Forms of Traditional States and Their Historical
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Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept of Kingship
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Jacob Douglas Feeley University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Jewish Studies Commons Recommended Citation Feeley, Jacob Douglas, "Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2276. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Abstract Scholars who have discussed Josephus’ political philosophy have largely focused on his concepts of aristokratia or theokratia. In general, they have ignored his concept of kingship. Those that have commented on it tend to dismiss Josephus as anti-monarchical and ascribe this to the biblical anti- monarchical tradition. To date, Josephus’ concept of kingship has not been treated as a significant component of his political philosophy. Through a close reading of Josephus’ longest text, the Jewish Antiquities, a historical work that provides extensive accounts of kings and kingship, I show that Josephus had a fully developed theory of monarchical government that drew on biblical and Greco- Roman models of kingship. Josephus held that ideal kingship was the responsible use of the personal power of one individual to advance the interests of the governed and maintain his and his subjects’ loyalty to Yahweh. The king relied primarily on a standard array of classical virtues to preserve social order in the kingdom, protect it from external threats, maintain his subjects’ quality of life, and provide them with a model for proper moral conduct. -
Exploring Zechariah, Volume 2
EXPLORING ZECHARIAH, VOLUME 2 VOLUME ZECHARIAH, EXPLORING is second volume of Mark J. Boda’s two-volume set on Zechariah showcases a series of studies tracing the impact of earlier Hebrew Bible traditions on various passages and sections of the book of Zechariah, including 1:7–6:15; 1:1–6 and 7:1–8:23; and 9:1–14:21. e collection of these slightly revised previously published essays leads readers along the argument that Boda has been developing over the past decade. EXPLORING MARK J. BODA is Professor of Old Testament at McMaster Divinity College. He is the author of ten books, including e Book of Zechariah ZECHARIAH, (Eerdmans) and Haggai and Zechariah Research: A Bibliographic Survey (Deo), and editor of seventeen volumes. VOLUME 2 The Development and Role of Biblical Traditions in Zechariah Ancient Near East Monographs Monografías sobre el Antiguo Cercano Oriente Society of Biblical Literature Boda Centro de Estudios de Historia del Antiguo Oriente (UCA) Electronic open access edition (ISBN 978-0-88414-201-0) available at http://www.sbl-site.org/publications/Books_ANEmonographs.aspx Cover photo: Zev Radovan/BibleLandPictures.com Mark J. Boda Ancient Near East Monographs Monografías sobre el Antiguo Cercano Oriente Society of Biblical Literature Centro de Estudios de Historia del Antiguo Oriente (UCA) EXPLORING ZECHARIAH, VOLUME 2 ANCIENT NEAR EAST MONOGRAPHS Editors Alan Lenzi Juan Manuel Tebes Editorial Board Reinhard Achenbach C. L. Crouch Esther J. Hamori Chistopher B. Hays René Krüger Graciela Gestoso Singer Bruce Wells Number 17 EXPLORING ZECHARIAH, VOLUME 2 The Development and Role of Biblical Traditions in Zechariah by Mark J. -
Key Principles of Public Sector Reforms
Key Principles of Public Sector Reforms Case Studies and Frameworks Key Principles of Public Sector Reforms Case Studies and Frameworks Advance proof copy. The final edition will be available in December 2016. © Commonwealth Secretariat 2016 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or otherwise without the permission of the publisher. Views and opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author and should in no way be attributed to the institutions to which they are affiliated or to the Commonwealth Secretariat. Wherever possible, the Commonwealth Secretariat uses paper sourced from responsible forests or from sources that minimise a destructive impact on the environment. Printed and published by the Commonwealth Secretariat. Table of contents Table of contents ........................................................................................ 1 Acknowledgements ...................................................................................... 3 Foreword .................................................................................................. 5 The Key Principles of Public Sector Reform ......................................................... 8 Principle 1. A new pragmatic and results–oriented framework ................................. 12 Case Study 1.1 South Africa. Measuring organisational productivity in the public service: North -
The Structural Origins of Authoritarianism in Pakistan
