Filipe Nyussi to Be Frelimo Presidential Candidate
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The Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) As Described by Ex-Patticipants
The Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) as Described by Ex-patticipants Research Report Submitted to: Ford Foundation and Swedish International Development Agency William Minter, Ph.D. Visiting Researcher African Studies Program Georgetown University Washington, DC March, 1989 Copyright Q 1989 by William Minter Permission to reprint, excerpt or translate this report will be granted provided that credit is given rind a copy sent to the author. For more information contact: William Minter 1839 Newton St. NW Washington, DC 20010 U.S.A. INTRODUCTION the top levels of the ruling Frelirno Party, local party and government officials helped locate amnestied ex-participants For over a decade the Mozambican National Resistance and gave access to prisoners. Selection was on the basis of the (Renamo, or MNR) has been the principal agent of a desuuctive criteria the author presented: those who had spent more time as war against independent Mozambique. The origin of the group Renamo soldiers. including commanders, people with some as a creation of the Rhodesian government in the mid-1970s is education if possible, adults rather than children. In a number of well-documented, as is the transfer of sponsorship to the South cases, the author asked for specific individuals by name, previ- African government after white Rhodesia gave way to inde- ously identified from the Mozambican press or other sources. In pendent Zimbabwe in 1980. no case were any of these refused, although a couple were not The results of the war have attracted increasing attention geographically accessible. from the international community in recent years. In April 1988 Each interview was carried out individually, out of hearing the report written by consultant Robert Gersony for the U. -
Does Breaking Through the •Œfinal Glass Ceiling╊ Really Pave The
Does Breaking Through the “Final Glass Ceiling” Really Pave the Way for Subsequent Women to Become Heads of State? 1 Does Breaking Through the “Final Glass Ceiling” Really Pave the Way for Subsequent Women to Become Heads of State? By Katherine Rocha, Joseph Palazzo, Rebecca Teczar and Roger Clark Rhode Island College Abstract Women’s ascension to the role of national president or prime minister of any country is a relatively new phenomenon in world history. The first woman to break the “final glass ceiling,” Sirinavo Bandaranaike of Ceylon (Sri Lanka today), did it in 1960, just 58 years ago. Since then, the ceiling has been broken in about 83 nations worldwide, but we still know little about what it takes for women to achieve such national leadership roles. Previous research (e.g., Jalalzai, 2013; Skard, 2015) has pointed to the importance of family connections, political turmoil, and the nature of a country’s political system. But only one study (Jalalzai, 2013) provided quantitative, cross-national support for any of these observations. Our paper replicates Jalalzai’s analysis, done using data from the first decade of the twenty-first century, with data from the second decade. We find that there have been dramatic changes over time. We find that family connections are now no more useful for explaining women’s rise to presidencies and prime ministerial positions than men’s; that, in fact, women are now more likely to rise in politically stable nation states than in fragile ones. And, perhaps most importantly, women are much more likely to ascend to the highest positions in countries where they have already broken the “final glass ceiling.” Keywords: final glass ceiling, women presidents, women prime ministers Introduction In a course on the Sociology of Gender we had learned that, while such a ceiling might exist in Following Hillary Clinton’s loss in the 2016 U.S. -
South Africa Backs Renamo
1 South Africa Backs Renamo For South Africa it was obvious that the April 1974 coup in Lisbon would pave the way to the independence of the Portuguese colonies. Pretoria moved quickly to ensure that an independent Mozambique would not pose a threat to the apartheid regime. With Zambia's backing, South African Prime Minister John Vorster sought a stable southern African region where economic co-operation, rather than military confrontation, would prevail. For that, he was prepared to go to great lengths: bring about a solution to the Rhodesian dispute, which included sacrificing Ian Smith, settle the Namibian prob- lem, and recognize the independence of Mozambique with Frelimo in power. Zambia, for its part, undertook that there would be no ANC or other insurgent activities directed against South Africa from either Zam- bia, Mozambique, Botswana or Rhodesia.1 The South African and Zambian initiative bore no significant results simply because they had no mandate from the other parties concerned. Frelimo was, perhaps, the main beneficiary in that it felt assured that Pretoria would not prevent it from taking over the government in Mozambique. Despite Frelimo's stand on apartheid and its publicly stated `political and diplomatic support' for the ANC, South Africa felt comfortable to have a Frelimo-ruled Mozambique as its neighbour. Pretoria believed that economic factors would determine the relations between the two countries. South Africa not only allowed bilateral economic relations to continue, but encouraged them to develop. Kobus Loubser, the general manager of the South African Railways (SAR), was among those who were instrumental in furthering that goal. -
MDM: a New Political Force in Mozambique?
