DOCSLIB.ORG

Mozambique After Machel

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Mozambique After Machel ( A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No. 67 • December 29, 1986 Mozambique After Machel by Gillian Gunn In a transition marked by solemnity but not despair, the by those FRELIMO members who resent the fact that leaders of Mozambique's governing party who survived whites and mesti~os hold 16 percent of government the October 19, 1986 plane crash that took the lives of posts although comprising only two percent of the President Samora Machel and 33 others quietly agreed country's population. Many of FRELIMO's black mem­ that Minister of Foreign Affairs Joaquim Chissano bers are unconvinced by the explanation that a tempo­ should be the successor head of state. President Chis· rary imbalance is inevitable given Portugal's colonial sano faces a grim challenge. policy of blocking black access to education. Guebuza' s Although "approaching collapse" is a relative - and critics within FRELIMO concede, however, that he does "'verused - term in Africa, it is an objective fact that not stir up this disgruntled constituency, but simply iozambique is approaching mass starvation and finan­ refrains from rejecting its support. cial bankruptcy; that the country's military (For~as Guebuza also has a reputation for intense zeal in Populares de Liberta~ao de Mo~ambique [FPLM]) is in carrying out orders. This focus on efficiency, though danger of losing control of several central provinces and much needed in FRELIMO, provokes jealousy among vital regional transport routes to antigovernment guerril­ colleagues who fear that he will "show up" their lesser las of the Resistencia Nacional Mo~ambicana, known performance. His enthusiasm also gets him into trouble, as Renamo or MNR; and that rhetorical, economic, and as in 1984 when he implemented in a heavy-handed military pressures by its powerful neighbor, South Af­ manner a program to move the unemployed of Maputo rica, are increasing. to the countryside. The fallout from this episode, combined with his The Succession public criticism of the March 1984 nonaggression pact The relatively uncontentious manner in which the suc­ with Pretoria known as the Nkomati Accord (which cession question was resolved will help President Chis­ specified, inter alia, that South Africa was to end its sano come to terms with some of the challenges. Six support of the MNR in exchange for a commitment by days after Machel' s funeral on October 28, when his Maputo not to allow the use by the African National memory was honored by delegations from over 80 Congress of Mozambican territory as an operational nations, including 18 African heads of state, the 130- base and/or a springboard for guerrilla raids into South member Central Committee of the country's ruling Africa), led Machel to remove him as minister of the party, the Frente de Liberta~ao de Mo~ambique (FRE­ interior and temporarily have him placed under house LIMO), met to decide the matter. arrest. (See "Destabilization and Dialogue: South Af­ Although Chissano's selection was virtually a rica's Emergence as a Regional Superpower" by John foregone conclusion, the intense if short-lived specula­ de St. Jorre in CSIS Africa Notes no. 26, April17, 1984.) tion in the Western press about "a succession struggle" When things cooled down, Guebuza was given a warrants an assessment of the major "rivals." lesser post as minister in the President's Office, and in One widely cited "competitor" was former Minister of March 1986 shifted back toward center stage, with the Interior Armando Guebuza, who is conventionally responsibility for agriculture, light and food industry, viewed as pro-Soviet and antiwhite, with solid support internal trade, and tourism added to his Political Bureau 'mlong the military. The reality is somewhat more tasks. omplicated. Guebuza is certainly regarded as an ally Regarding Guebuza' s alleged Soviet links, the verdict Editor: Helen Kitchen, Director of African Studies o Research Associate: J. Co leman Kitchen, Jr. o Production/Circu lation : Eve lyn Barnes CS IS Africa Notes, Su ite 400, 1800 K Street, N.W, Washington, D.C. 20006 o Telephone (202) 887-021 9 o ISSN 0736-9506 2 is still not in. He certainly was not vocal in support of Portuguese sources, Chissano suggested that FRELIMO Machel's overtures to the West or the introduction in pursue a modus vivendi with South Africa rather than 1983 of market-oriented economic policies. On the confrontation. