DOCSLIB.ORG

UNIVERSIDADE DE LISBOA Instituto De Ciências Sociais

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
UNIVERSIDADE DE LISBOA Instituto De Ciências Sociais UNIVERSIDADE DE LISBOA Instituto de Ciências Sociais Título da Tese Velhos Amigos, Novos Adversários As Disputas, Alianças e Reconfigurações Empresariais na Elite Política Moçambicana Nome completo do Autor Edson Robert de Oliveira Cortês Orientador: Prof. Doutor Paulo Jorge Granjo Simões Tese especialmente elaborada para obtenção do grau de Doutor Em Antropologia, especialidade de Antropologia da Economia e do Trabalho 2018 1 UNIVERSIDADE DE LISBOA Instituto de Ciências Sociais Título da Tese Velhos Amigos, Novos Adversários As Disputas, Alianças e Reconfigurações Empresariais na Elite Política Moçambicana Nome completo do Autor Edson Robert de Oliveira Cortês Orientador: Prof. Doutor Paulo Jorge Granjo Simões Júri: Presidente: Doutora Ana Margarida de Seabra Nunes de Almeida, Investigadora Coordenadora e Presidente do Conselho Científico do Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa Vogais: - Doutor Michel Cahen, Directeur de Recherche Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique Sciences Po Bordeaux, França; - Doutor Jason Michael Sumich, Senior Research Fellow Institute of African Affairs do Giga; - Doutora Maria Paula Guttierrez Meneses, Investigadora Coordenadora Centro de Estudos Sociais da Universidade de Coimbra; - Doutor José Manuel Rolo Ferreira Correia, Investigador Coordenador Jubilado Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa; - Doutor Paulo Jorge Granjo Simões, Investigador Auxiliar Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa, orientador; 2018 2 Índice Resumo ............................................................................................................................. 6 Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………..7 Agradecimentos ................................................................................................................ 8 Dedicatória...................................................................................................................... 10 Abreviaturas.................................................................................................................... 11 Capitulo I ........................................................................................................................ 15 Introdução ....................................................................................................................... 16 1.2. O Estado como instrumento de acumulação de capital ........................................... 24 1.3 Como foi feita a pesquisa ......................................................................................... 38 1.4 Conceptualização ...................................................................................................... 49 1.5 Estruturação do Trabalho.......................................................................................... 50 Capitulo II ....................................................................................................................... 52 Revisão Bibliográfica ..................................................................................................... 52 Capitulo III ..............................................................................................................69 Elite Política e Económica de Moçambique Sua Gênese e Formas de Reprodução ...... 69 3.1. Breve historial da economia política de Moçambique no período antes e depois da independência ................................................................................................................. 69 3.2. O surgimento de uma elite política e económica cuja sobrevivência e reprodução está baseada na relação privilegiada com o Estado em Moçambique ............................ 72 3.3 A influência política como garantia dos direitos de propriedade e contratuais. ....... 91 Capitulo IV ................................................................................................................... 115 Dinâmicas do processo de acumulação em Moçambique. ........................................... 115 3 4.1 Da ajuda externa à indústria extractiva, metamorfoses do processo de acumulação em Moçambique ........................................................................................................... 116 4.2 O equilíbrio precário dos jogos de interesse da elite política moçambicana poderá possibilitar a emergência de uma burguesia produtiva? ............................................... 145 4.3 O Associativismo Empresarial como instrumento de controlo do sector privado . 151 Tabela 1. Ministros com interesses no sector das madeiras ......................................... 163 Tabela 2. Ministros com interesses no sector das Pescas ............................................. 166 Tabela 3. Ministros com interesses no sector dos Hidrocarbonetos ............................. 167 Tabela 4. Ministros com interesses no sector da Banca, Finanças e Seguros .............. 168 Tabela 5. Ministros com interesses no sector da Mineração ........................................ 169 Tabela 6. Ministros com interesses no sector da Energia ............................................. 170 Tabela 7. Ministros com interesses no sector dos Transportes, Portos e Comunicações ...................................................................................................................................... 171 Tabela 8. Ministros com interesses no sector dos Construção Civil e Obras Públicas 173 Tabela 9. Ministros com interesses no sector Imobiliário ............................................ 175 Tabela 10. Ministros com interesses no sector de Serviços ......................................... 177 Tabela 11. Ministros com interesses no sector da Agricultura e Agropecuária ........... 179 Tabela 12. Ministros com interesses no sector do Turismo ......................................... 181 Tabela 13. Ministros com interesses na Gestão de Participações em outras sociedades ...................................................................................................................................... 183 Capitulo V .................................................................................................................... 186 As estratégias de reprodução da elite política/empresarial de Moçambique ................ 