CDDRL Number 116 WORKING PAPERS October 2009 The Origins of Authoritarianism in Pakistan Sumit Ganguly Indiana University, Bloomington Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. The Center supports analytic studies, policy relevant research, training and outreach activities to assist developing countries in the design and implementation of policies to foster growth, democracy, and the rule of law. TTThhheee OOOrrriiigggiiinnnsss ooofff AAAuuuttthhhooorrriiitttaaarrriiiaaannniiisssmmm iiinn PPPaaakkkiiissstttaaannn Sumit Ganguly Introduction What ails the Pakistani polity? Since its emergence from the detritus of the British Indian Empire in 1947, it has witnessed four military coups (1958, 1969, 1978 and 1999), long periods of political instability and a persistent inability to consolidate democratic institutions. It also witnessed the loss of a significant portion of its territory (East Pakistan) in 1971 following the brutal suppression of an indigenous uprising in the aftermath of which some ten million individuals sough refuge in India. The flight of the refugees to India and the failure to reach a political resolution to the crisis precipitated Indian military intervention and culminated in the creation of the new state of Bangladesh.i Pakistan’s inability to sustain a transition to democracy is especially puzzling given that India too emerged from the collapse of British rule in South Asia. -
Positing an Ideal Form of Monarchy in Herodotus' Histories
Positing an Ideal Form of Monarchy in Herodotus’ Histories Almost every society described in Herodotus’ Histories has experienced one-man rule. Under one-man rule, an individual is the sole possessor of political authority, which is attained and exercised either legitimately or illegitimately. Legitimate one-man rule (monarchy) is usually inherited or obtained by a community-sanctioned process. Illegitimate one-man rule (tyranny) is attained through non-traditional means that are often violent. Even tyrannies, however, can be passed on through hereditary channels – the Peisistratidae and the Mermnadae are examples. Some argue that the distinction between monarchs and tyrants in the Histories is constructed by scholars (Morgan, 2003). Munson (2003) suggests that access to the monarchy through cleverness or luck reveals its essential illegitimacy and hence falsifies the distinction. Other scholars assert that it is valid to distinguish between monarchy and tyranny because Herodotus presents some manifestations of one-man rule as acceptable constitutional forms (Davie 1979; Flory 1987). The potential for illegitimacy in monarchy has created an intense focus on tyrants and the nature of autocratic rule in the Histories. Dewald (2003) argues for a “despotic template:” an ideal form of tyranny in which all one-man rules partake at least in part. She asserts that the institution of tyranny exerts an influence on the individuals who fill the role, and that this influence can be observed in almost all individual instances of one-man rule. In this paper, I suggest a parallel “monarchical template:” the ideal form of monarchy that may also exert an institutional pull on those same individuals. -
Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India
Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India Stephen Legg School of Geography University of Nottingham Nottingham NG72RD [email protected] Abstract The 1919 Government of India Act instituted sweeping constitutional reforms that were inspired by the concept of “dyarchy”. This innovation in constitutional history devolved powers to the provinces and then divided these roles of government into reserved and transferred subjects, the latter of which would be administered by elected Indian ministers. Recent scholarship has been reassessing the local biopolitical potential unleashed by the 1919 Act. In this paper I revisit dyarchy at the national scale to show how this “All-India” re- visioning of Indian sovereignty was actually negotiated in relation to its imperial and international outsides and the exigencies of retaining governmental control inside the provinces. This paper will propose a constitutional historical geography of dyarchy, focusing on three scales and the forms of comparison they allow. First, Lionel Curtis’s political geometries and the international genealogies of his federalist aspirations are explored. Secondly, the partially democratic level of the province is shown to have been rigorously penetrated by, and categorically subordinated to, the central tier of colonial autocracy, which orchestrated a political geography of exclusion and exception. Finally, rival conceptions of time and sequentiality will be used to examine the basis for nationalist criticisms and exploitations of dyarchy’s reconfigurations of democracy, biopolitics, and the vital mass of the people. 1 Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India1 “The myriad problems of India must be and can be solved only by the Indians in India. -
Debating Representative Democracy