MDM: a new political force in Mozambique? Sérgio Chichava Instituto de Estudos sociais e Económicos (IESE) Maputo, Mozambique for the conference ‘Election processes, liberation movements and democratic change in Africa’ Maputo, 8‐11 April 2010 CMI and IESE Abstract One of the highlights of the general elections of 2009 was the emergence and participation of a new political party, the Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM), whose formation resulted from the exclusion of Daviz Simango from Renamo by this party's leader, Afonso Dhlakama. This paper discusses the rise of MDM in the wider context of politics in the Sofala province, an important region in the centre of Mozambique that historically has had difficult relations with a southern elite of Frelimo. Keywords: MDM, Daviz Simango, Renamo, Sofala, Mozambique. 1 Introduction One of the highlights of the general elections of October 2009 was the emergence and participation of a new political party, the Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The MDM party was created in Beira, capital of Sofala, a province in Central Mozambique, in March 2009, as a result of the exclusion of Daviz Simango from Renamo by this party's leader, Afonso Dhlakama. The emergence of this new party brought hope and high expectations amongst many Mozambicans. Indeed Mozambican voters who had become disenchanted with the performance of the opposition parties, in particular with Renamo, hoped to avert the collapse of multipartism and the return of an all‐powerful Frelimo dominating the political scene. MDM stated that its main goal was to build a true political alternative to Frelimo and to bring a new political approach in the country. -
Stephen A. Emerson. the Battle for Mozambique: the Frelimo-Renamo Struggle (1977-1992)
Stephen A. Emerson. The Battle for Mozambique: The Frelimo-Renamo Struggle (1977-1992). West Midlands: Helion and Company Limited, 2014. 288 pp. $35.00, paper, ISBN 978-1-909384-92-7. Reviewed by Michel Cahen Published on H-Luso-Africa (January, 2015) Commissioned by Philip J. Havik (Instituto de Higiene e Medicina Tropical (IHMT)) The British historian Malyn Newitt wrote the And the guns would remain silent” (p. 34). It ap‐ following about The Battle for Mozambique: pears that he does not address the 2013-14 crisis. “Steve Emerson has written the most comprehen‐ Of course, a fully developed “new” civil war did sive account of the civil war in Mozambique that not materialize in Mozambique during these two has yet been attempted,”, and he underlines his years, but local violent skirmishes probably led to statement by explaining that “Emerson’s account several hundred deaths. Renamo was, surprising‐ is largely a military history” (p. 1). If one accepts ly, able to swiftly recover an armed wing, which that a war’s history may merely be the story of a could not be, twenty-one years later, the mere mo‐ battle, Newitt’s observation is correct and can be bilization of some veteran guerrilla soldiers reinforced when he stresses that one of the quali‐ equipped with rusty Kalashnikovs. Indeed, cur‐ ties of the book is the extensive use of interviews rently some Renamo fghters appear to be young with former participants, as well as the sheer men. On October 15, 2014, political competition number of facts, some of them “told” for the frst between Frelimo and Renamo—and the Movi‐ time. -
Sondagem Dá Vantagem a Luísa Diogo 2 TEMA DA SEMANA Savana 21-02-2014
