Key Principles of Public Sector Reforms
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Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept of Kingship
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Jacob Douglas Feeley University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Jewish Studies Commons Recommended Citation Feeley, Jacob Douglas, "Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2276. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Abstract Scholars who have discussed Josephus’ political philosophy have largely focused on his concepts of aristokratia or theokratia. In general, they have ignored his concept of kingship. Those that have commented on it tend to dismiss Josephus as anti-monarchical and ascribe this to the biblical anti- monarchical tradition. To date, Josephus’ concept of kingship has not been treated as a significant component of his political philosophy. Through a close reading of Josephus’ longest text, the Jewish Antiquities, a historical work that provides extensive accounts of kings and kingship, I show that Josephus had a fully developed theory of monarchical government that drew on biblical and Greco- Roman models of kingship. Josephus held that ideal kingship was the responsible use of the personal power of one individual to advance the interests of the governed and maintain his and his subjects’ loyalty to Yahweh. The king relied primarily on a standard array of classical virtues to preserve social order in the kingdom, protect it from external threats, maintain his subjects’ quality of life, and provide them with a model for proper moral conduct. -
Exploring Zechariah, Volume 2
EXPLORING ZECHARIAH, VOLUME 2 VOLUME ZECHARIAH, EXPLORING is second volume of Mark J. Boda’s two-volume set on Zechariah showcases a series of studies tracing the impact of earlier Hebrew Bible traditions on various passages and sections of the book of Zechariah, including 1:7–6:15; 1:1–6 and 7:1–8:23; and 9:1–14:21. e collection of these slightly revised previously published essays leads readers along the argument that Boda has been developing over the past decade. EXPLORING MARK J. BODA is Professor of Old Testament at McMaster Divinity College. He is the author of ten books, including e Book of Zechariah ZECHARIAH, (Eerdmans) and Haggai and Zechariah Research: A Bibliographic Survey (Deo), and editor of seventeen volumes. VOLUME 2 The Development and Role of Biblical Traditions in Zechariah Ancient Near East Monographs Monografías sobre el Antiguo Cercano Oriente Society of Biblical Literature Boda Centro de Estudios de Historia del Antiguo Oriente (UCA) Electronic open access edition (ISBN 978-0-88414-201-0) available at http://www.sbl-site.org/publications/Books_ANEmonographs.aspx Cover photo: Zev Radovan/BibleLandPictures.com Mark J. Boda Ancient Near East Monographs Monografías sobre el Antiguo Cercano Oriente Society of Biblical Literature Centro de Estudios de Historia del Antiguo Oriente (UCA) EXPLORING ZECHARIAH, VOLUME 2 ANCIENT NEAR EAST MONOGRAPHS Editors Alan Lenzi Juan Manuel Tebes Editorial Board Reinhard Achenbach C. L. Crouch Esther J. Hamori Chistopher B. Hays René Krüger Graciela Gestoso Singer Bruce Wells Number 17 EXPLORING ZECHARIAH, VOLUME 2 The Development and Role of Biblical Traditions in Zechariah by Mark J. -
The Structural Origins of Authoritarianism in Pakistan
CDDRL Number 116 WORKING PAPERS October 2009 The Origins of Authoritarianism in Pakistan Sumit Ganguly Indiana University, Bloomington Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. The Center supports analytic studies, policy relevant research, training and outreach activities to assist developing countries in the design and implementation of policies to foster growth, democracy, and the rule of law. TTThhheee OOOrrriiigggiiinnnsss ooofff AAAuuuttthhhooorrriiitttaaarrriiiaaannniiisssmmm iiinn PPPaaakkkiiissstttaaannn Sumit Ganguly Introduction What ails the Pakistani polity? Since its emergence from the detritus of the British Indian Empire in 1947, it has witnessed four military coups (1958, 1969, 1978 and 1999), long periods of political instability and a persistent inability to consolidate democratic institutions. It also witnessed the loss of a significant portion of its territory (East Pakistan) in 1971 following the brutal suppression of an indigenous uprising in the aftermath of which some ten million individuals sough refuge in India. The flight of the refugees to India and the failure to reach a political resolution to the crisis precipitated Indian military intervention and culminated in the creation of the new state of Bangladesh.i Pakistan’s inability to sustain a transition to democracy is especially puzzling given that India too emerged from the collapse of British rule in South Asia. -
United Notions S/646 15 January 1948