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, other hand, some FRELIMO sources do not dismiss the Chissano did not oppose Machel's decision to sign the possibility that Mozambique under a Guebuza presi­ Nkomati Accord. Although Chissano was characterized dency might have lurched dramatically toward the as disapproving of the negotiations at the time, reliable West. If he determined that such a move served the FRELIMO sources identify him as one of the originators nation's interest, it is said, he would follow his past of the Nkomati idea, and say that the party decided he management style and execute the policy in a flam­ should maintain public distance from the accord to boyant and single-minded manner. protect his image should the deal backfire. Chissano Another presidential "candidate" mentioned in the also shared Machel' s views, stated repeatedly in the international press was Alberto Chipande, who served weeks before his death, that "Mozambique does not as minister of defense until 1983 when, while still nomi­ have the capacity to impose sanctions on South Africa." nally retaining his ministerial duties, he was moved to And, like Machel, Chissano quietly urged Angola's the governorship of Cabo Delgado province. The con­ ruling MPLA party at least to consider the possibility of ventional wisdom is that Chipande was "demoted" negotiations with UNIT A. because of the poor performance of the FPLM. The Chissano was also in step with Machel on economic move to Cabo Delgado may also have been motivated policy. He supported the decisions of the 1983 Fourth by a desire to have an experienced military man oversee­ Party Congress to increase material incentives for peas­ ing developments in a key province under growing MNR ants and loosen central control of the economy. (See pressure, and by the 1983 Fourth Party Congress deci­ "Post-Nkomati Mozambique" by Gillian Gunn in CSIS sion to ensure that Central Committee members receive Africa Notes no. 38, January 8, 1985.) In 1986, he called exposure to conditions in the rural areas. In any case, for legalization of private transport and of the purchase Chipande was brought back as full-time minister of by tenants of their state-owned dwellings. defense in March 1986, and reportedly has a good The positions described above do not, however, mean relationship both with Chissano and with the military that Chissano is "pro-West." When this author asked rank and file. Chissano for his views on Mozambique's international A third name mooted as a Chissano "rival" was alliances during an October 1984 interview, he took up Marcelino dos Santos, who held the number two posi­ his pencil and drew three circles on a piece of paper. tion in the party hierarchy at the time of Machel's Then he explained: "This is Mozambique. This is the death, one rung above Chissano. DosSantos is reput­ West. And this is the East. At the moment the Mozambi­ edly committed to classical Marxist ideology, and was can and Western circles overlap considerably. But this clearly uneasy with both Machel's pragmatism on is not necessarily a permanent state of affairs. Mozambi­ foreign policy and the late president's increasing inclina­ can interests are not intrinsically overlapping with those tion to mix market-based and conventional socialist of any other country." economic policies. On the positive side, dos Santos is Asked about official FRELIMO statements that the respected for his care not to air disagreements publicly, socialist countries are Mozambique's natural allies, and for his role in the independence struggle. A key Chissano responded: "The socialist countries are natural factor operating against the likelihood of a dos Santos economic and political allies of the Third World, but presidency was his ethnicity. DosSantos is a light-skin­ they are not natural military allies." He defined ned mesti~o. and it would be highly unlikely that FRE­ nonalignment as involving nonadherence to any military LIMO's advocacy and practice of multiracialism could bloc, but said that it did "not imply neutrality or equidis­ be extended to designation of a nonblack as head of tance between the two blocs on economic and political state. issues." (See "The Nonaligned Summit: Behind the Rhetoric" by Gillian Gunn in CSIS Africa Notes no. 63, Who is Chissano? October 25, 1986.) Joaquim Chissano, age 47, brings to the presidency 11 Chissano's public statements since he took up his years of experience