M o ç a m b i q u e Cabo Delgado, Nampula, Niassa, Zambézia e Sofala Pemba, Caixa Postal, 260 0DSXWRGH)HYHUHLURGH$12;;,1o3UHoo0W0ooDPELTXH E-mail: [email protected] A sombria situação do CC da Frelimo Camaradas contam espingardas Pág. 3 e 4 Urgel Matula Urgel Pág. 2 Sondagem dá vantagem a Luísa Diogo 2 TEMA DA SEMANA Savana 21-02-2014 Para as eleições presidenciais Luísa Diogo lidera opção de voto esultados de uma recen- GRÁFICO 1: QUAL É O MELHOR CANDIDATO ENTRE OS MEMBROS DA FRELIMO. te sondagem realizada a nível nacional indicam a Rantiga Primeira-Minis- tra, Luísa Diogo, como líder das opções de voto, caso as eleições presidenciais se realizassem hoje. A sondagem foi realizada entre os dias 10 e 18 de Fevereiro de 2014 por uma equipa moçambica- na, tendo como suporte técnico a Nova Global Pesquisas, uma em- presa especializada brasileira, com sede em São Paulo, e no mercado há 15 anos. A recolha da informação foi feita através de entrevistas telefónicas com uma duração média de seis minutos, e realizada por uma equi- pa de vários entrevistadores devi- damente preparados para o efeito. A selecção dos números foi aleató- GRÁFICO 2: INTENÇÃO DE VOTO A NÍVEL NACIONAL CASO AS ELEIÇÕES FOSSEM HOJE COM TODOS OS CANDIDATOS ria, e todas as entrevistas foram su- DA FRELIMO E DA OPOSIÇÃO A CONCORREREM. pervisionadas de forma a garantir melhor controlo de qualidade. A pesquisa teve duas componentes. A primeira, apenas entre possíveis candidatos da Frelimo, e a segunda, alargada para incluir os Presiden- tes da Renamo, Afonso Dhlakama, e do Movimento Democrático de Moçambique (MDM), Daviz Si- mango. -
Landmines and Spatial Development Appendix I History of Conflict
Landmines and Spatial Development Appendix I History of Conflict ∗ Giorgio Chiovelliy Stelios Michalopoulosz Universidad de Montevideo Brown University, CEPR and NBER Elias Papaioannoux London Business School, CEPR December 4, 2019 Abstract This appendix provides an overview of two key periods in the recent history of Mozambique that are intimately linked to landmine contamination. The appendix is not intended to be a comprehensive reconstruction of the War of Independence or the subsequent Civil War. Its aim is to highlight, in a concise way, the events that led Mozambique to be a classified as \heavily mined" at the end of hostilities in 1992. We start by going over the war of independence (1964−1974) and then discuss the ensuing civil war (1977 − 1992). Going over the historical narrative is useful, as it highlights the underlying causes of the widespread usage of landmines. It also puts in context the gigantic effort to clear the country from the thousands of minefields after the peace agreement. We conclude by describing socioeconomic conditions at the end of civil war in 1992. ∗Additional material can be found at www.land-mines.com yGiorgio Chiovelli. Universidad de Montevideo, Department of Economics, Prudencio de Pena 2440, Montevideo, 11600, Uruguay; [email protected]. Web: https://sites.google.com/site/gchiovelli/ zStelios Michalopoulos. Brown University, Department of Economics, 64 Waterman Street, Robinson Hall, Providence RI, 02912, United States; [email protected]. Web: https://sites.google.com/site/steliosecon/ xElias Papaioannou. -
War in Resource-Rich Northern Mozambique – Six Scenarios
CMI INSIGHT 2020:02 1 NUMBER 2 CMI INSIGHT MAY 2020 Photo: F Mira on Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0) War in resource-rich northern Mozambique – Six scenarios AUTHOR Since the October 2017 attacks by alleged Islamist insurgents, Francisco Almeida commonly referred to as Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama and locally know as 1 dos Santos Al Shabab, on Mocimboa da Praia, it has not been entirely clear who the attackers were, what their strategic objectives are and on whose domestic and international support they rely. This paper, grounded in a historical understanding of conflict in northern Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado Province, seeks to identify possible stakeholders and scenarios in what we no longer see as an insurgency, but a war. 2 CMI INSIGHT 2020:02 Introduction horizon, at least in terms of upstream and downstream The attacks have been happening at a critical juncture investment and revenue generation, from 2024 onwards in Mozambique’s history. In August 2019, a peace (EIU, 2019). agreement – the third – between the Government True to the saying ‘when it rains it pours’, this silver and the Renamo opposition was signed by President lining may vanish and turn