a).
Three individuals sampled (individuals 17, 19, and 22) show distinctly higher
87Sr/86Sr ratios (>0.709800) than the predominant cluster around the average 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.78800 (Figure 6-1; Figure 6-2). The three outlying individuals fall well outside of the two standard deviation margins, which bracket the majority of samples in this analysis. Two standard deviations from the average of a sample set conservatively includes the majority of the ‘local’ population, so that individuals falling well outside of this margin are identifiable as ‘non-locals’. Analysis of this data involves identifying the potential limitations in what can be inferred from strontium isotope ratio data in the process of reconstructing patterns of migration. The results are analyzed in chapter seven to determine the significance of the three outliers especially in light of the details about age at death, sex, chronological period to which they belonged, and basic mortuary details (Table 6-2).
47
Table 6-1: 87Sr/86Sr ratios and strontium concentrations of human tooth enamel, dentin, and modern snail shell samples collected at Apollonia - Human tooth samples come from tumuli 9 and 10 and the snail shells are modern and were collected near the site. The individual numbers correspond to the individuals listed in Figure 6-1.
Duplicate analyses presented where applicable (individuals 9, 10, 11, and 15 as well as
30). Highlighted 87Sr/86Sr ratios indicate the outliers. L-Left, R-Right, M-Molar, subscript numbers indicate first or second mandibular molars while superscript numbers indicate the first or second maxillary molars. Ex. LM1 = Left maxillary first molar.
Sr Sr 87Sr/86Sr Concentration 87Sr/86Sr Concentration Individual Grave of Tooth of Tooth of Tooth of Tooth Dentin # # Tooth Enamel Enamel (ppm) Dentin (ppm)
Apollonia Tumulus 9 1 5 LM1 0.708901 198 - -
2 9 LM2 0.708955 140 - - 3 19 LM1 0.708853 86 - -
4 26 RM1 0.708942 133 - - 5 26 LM1 0.708893 120 - - 6 29 LM1 0.708613 37 - -
7 34 RM1 0.708772 68 - -
8 36 LM1 0.708732 88 - - 0.708909 108 9 39 LM1 0.708918 115 0.708860 106 0.708885 133
10 45 LM1 0.708904 102 0.708834 278 0.708995 81
11 46 LM1 0.708972 89 0.708974 89
12 55 RM1 0.708928 103 - -
13 57 LM1 0.708879 89 0.708764 107
48
Table 6-1: (continued)
Sr Sr 87Sr/86Sr Concentration 87Sr/86Sr Concentration Individual Grave of Tooth of Tooth of Tooth of Tooth Dentin # # Tooth Enamel Enamel (ppm) Dentin (ppm)
Apollonia Tumulus 10 14 9 LM1 0.708946 107 0.70892 152 0.708877 43 15 10 RM1 0.708870 58 0.708854 36
16 22 LM1 0.708878 97 0.708782 107
17 38 RM1 0.710063 53 - - 18 39 RM1 0.708921 57 - - 19 40 RM1 0.710250 66 - -
20 46 RM1 0.708534 48 - - 21 50 LM1 0.708921 73 - - 22 59 LM1 0.709799 122 - - 23 60 RM1 0.708926 71 - - 24 61 LM1 0.708699 129 - -
25 62 LM1 0.708958 46 - -
26 63 LM1 0.708921 89 - -
27 71 RM1 0.708849 89 - - 28 75 LM1 0.708695 76 - -
29 41 LM1 0.709038 82 - - Sr 87Sr/86Sr Concentration Individual of Snail of Snail Shell # Snail # Element Shell (ppm)
Modern Snail Shell Outer Coil 0.708692 319 30 Snail 1 Inner Coil 0.708669 437 31 Snail 2 Inner Coil 0.708441 331
49
0.710400
0.710200
0.710000
0.709800 Sr) 86
Sr/ 0.709600
87 Enamel
0.709400 Dentin
Modern Snail Shell 0.709200
0.709000
Strontium Isotope Ratio ( 2 SD 0.708800
0.708600
0.708400
0.708200 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 Individual Sampled
Figure 6-1: Distribution of 87Sr/86Sr ratio values divided by tissue type for each individual sampled - Enamel and dentin samples from the same individual are plotted in line with one another as are duplicate analyses for the same tissue type. The average from the range of values is displayed as the solid black line, while the dashed lines mark off the two standard deviation limits.