186 5.1 A educação formal como mecanismos de reprodução das elites políticas em Moçambique. ................................................................................................................ 187 4 5.2. O matrimónio como estratégia de reprodução das elites em Moçambique………205 5.3 O poder económico como mecanismo de reprodução das elites políticas em Moçambique. ................................................................................................................ 214 5.3.1. Acesso aos activos e bens do Estado como mecanismos de reprodução e manutenção das elites…………………………………………………………………216 5.3.2 A privatização dos activos do Estado, mais concretamente o parque imobiliário do Estado ........................................................................................................................... 218 5.3.3 O saque aos bancos estatais ................................................................................. 227 5.3.4 O recurso aos créditos de tesouro como forma de financiar as suas empresas deficitárias, empréstimos que a maioria dos credores nunca reembolsou ao Estado. .. 230 5.3.5 Aliança ao capital internacional .......................................................................... 232 5.4 A posse e detenção do poder político como estratégia de manutenção e reprodução das elites político-económicas em Moçambique .......................................................... 234 Capitulo VI ................................................................................................................... 260 O impacto do escândalo das dívidas ocultas na coesão das elites políticas do partido Frelimo ......................................................................................................................... 260 6.1 O historial da descoberta das dívidas ocultas……………………………………..264 6.2 A crise da dívida pública e o seu impacto na coesão interna da elite do partido Frelimo ......................................................................................................................... 288 Capitulo VII .................................................................................................................. 315 Conclusão ..................................................................................................................... 315 Bibliografia……………………………………………………………………………327 Anexo das entrevistas ................................................................................................... 335 5 Resumo Este estudo procura perceber até que ponto o surgimento de grupos económicos sustentados pelo acesso privilegiado ao Estado moçambicano se encontra dependente das lógicas e dinâmicas internas de acesso ao poder dentro do partido Frelimo. Desde a independência de Moçambique o país teve quatro Presidentes da República que simultaneamente ocupavam o cargo de presidente do partido Frelimo. Após a liberalização da economia e adesão ao capitalismo, o controlo do poder político permitiu acumulação do poder económico, tornando parte considerável das elites políticas também elites económicas. O estudo demostra que a ascensão ao poder de um novo Presidente da República traz consigo oportunidades para a reconfiguração dos principais beneficiários no processo de acumulação de
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Where Crime Compounds Conflict
    WHERE CRIME COMPOUNDS CONFLICT Understanding northern Mozambique’s vulnerabilities SIMONE HAYSOM October 2018 WHERE CRIME COMPOUNDS CONFLICT Understanding northern Mozambique’s vulnerabilities Simone Haysom October 2018 Cover photo: iStock/Katiekk2 Pemba, Mozambique: ranger with a gun looking at feet of elephants after poachers had killed the animals for illegal ivory trade © 2018 Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Contents Summary and key findings ..............................................................................................................................................1 Background .........................................................................................................................................................................................2 The militants and funding from the illicit economy .......................................................................................4 Methodology .....................................................................................................................................................................................5 Corrosion, grievance and opportunity: A detailed picture
    [Show full text]
  • MALAUENE Umn 0130E 22082.Pdf
    A history of music and politics in Mozambique from the 1890s to the present A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE COLLEGE OF LIBERAL ARTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY DENISE MARIA MALAUENE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUEREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY ALLEN F. ISAACMAN JANUARY 2021 Ó DENISE MARIA MALAUENE, 2021 Acknowledgements Nhi bongide ku womi ni vikelo Thank you for life and protection Nhi bongide gurula ni guhodza Thank you for peace and provision Nhi bongide gu nengela omo gu Thank you for happiness in times of tsanisegani suffering Nhi bongide Pfumu Thank you, God! Denise Malauene song titled “Nhi bongide Pfumu”1 Pfumu Nungungulu, nhi bongide ngudzu! (Thank you, God!) My children Eric Silvino Tale and Malik TSakane Malauene Waete: I thank you for your unconditional love, Support, and understanding aS many timeS I could not be with you nor could meet your needs because I waS studying or writing. Mom and dad Helena ZacariaS Pedro Garrine and João Malauene, nhi bongide ku SatSavbo. My Siblings Eduardo Malauene, GiSela Malauene, Guidjima Donaldo, CriStina AgneSS Raúl, DioníSio, Edson Malauene, ChelSea Malauene, Kevin Malauene, obrigada por tudo. I am grateful to my adviSor Allen IsSacman for the advice, guidance, and encouragement, particularly during the difficult timeS in my Ph.D. trajectory Somewhat affected by Several challengeS including CycloneS Idai, the armed instability in central and northern Mozambique, and Covid 19. Barbara’s and hiS support are greatly appreciated. I am grateful to ProfeSSor Helena Pohlandt-McCormick for her encouragement, guidance, and Support. Her contribution to the completion of my degree in claSSeS, reading groups, paper preSentations, grant applications, the completion of my prelimS, and Michael’s and her support are greatly appreciated.