out to be a mirage, for two Filipe Nyusi and the Renamo leader Osufo Momade. interconnected reasons. The first is the tumbling of global Complementing a decentralization reform through energy prices, partly due to the increase of production a change in the Constitution, with a focus on of oil by both Russia and Saudi Arabia, causing an provincial governments, the agreement focusses on expected decline of demand, refinery output, available the demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration storage, and return to investment expectations in energy (DDR) of more than 5,000 Renamo soldiers – an exploration. -
Guebuza Losing Power in Presidential Battle
MOZAMBIQUE News reports & clippings 242 26 February 2014 Editor: Joseph Hanlon ( [email protected]) To subscribe: tinyurl.com/sub-moz To unsubscribe: tinyurl.com/unsub-moz Previous newsletters, more detailed press reports in English and Portuguese, and other Mozambique material are posted on tinyurl.com/mozamb This newsletter can be cited as "Mozambique News Reports & Clippings" __________________________________________________________________________ Guebuza losing power in presidential battle Few people are willing to predict the outcome of the Frelimo Central Committee meeting, which opens tomorrow and is expected to choose Frelimo's presidential candidate. The meeting runs until Sunday 2 March at the party school in Matola. The constitution has a two-term limit so President Armando Guebuza cannot stand again. But he organised to have himself elected president of Frelimo in order to control the choice of his successor. Party secretary-general Filipe Paunde is a Guebuza loyalist, and at the party Congress in September 2012 a Political Commission sympathetic to Guebuza was elected. But growing opposition inside the party means Guebuza may not succeed.. Frelimo always maintains a united face to the outside and will support whomever is chosen as candidate. But there are bitter struggles inside. The constitution at the time would have allowed Joaquim Chissano to stand again in 2004, but Guebuza organised an internal rebellion and was named the presidential candidate. History now repeats itself, with Chissano becoming the focus of opposition to Guebuza. Graça Machel is also said to be helping organise the anti-Guebuza campaign. Chissano was replaced because it was said that under his leadership the party elite had become corrupt, self-interest dominated over national interest, and Chissano had done badly in the 1999 national election. -
Fast Facts Women Heads of State Or Government (Pages 1-3) Women in the Executive Branch – World Averages (Page 4)
Fast Facts Women Heads of State or Government (pages 1-3) Women in the Executive Branch – World Averages (page 4) Women Heads of State or Government 1945 to March 2006 Year Sovereign States Women Heads of State or Government Percentage 1945 68 0 0 1955 81 0 0 1965 122 1 (Sri Lanka) 0.8% 1975 147 4 2.72% (Argentina, Central African Republic, India and Sri Lanka) 1985 162 6 3.7% (Dominica, Iceland, Ireland, Malta, United Kingdom, and Yugoslavia) 1995 187 12 6.4% (Bangladesh, Bulgaria, Dominica, Haiti, Iceland, Ireland, Malta, Nicaragua, Norway, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Turkey). 2000 190 9 4.7% (May) (Bangladesh, Finland, Ireland, Latvia, New Zealand, Panama, San Marino, and Sri Lanka (both Head of State and Head of Government). 2005 191 8 4% (January) (Bangladesh, Finland, Ireland, Latvia, New Zealand, Mozambique, Philippines and Sri Lanka). 2006 191 11 5.7% (March) (Bangladesh, Chile, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Latvia, Liberia, Mozambique, New Zealand, Philippines, Sao Tome and Principe). Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, Women in Politics: 60 years in retrospect (2006), Page 16. Inter-Parliamentary Union Notes: Queens and Governor Generals are not included in this list. The percentages are valid strictly for the year considered, however, women may have held such positions in other years during the periods considered. Women as World Leaders Page 1 of 4 A CHRONOLOGY OF WOMEN Heads of State or Government: 1945 – February 2006 ELECTED WOMEN PRESIDENTS ♦ Argentina Maria Estela Martínez de Perón 07.1974 - 03.1976 ♦ Bolivia Lydia Gueiler Tejada 11.1979 - 07.1980 ♦ Iceland Vigdis Finnbogadóttir 08.1980 - 08.1996 ♦ San Marino Maria Lea Pedini Angelini 04 - 10.1981 ♦ Malta Agatha Barbara 02.1982 - 02.1987 ♦ San Marino Gloriana Ranocchini 04 - 10.1984 ♦ Philippines Corazon Aquino 02. -