United Notions S/646 15 January 1948 . sir, I h.cva the honour to forward the PollowinS docuuants: Document - I beinng l?akistmts reply to the complaint preferred by India q?Anst Palsistan under Articla 35 of the Charter of the Unitad Eotions. Document - ii a stota;l?ent oi' dispute8 which have arisen between In&c snd Pakistan and which ara likely to endanger the nzintemnce of international peace ,and order, Pakistan being a Zember of the United H&ions has the honour to bring these to the attention of the Sacurity Council under Article 35 of the Charter of the United Xetions. lhxment - III which contains a stztemnt of the particulars of Pa!cist.an's case with refarence to both the mtters dealt with ir. Documents I and II. 2. It is requested that these docwxents my be placed before tha Security Council si?d that the Security Council my be requested to deal with tha conplzinz r&erred to in Document II 2t the earliest Gossible data. It is f-mther requested that all action required by the rules in conaaction with : :i : thase Documents may kindly be takan es early as possible. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your .raost obedient servent, Llinister of PoreiSn Affairs, Govermient of FoEsten 1. The &verqment of India have under Article 35 of the Charter of the . gnit& ~&ions, brought to the notice of the Security Council the existance of a situation between India and Pakistan in which the maintenance Of international peace an6 security is likely to be endangered. -
Emergence of a New State Subject : History Lesson
Emergence of a new state Subject : History Lesson: Emergence of a new state Course Developers Making of the constitution Integration of princely states Dr. Srinath Raghavan Senior Fellow, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi and Lecturer in Defence Studies, King's College, London And Land reform and beginning of planning Dr. Arupjyoti Saikia Associate Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology, Guwahati Language Editor: Swapna Liddle Formating Editor: Ashutosh Kumar 1 Institute of lifelong learning, University of Delhi Emergence of a new state Table of contents Chapter 13: Emergence of a new state 13.1: Making of the constitution 13.2: Integration of princely states 13.3: Land reform and beginning of planning Summary Exercises Glossary Further readings 2 Institute of lifelong learning, University of Delhi Emergence of a new state 13.1: Making of the constitution On 26 January 1950, the Indian constitution came into effect. By this act, the Dominion of India transformed itself into the Republic of India. The constitution had been drafted, discussed, and finalized by the Constituent assembly between December 1946 and December 1949. Comprising 395 articles and 8 schedules, this lengthy document set out the architecture of the new state. The deliberations of the Constituent assembly were comparably long and painstaking. They provide a fascinating window into the range of ideas and institutions that the makers of the constitution envisioned for the new India. But these debates, and the resultant constitution, also reflected the wider context in which the Constituent assembly met and functioned. Figure 13.1.1: India's first President, Rajendra Prasad, is being led to the ‗presidential chair‘ by Governor-General C. -
The British Partner in the Transfer of Power Ninth Lecture - by the Earl of Listowel 24 June 1980
The British Partner in the Transfer of Power Ninth Lecture - by the Earl of Listowel 24 June 1980 The story of the transfer of power has been told before, but always from the angle of the narrators. I shall follow their example by confining my remarks this evening, apart from a brief sketch of the historical background, to that aspect of the British-Indian relationship I know from my personal experience as a minister in the (wartime) Churchill and Attlee governments. This gave me some insight into the part played by the British Government in its dealings with the Government of India and the Indian political leaders during the final stages. But before I proceed any further I am sure you would wish me to remind you that we are meeting on the eve of what would have been Lord Mountbatten's eightieth birthday. His presence would have been specially appropriate because we shall be recalling what, in the light of history, must surely have been the most outstanding of all his achievements. For it was his consummate statesmanship which made possible the severance of our old ties with India by mutual goodwill, instead of after bitter dissension, which would have left a legacy of rancour and a fractured Commonwealth. He accomplished his task with so much skill and understanding that it bound our two countries in the close friendship we enjoy at the present time. This was brought home to me with startling vividness by the welcome accorded to a parliamentary delegation with which I visited India last year, traversing the country from New Delhi to Chandigarh, and from there to Madras and Bombay. -
Forms of Traditional States and Their Historical