50
0.710400
0.710200
0.710000
0.709800 Sr) 86
Sr/ 0.709600
87 Enamel
0.709400 Dentin
Modern Snail Shell 0.709200
0.709000
Strontium Isotope Ratio ( 2 SD 0.708800
0.708600
0.708400
0.708200 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 500 Sr Concentration (ppm)
Figure 6-2: 87Sr/86Sr and strontium concentration comparison for dental enamel, dentin, and modern snail shell analyzed - The average from the range of values is displayed as the solid black line, while the dashed lines mark off the two standard deviation limits.
51
Table 6-2: Archaeological burial details for samples collected at Apollonia - Details about individuals sampled including age, sex, chronological assignment, burial type, and grave good presence. Highlighted rows indicate the outliers. Sex: M-Male, F-Female, U-
Unsexed, ?-Uncertainty. Age (at death): Child (<15 years old); Adult (>20 years old).
Individual # Grave # Age Sex Period Grave Type Grave Goods Y/N
Apollonia Tumulus 9 1 5 Adult F Classical Enchytrismos Y 2 9 Adult M Late Classical Mud-brick Y 3 19 Child U Late Classical Mud-brick Y 4 26 Adult M? Hellenistic Brick Y 5 26 Adult M Hellenistic Brick Y 6 29 Adult M Classical Simple Pit Y 7 34 Child U Archaic Enchytrismos Y 8 36 Adult M? Hellenistic Simple Pit Y 9 39 Adult U Late Classical Mud-brick Y 10 45 Adult F? Archaic Simple Pit Y 11 46 Adult F Classical Sarcophagus Y 12 55 Adult F? Archaic Sarcophagus Y 13 57 Adult F Classical Simple Pit Y
Apollonia Tumulus 10 14 9 Adult M Classical - Y 15 10 Adult M Classical - N 16 22 Adult F Classical Tile - 17 38 Adult U Prehistoric - - 18 39 Child U Prehistoric - Y 19 40 Adult M Prehistoric - N 20 46 Adult U Prehistoric - - 21 50 Adult M Prehistoric - Y 22 59 Adult U Classical - - 23 60 Adult M Prehistoric Simple Pit - 24 61 Adult U Classical - - 25 62 Adult U Prehistoric Simple Pit - 26 63 Adult U Prehistoric Simple Pit - 27 71 Adult U Prehistoric Simple Pit - 28 75 Adult U Prehistoric Simple Pit - 29 41 Adult U - - -
52
CHAPTER 7
DISCUSSION
While strontium isotope ratio analysis has the advantage of providing discrete quantitative data for answering archaeological questions, there are a number of limitations to what can be inferred from the results. The limitations are presented here, as well as a brief review of the methods of analysis which are commonly employed in strontium isotope ratio studies. The possible interpretations of the results presented in chapter six are then discussed. The results are interpreted to show how they either support or oppose the hypothesis proposed for this thesis; as the colony at Apollonia grew in power and expanded its realm of influence the relationship of native Illyrians and
Greek colonists changed so that the Greeks began to adopt Illyrian customs including placement in Illyrian tumuli. General patterns from the mortuary analysis are likewise examined.
Limitations to 87Sr/86Sr Ratio Studies
Initial migration studies analyzed 87Sr/86Sr ratios in tooth enamel and skeletal elements with different rates of turn-over to construct a more complete picture of mobility for a single individual (e.g., Price et al. 1994a; Price et al. 1994b; Sealy et al. 1995). The method of multi-element comparison of the same individual has since been discredited due to the inevitability of diagenesis for archaeological bone (Nelson et al. 1986;
Schoeninger et al. 1989). Further, diagenesis cannot be completely overcome for bone and dentin tissues by the methods devised to remove diagenetic strontium (Trickett et al.
2003). As dental enamel is the most resistant tissue to diagenetic change, 87Sr/86Sr ratio studies have become limited to the use of this tissue exclusively. While an individual
53 may have migrated to a new location multiple times during their life, it is only possible to determine if an individual spent their childhood (the period of time when the tooth analyzed was forming) at a location with a distinctly different 87Sr/86Sr ratio signature than the area where they were buried. The ‘non-local’ identified in this way may also have been raised nearby, but visited other areas or obtained much of their food and drink during their childhood from a distinctly different geochemical region making ‘non- local’ a more appropriate term than ‘migrant’ (Bentley et al. 2003a; Bentley et al. 2004).
For this method to work there must be a significant difference between the
87Sr/86Sr ratio at the local site and the site from which the ‘non-locals’ migrated (Ericson
1985). This may pose a problem in this study because of the proximity to the coast shared by Corinth, Corcyra, and Apollonia. Sea water throughout the Holocene has been assessed to have a nearly worldwide constant 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.70915 (Bentley et al.