Critical Exchange Debating representative democracy Nadia Urbinati, Democracy Disfigured: Opinion, Truth, and the People. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. Contemporary Political Theory advance online publication, 8 December 2015; doi:10.1057/cpt.2015.57 Nadia Urbinati’s book Democracy Disfigured has two main goals. The first is to defend a ‘diarchic’ conception of democracy, based on the interplay between popular will and opinion. The second is to describe three possible disfigurations of this conception of democracy – the epistemic, the populist and the plebiscitarian – all of which alter the balance between will and opinion, undermining the ultimate goal of democracy, which is assumed to consist in laying the conditions for civil and political freedom. The two constitutive poles of Urbinati’s conception of democracy are therefore what she calls ‘will’ and ‘opinion’ (Urbinati, 2014, p. 17). The first is assumed to correspond to the formal rules and procedures through which collectively binding decisions are taken in a free and fair way; that is essentially, voting and majority rule as ways of structuring political representation. Opinion, on the other hand, is assumed to correspond to the multiple processes through which citizens influence collective decisions in an informal and indirect way, beyond the selection of their representatives; that is essentially, participation in the public sphere, political demonstration and other forms of direct action. As Urbinati stresses, opinion is therefore a ‘power that is meant to give voice to citizens’ claims, monitor institutions and devise alternative political agendas’ (Urbinati, 2014, pp. 7–8). The notion of ‘diarchy’ is meant to capture the relation between will and opinion in the context of a system in which the two ‘are different and should remain distinct, although in need of constant communication’ (Urbinati, 2014, p. -
Queen Regency in the Seleucid Empire
Interregnum: Queen Regency in the Seleucid Empire by Stacy Reda A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Ancient Mediterranean Cultures Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2014 © Stacy Reda 2014 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract An examination of the ancient sources indicates that there were possibly seven Queens Regent throughout the course of the Seleucid Dynasty: Apama, Laodice I, Berenice Syra, Laodice III, Laodice IV, Cleopatra I Thea, and Cleopatra II Selene. This thesis examines the institution of Queen Regency in the Seleucid Dynasty, the power and duties held by the Queen Regent, and the relationship between the Queen and her son—the royal heir. This thesis concludes that Queen Regency was not a set office and that there were multiple reasons and functions that could define a queen as a regent. iii Acknowledgements I give my utmost thanks and appreciation to the University of Waterloo’s Department of Classical Studies. The support that I have received from all members of the faculty during my studies has made a great impact on my life for which I will always be grateful. Special thanks to my advisor, Dr. Sheila Ager, for mentoring me through this process, and Dr. Maria Liston (Anthropology) for her support and guidance. -
Monarchist League of Canada
THE MONARCHIST LEAGUE of CANADA Justin Trudeau takes Oath of Office as Prime Minister before Governor General David Johnston. “I do swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Second, Queen of Canada, Her Heirs and Successors. So help me God.” – Canada’s Oath of Allegiance, sworn by many public officials Members of the Canadian Royal Family make frequent homecomings here. In May 2016, Prime Minister Trudeau joined Prince Harry in checking out facilities for the Toronto 2017 Invictus Games, Prince Harry’s sporting event for ill, injured and wounded soldiers and veterans. Our Canadian Monarchy © 2017 by the Monarchist League of Canada. All rights reserved. All images remain the property of their respective owners 2 OUR CANADIAN MONARCHY Canada 150 portrait of The Queen, wearing the Maple Leaf brooch presented to her mother by George VI before their 1939 tour of Canada. Elizabeth II, Queen of Canada The Queen is the representation of all of Canada within one person. Together with her representatives and members of the Royal Family, she promotes “all that is best and most admired in the Canadian ideal”. Governor General Julie Payette gives Royal Assent in the Senate on December 12, 2017. 3 THE MONARCHIST LEAGUE of CANADA Canada: always a monarchy he lands that now comprise modern-day Canada Thave long been reigned over by hereditary leaders. Canada enjoys a history of functioning government that began to evolve centuries before European contact with Indigenous peoples. Many Indigenous groups were headed by a chieftain who was advised by a council of elders, not unlike the series of French and British monarchs in whose name the original colonies of North America were founded. -