    [Show full text]
  • Provincial Autonomy: the Territorial Dimension of Peace in Mozambique Bueno, Natália; Plagemann, Johannes; Strasheim, Julia
    www.ssoar.info Provincial autonomy: the territorial dimension of peace in Mozambique Bueno, Natália; Plagemann, Johannes; Strasheim, Julia Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Bueno, N., Plagemann, J., & Strasheim, J. (2015). Provincial autonomy: the territorial dimension of peace in Mozambique. (GIGA Focus International Edition, 10). Hamburg: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-459298 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Number 10 2015 ISSN 2196-3940 INTERNATIONAL Provincial Autonomy: The Territorial Dimension of Peace in Mozambique Natália Bueno, Johannes Plagemann, and Julia Strasheim A year after the 2014 national elections Mozambican security forces began increasing the pressure on Renamo, the main opposition party and former guerrilla movement, to disarm. Following several attacks on his entourage since September, Renamo lead- er Afonso Dhlakama has gone into hiding. On 19 November the Mozambican president and leader of the ruling Frelimo party, Filipe Nyusi, called for “restraint” in disarm- ing Renamo – thereby exposing an unusual degree of friction between the more radical wing and the moderates within Frelimo.
    [Show full text]
  • Filipe Nyussi to Be Frelimo Presidential Candidate
    MOZAMBIQUE News reports & clippings 243 1 March 2014 Editor: Joseph Hanlon ( [email protected]) To subscribe: tinyurl.com/sub-moz To unsubscribe: tinyurl.com/unsub-moz Previous newsletters, more detailed press reports in English and Portuguese, and other Mozambique material are posted on tinyurl.com/mozamb This newsletter can be cited as "Mozambique News Reports & Clippings" __________________________________________________________________________ Also in this issue: Election machine to be highly politicised __________________________________________________________________________ Filipe Nyussi to be Frelimo presidential candidate Defence Minister Filipe Nyussi was selected tonight by the Frelimo Central Committee as its presidential candidate for the 15 October national election. After repeated criticism, Filipe Paunde resigned as party secretary-general. Paude and the party Political Commission tried to restrict the list of possible candidates to three allied to current President Armando Guebuza: Prime Minister Alberto Vaquina, Agriculture Minister Jose Pacheco and Nyussi. An old guard anti-Guebuza campaign led by Graça Machel and Joaquim Chissano, forced two former prime ministers onto the list, Luisa Diogo and Aires Ali. In an impassioned speech, Graça Machel also forced Guebuza to allow former members of the Political Commission who are no longer on the Central Committee, including former President Chissano, to attend and speak (but not vote). (Contrary to earlier reports, Eduardo Mulembwe did not stand.) In the first round tonight, Nyussi gained 46% and Diogo 23%. In a second round between those two, Nyussi was selected, with 135 votes (68%) against 61 (31%) for Diogo. Filipe Nyussi is Macondi and was born 9 February 1959, in Namaua, Mueda, Cabo Delgado. He was the only one of the candidates to have a liberation war link, having attended the Frelimo school in Tunduru, Tanzania before independence.