2007; Ericson 1985; Faure and Powell 1972; Hoppe et al. 2003; Price et al. 1994). Due to the shared proximity to the coast, the geochemical 87Sr/86Sr signatures may be too similar for a colonist from either Corinth or Corcyra and the local signature at Apollonia so that ‘non-locals’ may be indistinguishable from ‘locals’.
Another one of the general limitations for strontium isotope studies is that it is only possible to identify first generation migrants to a site (Price et al. 2004). The
87Sr/86Sr ratio in the tooth enamel of children born to newly arrived migrants in the new place of residence is the same (with natural variation occurring from slightly different dietary sources) as the local native population. The Greek colonists that founded the colony at Apollonia around the sixth century B.C.E. may show a distinctly different
87Sr/86Sr ratio than the local Illyrians, but after the founding colonists settled and had children, the Greek and Illyrian 87Sr/86Sr signatures would be the same.
54
Analysis of the Results from Apollonia
Prior to analyzing the results, it is useful to reconsider some of the primary topics presented in earlier chapters that are pertinent to the central hypothesis of this thesis. In earlier chapters, it was established that the Illyrians occupied the site of Apollonia prior to strong Greek influence. Corinth was identified as a major colonizing power, and the
Corinthian colony of Apollonia, Illyria was known to be economically successful.
Evidence was presented above to support the existence of good relations between the
Illyrians and the Greek colonists at Apollonia. While there may have been colonists that trickled in after the colony was founded, it was the initial founding families and their descendents that controlled the land and the inherent power of owning land in the Greek polis at Apollonia. It is therefore possible to envision two classes of Greek colonists: 1) the “privileged” founding colonists and their descendents, and 2) the “unprivileged” later colonists who did not own land. As Apollonia expanded its territory and realm of influence southward along the Adriatic coast, more “unprivileged” Greek colonists and native Illyrians were incorporated into the economic system of the colony. An imbalance in the number of “privileged” and “unprivileged” (non land owning) people in the colony resulted in the polis changing from the traditional Greek format to a more diverse platform which incorporated both the Greeks and the Illyrians.
If an individual sample is revealed to have a non-local 87Sr/86Sr signature, then this individual could be an Illyrian individual that spent their childhood elsewhere and moved to Apollonia prior to their death. It is also possible that an Illyrian with a non-local signature was nomadic and never settled near Apollonia, but after their death they were transported to the tumulus at Apollonia to be buried there in a ceremonial way
(Papadopoulos et al. 2007). In either case, they moved or were moved to Apollonia having spent their childhood in another environment. Depending on the chronological
55 time period assigned to the burial, it is also possible that a non-local signature could represent a first generation Greek migrant, either one of the founding (privileged) or later
(unprivileged) colonists. A local signature could be assigned to either an Illyrian person or the descendants of Greek colonists born and raised through childhood at Apollonia.
With these general interpretations in mind, it is now possible to discuss the details for analyzing and interpreting the results obtained in this study.
The methods for analyzing the 87Sr/86Sr ratio data has changed slightly in accord with the necessary modification in sampling. Originally it was proposed that the 87Sr/86Sr ratio in tooth enamel and skeletal elements could be directly compared, and if the difference between them was significant then it suggested a change of residence (e.g.,
Price et al. 1994a; Price et al. 1994b). Grupe et al. (1997) employed several means of analysis to their data including a cut off of 0.001 between enamel and bone samples.
Price et al. (2004) considered this method to be an arbitrary assessment, but supported another method that group employed, which was a cut off ± 2 standard deviations from the average 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the bone samples from the site. This cut off has become the standard method in studies exclusively examining strontium isotopes for distinguishing non-locals from locals out of the range of isotope ratio values reported, and it is considered to be a conservative method (Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al. 2001;
Price et al. 2002; Price et al. 2004).
Local geochemistry for Apollonia was established by analyzing the strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) of modern snail shells as well as dentin, the latter used as a proxy for bone to establish the geological base-line from a selection of the individuals sampled in this study. The average value for enamel samples not including the extreme outliers (n=29 including duplicate runs) was determined to be 0.70880, the average for the dentin samples (n=7 including duplicate runs) was found to be 0.70890, while the average value for the snail samples was 0.70860. The clustered enamel samples,
56 dentin, and snail shells (Figure 6-2) represented the ‘local’ range where the 2 standard deviation value is 0.0002. Figures 6-1 and 6-2 show the ± 2 standard deviation margins.