as Mozambique's foreign minister presidential responsibilities suggest that he has not and 24 years as a leading figure in FRELIMO. He is changed his position. The word order in his recent conventionally identified as "pro-Western," and South remark that Mozambique is "a sovereign, African, African radio has described Chissano's appointment as nonaligned, and socialist state" seems to be a genuine heralding "a somewhat more hopeful outlook for reflection of the new head of state's worldview. Regard­ Mozambique itself and for stability in southern Africa." ing Mozambique's immediate foreign policy aims, his Chissano was closely associated with Machel's speeches have emphasized the need to improve rela­ policies and performed as FRELIMO's behind-the­ tions with Malawi (through which FRELIMO believes scenes conciliator. He was a key actor in pulling the South Africa is aiding the MNR), Mozambique's com­ party through a series of factional crises in the late mitment to the Southern African Development Coordi­ 1960s, and in uniting it behind Machel after the assassi­ nation Conference (SADCC), its fidelity to the Organiza­ nation of the party's founder, Eduardo Mondlane, in tion of African Unity, its support for the UN Charter, its 1969.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Where Crime Compounds Conflict
    WHERE CRIME COMPOUNDS CONFLICT Understanding northern Mozambique’s vulnerabilities SIMONE HAYSOM October 2018 WHERE CRIME COMPOUNDS CONFLICT Understanding northern Mozambique’s vulnerabilities Simone Haysom October 2018 Cover photo: iStock/Katiekk2 Pemba, Mozambique: ranger with a gun looking at feet of elephants after poachers had killed the animals for illegal ivory trade © 2018 Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Contents Summary and key findings ..............................................................................................................................................1 Background .........................................................................................................................................................................................2 The militants and funding from the illicit economy .......................................................................................4 Methodology .....................................................................................................................................................................................5 Corrosion, grievance and opportunity: A detailed picture
    [Show full text]
  • India - Mozambique Relations
    India - Mozambique Relations India enjoys warm and substantive ties with Mozambique. Trading links between Mozambique and the western states of India go back several Centuries, and pre-date the colonial era. These ancient people-to-people links have been further built upon in modern times, to forge a strong bilateral relationship based on regular political contacts, ever-deepening economic engagement, and a well-integrated Indian community in Mozambique. Political Relations Independent India’s strong support for the Mozambican freedom struggle established the basis for warm political ties between the leaderships of both countries. Diplomatic relations between India and Mozambique were established as soon as Mozambique became independent in 1975, and India was among the first countries to establish its diplomatic mission in Mozambique. Mozambique opened its Mission in New Delhi in 2001. Since the independence of Mozambique, there has been fairly regular high-level contact between the leaderships of the two countries. All four Mozambican Presidents have visited India – President Samora Machel in April 1982, President Joaquim Chissano in May 1988 and again in May 2003, President Armando Guebuza September-October 2010, and President Filipe Nyusi in August 2015. From the Indian side, Prime Ministerial visits have taken place twice – Smt. Indira Gandhi in August 1982 and Shri Narendra Modi in July 2016. The nature and regularity of political exchanges between India and Mozambique has seen a sharp uptick in the last two years. The highlights have been the visits of President Filipe Nyusi in August 2015 and of Prime Minister Modi in July 2016. On his visit to India in August 2015 (which was his first visit to any Asian country), President Nyusi was accompanied by four of his Ministers, responsible for Foreign Affairs, Agriculture, Mineral Resources, and Transport & Communication.