    [Show full text]
  • Sondagem Dá Vantagem a Luísa Diogo 2 TEMA DA SEMANA Savana 21-02-2014
    M o ç a m b i q u e Cabo Delgado, Nampula, Niassa, Zambézia e Sofala Pemba, Caixa Postal, 260 0DSXWRGH)HYHUHLURGH$12;;,1o3UHoo0W0ooDPELTXH E-mail: [email protected] A sombria situação do CC da Frelimo Camaradas contam espingardas Pág. 3 e 4 Urgel Matula Urgel Pág. 2 Sondagem dá vantagem a Luísa Diogo 2 TEMA DA SEMANA Savana 21-02-2014 Para as eleições presidenciais Luísa Diogo lidera opção de voto esultados de uma recen- GRÁFICO 1: QUAL É O MELHOR CANDIDATO ENTRE OS MEMBROS DA FRELIMO. te sondagem realizada a nível nacional indicam a Rantiga Primeira-Minis- tra, Luísa Diogo, como líder das opções de voto, caso as eleições presidenciais se realizassem hoje. A sondagem foi realizada entre os dias 10 e 18 de Fevereiro de 2014 por uma equipa moçambica- na, tendo como suporte técnico a Nova Global Pesquisas, uma em- presa especializada brasileira, com sede em São Paulo, e no mercado há 15 anos. A recolha da informação foi feita através de entrevistas telefónicas com uma duração média de seis minutos, e realizada por uma equi- pa de vários entrevistadores devi- damente preparados para o efeito. A selecção dos números foi aleató- GRÁFICO 2: INTENÇÃO DE VOTO A NÍVEL NACIONAL CASO AS ELEIÇÕES FOSSEM HOJE COM TODOS OS CANDIDATOS ria, e todas as entrevistas foram su- DA FRELIMO E DA OPOSIÇÃO A CONCORREREM. pervisionadas de forma a garantir melhor controlo de qualidade. A pesquisa teve duas componentes. A primeira, apenas entre possíveis candidatos da Frelimo, e a segunda, alargada para incluir os Presiden- tes da Renamo, Afonso Dhlakama, e do Movimento Democrático de Moçambique (MDM), Daviz Si- mango.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique
    Draft 3, 29 Agosto 2017 The Heritagization of the Liberation Struggle in Postcolonial Mozambique Albino Jopela Kaleidoscopio - Research in Public Policy and Culture [email protected] Abstract Since Mozambique gained its independence from Portugal in 1975 only three historical sites have been declared National Monuments. All three sites, Matchedje, Chilembene and Nwadjahane, which were declared in 2008, are related to the country‟s struggle for national liberation and they are commonly designated „liberation heritage‟. This can be situated and understood as part of the current nation-building project initiated in 2005 when the former (until 2014) president Armando Guebuza came into power. Ever since then there has been a selective revitalization of state-driven heritage projects, with Government institutions and the ruling Frelimo Party focussing on the memorialisation of the liberation struggle, especially the „struggle heroes‟. While some Mozambicans certainly support the government‟s initiative in setting up monuments, memorials and promoting „national unity‟, many others have contested the specific „politics‟ of representation and memorialisation that underline current heritage projects. This paper examines the politics of heritagization of the liberation struggle in postcolonial Mozambique. 1. Setting the scene Whilst collaborating with the National Directorate for Cultural Heritage (Direcção Nacional do Património Cultural - DNPC) of Mozambique between 2005 and 2009, I was involved in several projects related to the conservation of immovable cultural heritage. One of these projects was the production of a national inventory of 115 monuments and sites to be declared sites of „national interest‟ under the designation of „national heritage‟. According to the justification put forward by the then Ministry of Education and Culture the purpose of this was to, „provide special protection by the state to sites and monuments of exceptional value‟ (Macamo 2008: 2).