Samples which fall right at the margins or slightly out of this range (individuals 6, 11, 20, and 29 in Figure 6-1) may represent potential migrants, but it is more likely that these are just on the outskirts of the range of natural variation within the small population analyzed. It is much more likely that the more extreme outliers (individuals 17, 19, and
22 in Figure 6-1) did indeed spend much of their childhood in a different location.
The use of tooth enamel was a preventative step to avoiding a misread due to diagenetic strontium. Comparison of the enamel and dentin 87Sr/86Sr ratios (Figure 6-1) from the same individual shows that diagenesis was variable with the dentin 87Sr/86Sr ratios being either the same as the enamel 87Sr/86Sr ratios or the dentin values were lower than the enamel in the cases more affected by diagenesis (such as individual 13).
The lower 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the diagenetically altered dentin more closely matches the
87Sr/86Sr ratios of the snail shells, which represent the base line of bioavailable strontium near the site. The extreme outliers show non-local 87Sr/86Sr ratios, which is always meaningful because diagenetic strontium adds only local contamination, potentially obscuring non-local signatures but never creating them (Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al.
2001; Price et al. 1994a).
The strontium concentration data provides information about diet and behavior.
The majority of the samples in this study cluster between about 50 and 150 ppm, including the three primary outliers (Figure 6-2). The enamel sample for individual 1 as well as the dentin sample for individual 10 displays elevated strontium concentrations.
The snail shells show very high strontium concentration because strontium is not selected against in favor of calcium, as it is in mammals. The dentin value is very different from the corresponding enamel values for strontium concentration, which would suggest that this sample was possibly naturally contaminated resulting in a higher
57 strontium concentration. However, individual 1 may have consumed more vegetable matter than animal meat during childhood, resulting in the elevated strontium concentration. Likely, the majority of individuals sampled were consuming animal protein from both terrestrial and marine resources because of the concentration of these values at the lower end of the Sr concentration spectrum.
Consumption of marine animal protein during childhood would shift the 87Sr/86Sr ratio toward the 0.70915 average 87Sr/86Sr ratio for sea water. Individuals with 87Sr/86Sr ratios approaching this value likely consumed more marine animal protein than terrestrial protein during childhood (Figure 6-2). The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the three extreme outliers would have been pulled down toward the sea water 87Sr/86Sr value if they were consuming marine animal protein, and their elevated 87Sr/86Sr ratios suggest that these individuals originated from a non-coastal region or a non-local area with a much higher local 87Sr/86Sr ratio signature.
87Sr/86Sr Interpretation Based on Geological Data
The geology of the eastern Mediterranean is very complicated and geologists studying this region of the world face a great number of challenges (Hayward 2003).
Albania and Greece are geographical neighbors and are geologically similar. With
Corinth, Corcyra, and Apollonia all situated near the coast it was predicted that the
87Sr/86Sr ratios observed from the archaeological samples would be near the international isotopic value of sea water, which is 0.70915 (Ericson 1985). The results show that the 87Sr/86Sr ratios predominantly fell in a range just below the sea water range with the average being 0.7088. The site of Ancient Corinth (Figure 7-1) as well as much of Albania, including the Adriatic coast, contains large amounts of limestone deposits (Crouch 2004; Hayward 2003; Meço and Aliaj 2000). Marine limestone 87Sr/86Sr
58 ratios have been reported as 0.7086 ± 0.004 (Faure 1986), which covers the ‘local’ range marked off by 2 standard deviations (Figures 6-1 and 6-2). It is therefore possible that there are Greek migrants buried at Apollonia which cannot be distinguished using
87Sr/86Sr ratios alone because the signature is too similar at both sites.
The three outliers, however, show 87Sr/86Sr signatures that were not created as an effect of spending childhood years in a marine limestone environment. The higher
87Sr/86Sr ratios indicate that these individuals spent their childhood in an environment where there were older rocks with higher initial rubidium content. Granites, shales, and shaly sandstones from the Precambrian, Paleozoic, and Mezeozoic typically have higher
87Sr/86Sr ratios (Ezzo et al. 1997). For example, older granites have a typical range of
0.7000 to 0.7370 (Bentley et al. 2002; Ericson 1985). The higher 87Sr/86Sr ratio values certainly come from older rock formations and from a non-coastal environment.