    [Show full text]
  • Sources and Resources for a Culture of Peace in Africa; Pan-African Forum
    Proceedings of the Pan-African Forum © Paulino Damião Group picture - Participants of the Pan African Forum “Sources and resources for a culture of peace” 26-28 March 2013 • Sources and Resources for a Culture of Peace in Africa « Since wars begin in the mind of men, it is in the mind of men That the defences of peace must be constructed.” UNESCO Constitution “Any human life is a life. It is true that a life appears with the existence before another but a life is not older, More sizeable than another life, Just as a life is not better than another one.” Manden Charter Kourukan Fougan (13th Century) “Peace is reverence for life. Peace is the most precious possession of humanity. Peace is more than the end of armed conflicts. Peace is a mode of behavior.” Yamoussoukro Declaration (1989) • 26-28 March 2013/Luanda, Angola “I am because you are.” Ubuntu Proverb “In the forest, when the branches quarrel, the roots embrace.” African Proverb www.unesco.org/africa4peace Des_Actes_COVER_EN.indd 1-3 14/12/13 09:08 © Paulino Damião Opening ceremony – 26 March 2013 Mr Septime Martin, African Development Bank – Ms Bineta Diop, President of Femmes Africa Solidarité – Ms Irina Bokova, UNESCO Director- General – H.E. Mr Eduardo dos Santos, President of the Republic of Angola – Mr Erastus Mwencha, Vice President of the African Union – H.E. Mr Joaquim Chissano, Former President of the Republic of Mozambique – Mr Federico Mayor, UNESCO Former Director-General Malino ........................................ Tonga .......................................... Amharic M’tendere .................................. Chi Nyanja/Chichewa Alaáfía ....................................... Yoruba Murettele .................................... Emakhuwa Alher .......................................... Songhaï Mutenden ................................... Bemba Amahoro ...................................
    [Show full text]
  • 2008 Annual Meetings Official Records
    AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT FUND BOARDS OF GOVERNORS FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL THIRTY-FOURTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE ADB MEETING OF THE ADF MAPUTO, MOZAMBIQUE MAPUTO, MOZAMBIQUE 14 AND 15 MAY 2008 14 AND 15 MAY 2008 OFFICIAL RECORD AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT FUND Board of Governors Board of Governors Forty-Third Annual Meeting Thirty-Fourth Annual Meeting MAPUTO, 14 and 15 May 2008 MAPUTO, 14 and 15 May 2008 OFFICIAL RECORD 1 The Forty-Third Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the African Development Bank (ADB) and the Thirty-Fourth Annual Meeting of the African Development Fund (ADF) were held jointly on 14 and 15 May 2008 at the Joaquim Chissano International Conference Center in Maputo, Mozambique, under the chairmanship of His Excellency Mr. Aiuba CUERENEIA, Chairperson of the Boards of Governors and Governor for Mozambique. The Annual Meetings were opened in the presence of Mr. Donald KABERUKA, President of the African Development Bank Group. 1.1 The 2008 Annual Meetings were attended by about 1,500 participants, comprising Governors, Alternate Governors, members of the Boards of Directors, Delegates, Staff and Observers. 1.2 The Meetings were preceded on Sunday, 11 May 2007, by a thematic seminar on “Aid Effectiveness” and the presentation of the 2007 African Development Report. Other key events organized within the framework of the Annual Meetings included the financial presentation, the seminar on rural financing and the Ministerial Round Table on “Fostering Shared Growth: Urbanization, Inequality and Poverty in Africa”. Related high-level seminars held included: (i) “Cities and Growth Poles: Implications for Rural Development”, (ii) “Financing Urban Development”, (iii) “Decentralization and Urban Governance”, and (iv) “Upgrading Informal Settlements in African Cities”.