Abstract: The article investigates traditional states in the FORMS OF TRADITIONAL STATES AND context of their historical origin. The work substantiates that in the traditional legal order, land ownership THEIR HISTORICAL SPECIFICITY generates political power distributed among several carriers, representing the community, and the other, the State itself. To describe the state’s traditional form, the FORMAS DOS ESTADOS TRADICIONAIS E authors propose to use the concept of “diarchy”, which differs significantly from both the monarchical and the SUA ESPECIFICIDADES HISTÓRICAS republican forms of the state. The authors show that the latter has not been adequately covered in the history of political and legal doctrines. However, it serves as the basis to develop monarchical and republican forms of government. In this respect, it is substantiated that in the era of traditional states, diarchy was a typical form of state organization, the essence of which was the division of power prerogatives between the supreme ruler, who Valentin Ya. Liubashits 1 concentrated priestly functions, and the “vice-king”, Nikolai V. Razuvaev 2 exercising the full military and administrative power. Alexey Yu. Mamychev 3 Keywords: power; diarchy; monarchy; republic; a form Volodymyr A. Trofymenko 4 of state. Vadim O. Danilyan 5 Resumo: O artigo investiga os estados tradicionais no contexto de sua origem histórica. O trabalho comprova que, no ordenamento jurídico tradicional, a propriedade da terra gera poder político distribuído entre diversos portadores, representando a comunidade, e outro, o próprio Estado. Para descrever a forma tradicional do estado, os autores propõem-se a utilizar o conceito de “diarquia”, que difere significativamente tanto da forma monárquica quanto da republicana de estado. -
Positing an Ideal Form of Monarchy in Herodotus' Histories
Positing an Ideal Form of Monarchy in Herodotus’ Histories Almost every society described in Herodotus’ Histories has experienced one-man rule. Under one-man rule, an individual is the sole possessor of political authority, which is attained and exercised either legitimately or illegitimately. Legitimate one-man rule (monarchy) is usually inherited or obtained by a community-sanctioned process. Illegitimate one-man rule (tyranny) is attained through non-traditional means that are often violent. Even tyrannies, however, can be passed on through hereditary channels – the Peisistratidae and the Mermnadae are examples. Some argue that the distinction between monarchs and tyrants in the Histories is constructed by scholars (Morgan, 2003). Munson (2003) suggests that access to the monarchy through cleverness or luck reveals its essential illegitimacy and hence falsifies the distinction. Other scholars assert that it is valid to distinguish between monarchy and tyranny because Herodotus presents some manifestations of one-man rule as acceptable constitutional forms (Davie 1979; Flory 1987). The potential for illegitimacy in monarchy has created an intense focus on tyrants and the nature of autocratic rule in the Histories. Dewald (2003) argues for a “despotic template:” an ideal form of tyranny in which all one-man rules partake at least in part. She asserts that the institution of tyranny exerts an influence on the individuals who fill the role, and that this influence can be observed in almost all individual instances of one-man rule. In this paper, I suggest a parallel “monarchical template:” the ideal form of monarchy that may also exert an institutional pull on those same individuals. -
Alive and Kicking: the Kashmir Dispute Forty Years Later James D
Penn State International Law Review Volume 9 Article 5 Number 1 Dickinson Journal of International Law 1991 Alive and Kicking: The Kashmir Dispute Forty Years Later James D. Howley Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Howley, James D. (1991) "Alive and Kicking: The Kashmir Dispute Forty Years Later," Penn State International Law Review: Vol. 9: No. 1, Article 5. Available at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr/vol9/iss1/5 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Penn State International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Alive and Kicking: The Kashmir Dispute Forty Years Later I. Introduction The Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan involves a struggle between two powers for the possession of a tract of territory which each wants for its own valid reasons. The stakes are of major economic, political and strategic significance to Pakistan, while to India, Kashmir has become a symbol of national prestige and inter- national justice.1 Charges of aggression and violations of interna- tional law have been asserted by both parties. In considering a solu- tion to the Kashmir dispute, it is necessary to look beyond the blatant facts and see the elements that gave rise to the dispute and the circumstances under which it occurred. A purely legalistic approach never solves large political problems. With this in mind, this Comment begins with an examina- tion of the roots of the conflict: Kashmir's economy, geography, predominantly Moslem population and Hindu ruler. -
Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India
Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India Stephen Legg School of Geography University of Nottingham Nottingham NG72RD [email protected] Abstract The 1919 Government of India Act instituted sweeping constitutional reforms that were inspired by the concept of “dyarchy”. This innovation in constitutional history devolved powers to the provinces and then divided these roles of government into reserved and transferred subjects, the latter of which would be administered by elected Indian ministers. Recent scholarship has been reassessing the local biopolitical potential unleashed by the 1919 Act. In this paper I revisit dyarchy at the national scale to show how this “All-India” re- visioning of Indian sovereignty was actually negotiated in relation to its imperial and international outsides and the exigencies of retaining governmental control inside the provinces. This paper will propose a constitutional historical geography of dyarchy, focusing on three scales and the forms of comparison they allow. First, Lionel Curtis’s political geometries and the international genealogies of his federalist aspirations are explored. Secondly, the partially democratic level of the province is shown to have been rigorously penetrated by, and categorically subordinated to, the central tier of colonial autocracy, which orchestrated a political geography of exclusion and exception. Finally, rival conceptions of time and sequentiality will be used to examine the basis for nationalist criticisms and exploitations of dyarchy’s reconfigurations of democracy, biopolitics, and the vital mass of the people. 1 Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India1 “The myriad problems of India must be and can be solved only by the Indians in India. -
Debating Representative Democracy
Critical Exchange Debating representative democracy Nadia Urbinati, Democracy Disfigured: Opinion, Truth, and the People. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. Contemporary Political Theory advance online publication, 8 December 2015; doi:10.1057/cpt.2015.57 Nadia Urbinati’s book Democracy Disfigured has two main goals. The first is to defend a ‘diarchic’ conception of democracy, based on the interplay between popular will and opinion. The second is to describe three possible disfigurations of this conception of democracy – the epistemic, the populist and the plebiscitarian – all of which alter the balance between will and opinion, undermining the ultimate goal of democracy, which is assumed to consist in laying the conditions for civil and political freedom. The two constitutive poles of Urbinati’s conception of democracy are therefore what she calls ‘will’ and ‘opinion’ (Urbinati, 2014, p. 17). The first is assumed to correspond to the formal rules and procedures through which collectively binding decisions are taken in a free and fair way; that is essentially, voting and majority rule as ways of structuring political representation. Opinion, on the other hand, is assumed to correspond to the multiple processes through which citizens influence collective decisions in an informal and indirect way, beyond the selection of their representatives; that is essentially, participation in the public sphere, political demonstration and other forms of direct action. As Urbinati stresses, opinion is therefore a ‘power that is meant to give voice to citizens’ claims, monitor institutions and devise alternative political agendas’ (Urbinati, 2014, pp. 7–8). The notion of ‘diarchy’ is meant to capture the relation between will and opinion in the context of a system in which the two ‘are different and should remain distinct, although in need of constant communication’ (Urbinati, 2014, p. -
Queen Regency in the Seleucid Empire
Interregnum: Queen Regency in the Seleucid Empire by Stacy Reda A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Ancient Mediterranean Cultures Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2014 © Stacy Reda 2014 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract An examination of the ancient sources indicates that there were possibly seven Queens Regent throughout the course of the Seleucid Dynasty: Apama, Laodice I, Berenice Syra, Laodice III, Laodice IV, Cleopatra I Thea, and Cleopatra II Selene. This thesis examines the institution of Queen Regency in the Seleucid Dynasty, the power and duties held by the Queen Regent, and the relationship between the Queen and her son—the royal heir. This thesis concludes that Queen Regency was not a set office and that there were multiple reasons and functions that could define a queen as a regent. iii Acknowledgements I give my utmost thanks and appreciation to the University of Waterloo’s Department of Classical Studies. The support that I have received from all members of the faculty during my studies has made a great impact on my life for which I will always be grateful. Special thanks to my advisor, Dr. Sheila Ager, for mentoring me through this process, and Dr. Maria Liston (Anthropology) for her support and guidance.