59
Figure 7-1: Geology of Corinth - Marine sediment, scree, and limestone are predominant at this site. The chain represents a defensive wall and dashed lines indicate fault lines (Modified from Figure 4.9 in Crouch 2004:135)
60
Migrants and Mortuary Customs
There are a number of questions about mortuary behavior and customs which are interesting to examine in light of the results of 87Sr/86Sr ratio studies. Information is presented in Table 6-2 which lists the known details about age at death, sex, chronological time period, grave type, and the presence or absence of grave goods.
Once migrants to a site are distinguished using 87Sr/86Sr ratios then archaeological data collected at the time of excavation might provide information to help recognize patterns.
The age, sex, burial type, burial position and orientation, presence or absence of grave goods, and type of grave goods can provide insight into how mortuary treatment varied between different types or groups of people. Archaeological information including chronological dating, burial treatment, and the type and styles of artifacts might also help to identify if the individual is of Illyrian, Greek, or possible mixed descent.
One of the aspects of the hypothesis tested in this study is that with the changing interactions between Greek colonists and native Illyrians there is a good chance that intermarriage occurred. Strontium isotope ratios have been employed by other research teams to examine questions of intermarriage and matrilocality (Bentley et al. 2003b;
Bentley et al. 2005; Bentley et al. 2007). However, due to the limitations of strontium isotope studies, it is only possible to reveal evidence for marriage (e.g., associated burial of a man and woman) when it occurred between an Illyrian and a first generation Greek colonist. Additionally, because the isotopic signatures are very similar for both the
Corinthian settlers and the Illyrians, it may not be possible even to distinguish first generation migrants.
Unfortunately, many of the details about the burials for the non-local individuals are also absent. Table 6-2 reveals that individuals 17 and 19 are identified as prehistoric in age, and individual 19 is the only one of the three which has been assigned a sex.
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The other non-local, individual 22, is from a Classical burial. The two prehistoric individuals (17 and 19) have more similar 87Sr/86Sr ratios and strontium concentrations to each other than either of them do to the Classical burial (individual 22; Figure 6-2). Due to the difference in the chronology of several hundred years, it would be safe to say that the prehistoric individuals may have migrated from the same or a very similar location due to the similarity of their 87Sr/86Sr ratios while the Classical individual came from a different location. As only one of the non-locals is dated to the Classical period, there is little evidence with which to test the hypothesis about interaction between Greeks and
Illyrians after the founding of the colony at Apollonia.
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CHAPTER 8
CONCLUSIONS
After constructing a picture of the Illyrians and colonial Greeks from historical documents and archaeological reports, it seemed as though it would be possible to predict how these groups of people may have interacted. While it may be useful to make testable predictions about past behavior in this way, it is practicing careless science to report these types of reconstructed scenarios as fact. Strontium isotope information provides quantitative data that can be employed to test certain anthropological predictions. These data can be a useful tool, but the results must be interpreted with the limitations of the method in mind.
The tumuli from which the burials for this study were excavated are situated near the site of a historically documented Greek colony, where it was known that the Greeks and Illyrians co-existed peacefully. As the only cemetery excavated from the site to date, it was hypothesized that both Greek and Illyrian individuals were buried in these monuments. Although the tumulus burial feature is traditionally an Illyrian custom, there is evidence of strong Corinthian influence within the tumulus burials including a predominance of Corinthian goods as well as Corinthian style burial types, such as limestone carved sarcophagi (Amore 2005). Therefore, from an archaeological standpoint, this site presented itself as an excellent candidate for a strontium isotope ratio study because 87Sr/86Sr ratio differences would distinguish the Illyrians and first generation Greek colonists buried within the tumulus. Additionally, insight into the interaction of native Illyrians and Greek colonists could be inferred through mortuary analysis once 87Sr/86Sr ratios revealed which individuals were local and which were non- local.
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Analysis, however, is not a straightforward process. While the local range at
Apollonia was determined using snail shells and dentin samples, the 87Sr/86Sr signature from Ancient Corinth or Corcyra was not determined. Based on the similarity of rock formations (marine limestone) at both Apollonia and Corinth, and how closely this
87Sr/86Sr matches the results of the majority of individuals sampled in this study, it appears that the geology is too similar to distinguish native Illyrians and Greek colonists.
To test this conclusion, determination of the local 87Sr/86Sr signature at Ancient Corinth and Corcyra would be necessary. Modern snail shells collected near Apollonia proved to give a useful base line of bioavailable strontium, but other locally raised modern animal bones with limited range near the ancient cities can also be used for this determination
(Price et al. 2002). There appears to be negligible differences in the 87Sr/86Sr ratio from the inner or outer coil of the snail shell, as seen for snail 1 (Figure 6-1).