    [Show full text]
  • MOZAMBIQUE Security, Political and Geopolitical Challenges of the Gas Boom
    Études de l’Ifri MOZAMBIQUE Security, Political and Geopolitical Challenges of the Gas Boom Benjamin AUGÉ August 2020 Center for Energy & Climate Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. Policy Center for the New South, formerly OCP Policy Center, is a Moroccan policy-oriented think tank based in Rabat, Morocco, striving to promote knowledge sharing and to contribute to an enriched reflection on key economic and international relations issues. By offering a southern perspective on major regional and global strategic challenges facing developing and emerging countries, the Policy Center for the New South aims to provide a meaningful policy-making contribution through its four research programs: Agriculture, Environment and Food Security, Economic and Social Development, Commodity Economics and Finance, Geopolitics and International Relations. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This study has been carried out within the partnership between the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) and Policy Center for the New South. ISBN: 979-10-373-0259-5 Cover: © www.presidencia.gov.mz © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2020 How to quote this document: Benjamin Augé, “Mozambique: Security, Political and Geopolitical Challenges of the Gas Boom”, Études de l’Ifri, Ifri, August 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • War in Resource-Rich Northern Mozambique – Six Scenarios
    CMI INSIGHT 2020:02 1 NUMBER 2 CMI INSIGHT MAY 2020 Photo: F Mira on Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0) War in resource-rich northern Mozambique – Six scenarios AUTHOR Since the October 2017 attacks by alleged Islamist insurgents, Francisco Almeida commonly referred to as Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama and locally know as 1 dos Santos Al Shabab, on Mocimboa da Praia, it has not been entirely clear who the attackers were, what their strategic objectives are and on whose domestic and international support they rely. This paper, grounded in a historical understanding of conflict in northern Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado Province, seeks to identify possible stakeholders and scenarios in what we no longer see as an insurgency, but a war. 2 CMI INSIGHT 2020:02 Introduction horizon, at least in terms of upstream and downstream The attacks have been happening at a critical juncture investment and revenue generation, from 2024 onwards in Mozambique’s history. In August 2019, a peace (EIU, 2019). agreement – the third – between the Government True to the saying ‘when it rains it pours’, this silver and the Renamo opposition was signed by President lining may vanish and turn out to be a mirage, for two Filipe Nyusi and the Renamo leader Osufo Momade. interconnected reasons. The first is the tumbling of global Complementing a decentralization reform through energy prices, partly due to the increase of production a change in the Constitution, with a focus on of oil by both Russia and Saudi Arabia, causing an provincial governments, the agreement focusses on expected decline of demand, refinery output, available the demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration storage, and return to investment expectations in energy (DDR) of more than 5,000 Renamo soldiers – an exploration.
    [Show full text]
  • Mozambique República De Mozambique
    OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS Mozambique República de Mozambique La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y de Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comuni- cación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La informacion contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios no oficiales. La presente ficha país no defiende posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. MARZO 2013 1. DATOS BÁSICOS Mozambique 1.1. Características generales Nombre Oficial: República de Mozambique Superficie: 799.380 Km2. TANZANIA Límites: Limita con Sudáfrica y Suazilandia al sur, con Zimbabwe, Zambia y Malawi al oeste y con Tanzania al norte. Lago Malawi Población: 23´4 millones de habitantes. ZAMBIA Capital: Maputo. Idioma: El portugués es la lengua oficial del Estado. Existen diversas lenguas nativas, entre las que destacan el makonde, makua, suabo, shona, ronga y MALAWI changana. El swahili se habla en las zonas costeras del norte. Moneda: Nuevo Metical (MZN). Dependiendo de la cotización, alrededor de 36 meticais = 1 euro. Nampula Religión: Las confesiones religiosas más presentes son la católica, con cerca del 35% de creyentes, seguida de la musulmana (30%) y de ritos animistas. Las iglesias Evangélicas están creciendo con rapidez en los últimos tiempos, fundamentalmente en el sur del país. Forma de Estado: Con la Constitución de noviembre de 1990, Mozambique abandonó el sistema de partido único y economía centralizada para convertirse en una República presidencialista, con separación de poderes y elecciones periódicas multipartidistas.