    [Show full text]
  • No One Can Stop. the Rain ®DD[Illq~0@F3 ®CT Ffict[?OC5@'0 0Dl§J@Lf@Jlf 0®Dij 01Jlf OD®®0@ by George M
    $14~95 no one can stop. the rain ®DD[illQ~0@f3 ®CT ffiCT[?OC5@'0 0Dl§J@lf@Jlf 0®DiJ 01Jlf OD®®0@ by George M. Houser .< Focusing on Africa's struggle for independence from the 1950s to the 1980s, this hook takes a hard look at the nationalist m:werrents that led the struggle against colonial domination. George M. Houser, for twenty-six years the ex­ ecutive director of the Anerican Corrmittee on Africa, saw at close hand the beginnings of many of the rroverrents, knew their leaders, and followed major events in their struggle. He was present at all three of the All African Peoples' Conferences (Accra in 1958, Tunis in 1960, and Cairo in 1961). He attended the founding conference of the Organization of African Unity in Addis Ababa in 1963. He was in the bush with th'? rebels in Angola, with the forces for liberation in Guinea-Bissau, crossed the Sahara by land rover in the company of the desert guerrilla.S of the Polisario, was taken at gun point by Rhodesian goverrnnent troops during the final stages of the struggle for an independent Zimbabwe, att~ted to fly into Namibia .with a U.N. rather than a South African visa. The book is not, however, essentially an adventure story. It outlines the con­ text in which the struggle for independence took place and t.1-ie major events of the era, making maximum use of the author' s observations , experiences and conversations. Thus it helps lay a groundwork for understanding sorre of today's p~oplerns - in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging Challenges to Long-Term Peace and Security in Mozambique
    The Journal of Social Encounters Volume 1 Issue 1 Article 6 2017 Emerging Challenges to Long-term Peace and Security in Mozambique Ayokunu Adedokun United Nations University (UNU-MERIT) and Maastricht University Graduate School of Governance, in the Netherlands Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/social_encounters Part of the African American Studies Commons, African Languages and Societies Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Adedokun, Ayokunu (2017) "Emerging Challenges to Long-term Peace and Security in Mozambique," The Journal of Social Encounters: Vol. 1: Iss. 1, 37-53. Available at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/social_encounters/vol1/iss1/6 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Journal of Social Encounters by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Journal of Social Encounters Emerging Challenges to Long-term Peace and Security in Mozambique Ayokunu Adedokun, Ph.D1. Maastricht University Graduate School of Governance (MGSoG) & UNU-MERIT, Netherlands. Mozambique’s transition from civil war to peace is often considered among the most successful implementations of a peace agreement in the post-Cold War era. Following the signing of the 1992 Rome General Peace Accords (GPA), the country has not experienced any large-scale recurrence of war. Instead, Mozambique has made impressive progress in economic growth, poverty reduction, improved security, regional cooperation and post-war democratisation. Mozambique has also made significant strides in the provision of primary healthcare, and steady progress towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
    [Show full text]
  • Struggle for Survival
    M N G u o E T o OZA STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL Mozambique's History: In 1964, led by the Front for the libera­ Mozambique tion of Mozambique (FRELlMO), they Mozambique was a Portuguese colony launched an armed struggle to oust the for more than four hundred years. Portugal Portuguese. Ten years later, in 1974, Por­ was a poor country itself, unable and un­ tuguese army officers rebelled against their own government, ending decades of Natala willing to develop Mozambique's economic potential. The Portuguese profited from ex­ fascist rule within Portugal. In the following porting Mozambican labor to the South y~ar , Mozambique won independence, as African mines and exporting agricultural did the other Portuguese colonies of products such as cotton, tea, and cashew Angola and Guinea Bissau. nuts. Mozambican peasants were forced to Mozambique's new Frelimo government grow these crops under brutal conditions. established a nonaligned socialist model of They were forced to work on government development, which included a non-racial projects such as road and railway con­ policy of inclusion, provision of education (J struction under conditions considered to be and health services, and a plan to in­ among the worst in African colonial history. tegrate women equally into the new Mozambique is twice the size of Cali­ society. fornia and strategically located on the TRANSPORT LINKS TO PORTS OF BEIRA Indian Ocean, with a coastline equivalent NACALA AND MAPUTO - MAIN TARGETS ' to that of the United States from Boston to OF SOUTH AFRICAN SABOTAGE Miami. It has been generously endowed POPULATION 15 MILLION with mineral resources.