The three outliers come from another location where the 87Sr/86Sr signature is higher indicating that their childhood was spent living near older rock formations at a non-coastal location. The two prehistoric non-locals likely traveled from the same location and may identify the region or origin of the native Illyrian inhabitants at
Apollonia. The third non-local individual is dated to the Classical time period and the race and place of origin for this individual cannot be pinpointed at present. However, this
Classical non-local individual does indicate that the colony was growing and continued to incorporate perhaps both Greek and Illyrian people. The hypothesis posed at the beginning of this thesis cannot be confirmed because only one of the individuals sampled could be identified confidently as a non-local at a time period following the foundation of the colony.
The fact that the tumuli were in use prior to the foundation of the colony is strong evidence that these were Illyrian features. The non-locals identified in the sample from these tumuli 9 and 10 were therefore most likely of Illyrian origin. There was clearly a
64 great deal of interaction between the Illyrians and the Greek colonists because the high quantity of Corinthian goods in the Illyrian graves indicates a strong trade relationship.
While the 87Sr/86Sr ratio data does not clearly indicate that Greeks were buried with
Illyrians, the likelihood of cultural borrowing and intermarriage is still high.
Hammond (1982b) claims that there were always separate cemeteries for the
Greeks and Illyrians at Apollonia. This claim has proven to be unverified because while the Illyrian tumuli are prominent monuments on the landscape and have been the subject of recent excavations (Amore 2005; Amore et al. 2006; Papadopoulos et al.
2007), the Greek cemetery has yet to be located. Locating this Greek cemetery could provide a wealth of comparative information which might shed light on the Illyrian and
Greek interaction at Apollonia. It seems clear that the tumuli excavated near Apollonia were Illyrian features and the Greek colonists buried their dead elsewhere.
This study concentrated mainly on the information which could be revealed from strontium. While many researchers still continue to focus on strontium isotope ratios for reconstructing patterns of migration (e.g., Bentley et al. 2007; Price et al. 2004), other researchers combine multiple isotopes in their investigations to assess and reconstruct migration patterns (e.g., Bentley and Knipper 2005; Bentley et al. 2005; Budd et al.
2001; Budd et al. 2003). Different chemical isotopes provide slightly different information, for example, coupling oxygen isotope analysis with that of strontium isotopes adds information about climatic differences (Budd et al. 2001), which can separate the origin of individuals when the strontium isotope ratio data is similar between multiple regions.
Bone samples from the individuals in this study were also submitted for analysis of carbon, nitrogen, and perhaps sulphur isotopes. When these data become available, it could help to highlight differences in dietary behavior resulting from cultural differences, which might indicate potential migrants that cannot be differentiated using strontium isotope data alone.
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There is much work that can yet be done at this site. While it was not possible to satisfy the initial goal of distinguishing Greeks and Illyrians in the tumuli, the results show that there were non-locals incorporated into the Illyrian tumuli. If an extensive 87Sr/86Sr ratio survey of this region were conducted, then migration patterns could be more fully reconstructed. This type of survey project might indicate the origin of the non-local individuals uncovered in tumulus 10. The previous migration site of the Illyrian people who populated the region near Apollonia could be determined from such a survey project. In theory, non-local burials discovered from that site could indicate the previous migration site of these migratory people. With a large enough 87Sr/86Sr ratio survey project, migration patterns for not only the Illyrian people that settled in the western
Balkans but any migratory group of people could theoretically be reconstructed.
This thesis succeeded in determining the local 87Sr/86Sr ratio range at Apollonia.
If the local 87Sr/86Sr ratio ranges at Corinth and Corcyra are determined in the future and found to match any of the non-local individuals in this study, then applying 87Sr/86Sr ratio analysis at Apollonia in the future might yet shed insight on the interaction of Illyrians and Greeks at Apollonia. In future studies it is best to know or to analyze the 87Sr/86Sr ratio of those sites where historical references indicate the origin of migrants or colonists in addition to the local site to ensure the validity of conclusions drawn.
The conclusion that the 87Sr/86Sr ratio variability is small within different parts of a modern snail shell (inner coil or outer coil) benefits strontium isotope bioarchaeological research as more researchers establish a site baseline using modern snail shells. The results of this thesis confirm that the colony of Apollonia, Illyria continued to incorporate people as it expanded its realm of influence throughout the Classical period. While the interaction of Greek colonists and Illyrian people was complex, with further archaeological excavations at Apollonia it will be better understood.
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