    [Show full text]
  • Mozambique News Agency AIM Reports St Report No.451, 1 October 2012
    Mozambique News Agency AIM Reports st Report no.451, 1 October 2012 President Guebuza closes Frelimo Congress The success of any undertaking depends on “believing in ourselves”, declared President Armando Guebuza on 28 September as he brought the Tenth Congress of the ruling Frelimo Party to a close in the northern city of Pemba. National unity, he added, establishes “a symbiotic relationship” with self-esteem which in turn generates and reaffirms “belief in our ability to achieve and to better ourselves”. “Throughout the years, the expression ‘rely on our own Those who had been elected, he added, “now face the forces’ has galvanized us into finding solutions for each of challenge of putting our knowledge, creativity, initiative and the challenges we faced”, said President Guebuza. “With commitment at the service of Frelimo. We have to guarantee national unity and self-esteem we shall continue to grow and that the decisions taken by the Tenth Congress are known to to multiply the monuments of our victories in the struggle all, and guide everyone in the fight against poverty”. against poverty”. One of the major challenges on the horizon is the President Guebuza described national unity as a municipal elections scheduled for late 2013, followed by “normative reference point” which recognizes the diversity of presidential and parliamentary elections the following year. the country, and which, in the final instance, is the judge of “We must set off for these elections cohesive and the morality of political actions. determined and once again guarantee the victory of Frelimo “Hence to attack national unity is to compromise the and its candidates”, declared President Guebuza.
    [Show full text]
  • Report Deals with a Wide Spectrum of Human Rights Concerns in the Country
    Copyright 8 July 1992 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalogue Card No.: 92-73261 ISBN 1-56432-079-0 Cover design by Deborah Thomas. Africa Watch Africa Watch was established in May 1988 to monitor and promote observance of internationally recognized human rights in Africa. The chair of Africa Watch is William Carmichael. Alice Brown is the vice chair. Rakiya Omaar, is the executive director. Alex deWaal is associate director. Janet Fleischman and Karen Sorensen are research associates. Barbara Baker, Urmi Shah and Ben Penglase are associates. Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch is composed of Africa Watch, Americas Watch, Asia Watch, Helsinki Watch, Middle East Watch and the Fund for Free Expression. The executive committee is comprised of Robert L. Bernstein, chair; Adrian DeWind, vice chair; Roland Algrant, Lisa Anderson, Peter Bell, Alice Brown, William Carmichael, Dorothy Cullman, Irene Diamond, Jonathan Fanton, Jack Greenberg, Alice H. Henkin, Stephen Kass, Marina Kaufman, Jeri Laber, Aryeh Neier, Bruce Rabb, Harriet Rabb, Kenneth Roth, Orville Schell, Gary Sick and Robert Wedgeworth. The staff includes Aryeh Neier, executive director; Kenneth Roth, deputy director; Holly J. Burkhalter, Washington director; Ellen Lutz, California director; Susan Osnos, press director; Jemera Rone, counsel; Joanna Weschler, Prison Project director; Dorothy Q. Thomas, Women's Rights Project director; and Allyson Collins, research associate. Executive Directors Africa Watch
    [Show full text]
  • MOZAMBIQUE News Reports & Clippings 347 7 December 2016 Editor: Joseph Hanlon ( [email protected])
    MOZAMBIQUE News reports & clippings 347 7 December 2016 Editor: Joseph Hanlon ( [email protected]) To subscribe: tinyurl.com/sub-moz To unsubscribe: tinyurl.com/unsub-moz Previous newsletters, more detailed press reports in English and Portuguese, and other Mozambique material are posted on bit.ly/mozamb This newsletter can be cited as "Mozambique News Reports & Clippings" __________________________________________________________________________ Following the donor-designed path to the $2.2 billion secret debt http://bit.ly/3WQ-Hanlon Special report on four poverty surveys: bit.ly/MozPoverty Comment: something will turn up: http://bit.ly/28SN7QP Oxfam blog on Bill Gates & chickens: http://oxfamblogs.org/fp2p/will-bill-gates-chickens-end-african-poverty/ Chickens and beer: A recipe for agricultural growth in Mozambique by Teresa Smart and Joseph Hanlon is on http://bit.ly/chickens-beer Gas for development or just for money? is on http://bit.ly/MozGasEn __________________________________________________________________________ Also in this issue: Everything depends on Kroll Support to repudiate debt LAM chair took bribe __________________________________________________________________________ New ministers: Put politics in command* Frelimo Political Commission member Conceita Sortane was named education minister on 26 November, replacing the highly respected Jorge Ferrão who had been in post for less than two years. She has a Masters degree in education from the Pontifício Universidade Católica (PUC) in São Paulo, Brazil, but her only recent educational role was in a previous post as Frelimo Central Committee Secretary for Training and Cadres. At the time of her appointment, Sortane was a member of parliament (Assembleia da República, AR) and chair of the parliamentary Commission on Social Action, Gender, Technology and Media.
    [Show full text]