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 40 No 10
    23 July 1999 Vol 40 No 15 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ALGERIA 3 ORGANISATION OF AFRICAN UNITY Alger l'Africaine President Bouteflika reestablished Tougher talk Algeria's anti-colonial credentials when he hosted the OAU summit Africa's big three - Algeria, Nigeria and South Africa - focused the and marketed his country as a summit on peace talks and ending military rule dynamic economy at the junction of Africa, Europe and the Middle For once, the Organisation of African Unity caught the mood of the continent, balanced uneasily East. He wanted to show visitors between hope and despair. Hope that, after shaky ceasefire agreements in Congo-Kinshasa and that national reconciliation was Sierra Leone, the Algiers OAU summit (12-16 July) might progress towards resolving the conflicts working and convinced many. ripping through over one-fifth of Africa’s 53 states. Despair that good intentions are far from realisation, as economic weakness persists and old conflicts linger on in Angola and Sudan. Yet by FRANCE/OIL 4 the standards of summits in general and OAU summits in particular, it was constructive. Zambia’s President Frederick Chiluba flew off to Congo-K to persuade the quarrelling rebel Totally elfin factions to sign the 10 July Lusaka peace accord; Nigeria’s President Olusegun Obasanjo flew to For decades the oil company Elf meet embattled President José Eduardo dos Santos in Luanda; United Nations Secretary General Aquitaine has played a key role for Kofi Annan flew back to New York (via Slovakia) with proposals for UN help in peacemaking in French policy in Africa. After its Congo, Sierra Leone and Eritrea-Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • Mozambique Page 1 of 6
    Mozambique Page 1 of 6 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Mozambique Mozambique Country: Mozambique Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 4 Aggregate Score: 56 Freedom Rating: 4.0 Overview: Filipe Nyusi of the ruling Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) took office as president in January 2015 after winning the October 2014 election. FRELIMO had signed a cease-fire accord with the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO)—the country’s former rebel movement and main opposition party—ahead of the elections, ensuring a peaceful environment for the balloting. However, tensions rose again during 2015, both between the two parties and within FRELIMO itself. Violent skirmishes between FRELIMO and RENAMO forces erupted over the course of the year. After RENAMO’s efforts to secure regional autonomy through a constitutional amendment failed in November, party leader Afonso Dhlakama promised to take control of six northern and central provinces by force if necessary. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: Political Rights: 22 / 40 (−1) [Key] A. Electoral Process: 6 / 12 The president, who appoints the prime minister, is elected by popular vote for up to two five-year terms. Members of the 250-seat, unicameral Assembly of the Republic are also https://freedomhouse.org/print/48079 8/25/2016 Mozambique Page 2 of 6 elected for five-year terms. The national government appoints the governors of the 10 provinces and Maputo City. Despite the existence of municipal governments and, since 2009, elected provincial assemblies, power remains highly centralized, particularly in the hands of the president. Acceding to RENAMO demands, the Assembly of the Republic passed several amendments to electoral legislation in February 2014, enabling greater participation by opposition parties and civil society representatives on national, provincial, and district-level election commissions.
    [Show full text]
  • MALAUENE Umn 0130E 22082.Pdf
    A history of music and politics in Mozambique from the 1890s to the present A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE COLLEGE OF LIBERAL ARTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY DENISE MARIA MALAUENE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUEREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY ALLEN F. ISAACMAN JANUARY 2021 Ó DENISE MARIA MALAUENE, 2021 Acknowledgements Nhi bongide ku womi ni vikelo Thank you for life and protection Nhi bongide gurula ni guhodza Thank you for peace and provision Nhi bongide gu nengela omo gu Thank you for happiness in times of tsanisegani suffering Nhi bongide Pfumu Thank you, God! Denise Malauene song titled “Nhi bongide Pfumu”1 Pfumu Nungungulu, nhi bongide ngudzu! (Thank you, God!) My children Eric Silvino Tale and Malik TSakane Malauene Waete: I thank you for your unconditional love, Support, and understanding aS many timeS I could not be with you nor could meet your needs because I waS studying or writing. Mom and dad Helena ZacariaS Pedro Garrine and João Malauene, nhi bongide ku SatSavbo. My Siblings Eduardo Malauene, GiSela Malauene, Guidjima Donaldo, CriStina AgneSS Raúl, DioníSio, Edson Malauene, ChelSea Malauene, Kevin Malauene, obrigada por tudo. I am grateful to my adviSor Allen IsSacman for the advice, guidance, and encouragement, particularly during the difficult timeS in my Ph.D. trajectory Somewhat affected by Several challengeS including CycloneS Idai, the armed instability in central and northern Mozambique, and Covid 19. Barbara’s and hiS support are greatly appreciated. I am grateful to ProfeSSor Helena Pohlandt-McCormick for her encouragement, guidance, and Support. Her contribution to the completion of my degree in claSSeS, reading groups, paper preSentations, grant applications, the completion of my prelimS, and Michael’s and her support are greatly appreciated.