Mozambique República De Mozambique
OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS Mozambique República de Mozambique La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y de Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comuni- cación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La informacion contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios no oficiales. La presente ficha país no defiende posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. MARZO 2013 1. DATOS BÁSICOS Mozambique 1.1. Características generales Nombre Oficial: República de Mozambique Superficie: 799.380 Km2. TANZANIA Límites: Limita con Sudáfrica y Suazilandia al sur, con Zimbabwe, Zambia y Malawi al oeste y con Tanzania al norte. Lago Malawi Población: 23´4 millones de habitantes. ZAMBIA Capital: Maputo. Idioma: El portugués es la lengua oficial del Estado. Existen diversas lenguas nativas, entre las que destacan el makonde, makua, suabo, shona, ronga y MALAWI changana. El swahili se habla en las zonas costeras del norte. Moneda: Nuevo Metical (MZN). Dependiendo de la cotización, alrededor de 36 meticais = 1 euro. Nampula Religión: Las confesiones religiosas más presentes son la católica, con cerca del 35% de creyentes, seguida de la musulmana (30%) y de ritos animistas. Las iglesias Evangélicas están creciendo con rapidez en los últimos tiempos, fundamentalmente en el sur del país. Forma de Estado: Con la Constitución de noviembre de 1990, Mozambique abandonó el sistema de partido único y economía centralizada para convertirse en una República presidencialista, con separación de poderes y elecciones periódicas multipartidistas. -
UNITED NATIONS Mm NATIONS UNIES 14 March 2006 Excellency
UNITED NATIONS mM NATIONS UNIES POSTAL ADDRESS - ADRESSE POSTALE : UNITED NATIONS. N.Y. 10017 CABLE ADDRESS - ADRESSE TELEGRAPHIQUE : UNATIONS NEWYORK EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL CABINET DU SECRETAIRE GENERAL 14 March 2006 Excellency, I would be grateful if you could kindly forward the enclosed letter to His Excellency Mr. Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Prime Minister of Denmark. A copy of the letter is attached for your information. Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration. Mark Malloch Brown Chef de Cabinet Her Excellency Ms. Ellen Margrethe L0j Permanent Representative of Denmark to the United Nations New York * UNITED NATIONS iM! NATIONS UNIES POSTALADORESS - ADRESSE POSTALE : UNITED NATIONS. N.T. 1001 7 CABLE ADDRESS - ADRESSE TELEGRAPHIQUE : UNATIONS NEWYORK EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL CABINET DU SECRETAIRE GENERAL 14 March 2006 Excellency, I would like to thank you for your kind invitation to participate in the dinner and high level conference on peace building that Your Excellency will be hosting on 10 and 11 May 2006, respectively. I commend your Government for the initiative and commitment for cooperation with Africa. The continued support of Denmark for peace building in Africa is of great importance for its development. I think the topic is certainly a timely and relevant issue to be discussed among such eminent participants, to which I would have been very happy to contribute. While I am most grateful for the invitation, it is with great regret that I must decline, due to prior official commitments that prevent me from traveling to Copenhagen on the proposed date. I send my best wishes tor what is certain to be a most fruitful and successful conference.