    [Show full text]
  • Prospects for a Sustainable Elite Bargain in Mozambique Third Time Lucky? Contents
    Research Paper Alex Vines Africa Programme | August 2019 Prospects for a Sustainable Elite Bargain in Mozambique Third Time Lucky? Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Key Features of Past Elite Bargains 5 3 New Mediation (2013 – Present) 15 4 Sustainability of Elite Bargains 23 5 Conclusion 27 About the Author 30 Acknowledgments 30 1 | Chatham House Prospects for a Sustainable Elite Bargain in Mozambique: Third Time Lucky? Summary • A newly agreed deal could end 42 years of armed contest between the Mozambique Liberation Front-led government (FRELIMO) and the armed opposition party Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO). The agreement, due to be signed in August, is the third attempt and if it is to last, it will require political good will, compromise and an acceptance of more inclusive national politics by both parties. • The forthcoming 15 October 2019 elections and their conduct could make or break this new elite bargain. International monitoring of these elections and support for national oversight efforts are critical to this process. • A lasting agreement is in the national interest. It would mean that a new Mozambican government formed after the national elections can focus on gas industry development, improving services, poverty reduction and combating new security challenges, such as growing violent Islamic radicalism in Cabo Delgado. • The new elite bargain requires continued international and domestic engagement. It attempts to encourage alternative peaceful livelihood opportunities through training of RENAMO’s past and current armed militia. This should help RENAMO to gradually disarm its militant wing if post-election confidence grows. • The newly created post of Personal Envoy for Mozambique by the UN Secretary-General is an important development to provide support, coordination and leadership for international peace partnerships.
    [Show full text]
  • A New and Prosperous Era Mozambique’S Natural Resource Endowment Provides the Foundation for an Exciting Future
    MOZAMBIQUE A new and prosperous era Mozambique’s natural resource endowment provides the foundation for an exciting future f ever a country deserved its good fortune, then FRELIMO took complete control of the former After 15 years Mozambique is that country. For the first 20 colony after a transition period, as agreed in the years of the independence it won in 1975, it was Lusaka Accord which recognised Mozambique’s right of economic wracked by a war whose scars are still visible to independence and the terms of the transfer of power. Itoday. After 15 years of economic reforms, recent Within a year of the Portuguese coup, almost all the reforms, discoveries of gas, along with a huge coal sector, will 300,000 Portuguese population had departed. This provide much-needed finance for the Government in hasty exodus left the Mozambican economy in chaos. recent its mission to eradicate poverty and create jobs. Two years later, in 1977, civil war erupted, destroying The Portuguese began colonising what is today what little wealth and physical infrastructure the discoveries Mozambique in the early 16th century, soon Portuguese had left behind. establishing this stretch of the East African coastline as For 13 years, Mozambique was a Cold War of gas, along a trade centre with India. After the end of World War battleground, as the Soviet-backed FRELIMO army II, as in most of Africa, an independence movement fought the US and South African-backed RENAMO with a huge emerged, led by FRELIMO, which fought the rebels. By 1990, the world outside Mozambique Portuguese military regime of Antonio Salazár.
    [Show full text]