The Mozambican Civil War Background Guide
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Redalyc.Eduardo Mondlane and the Social Sciences
VIBRANT - Vibrant Virtual Brazilian Anthropology E-ISSN: 1809-4341 [email protected] Associação Brasileira de Antropologia Brasil Sansone, Livio Eduardo Mondlane and the social sciences VIBRANT - Vibrant Virtual Brazilian Anthropology, vol. 10, núm. 2, diciembre, 2013, pp. 73 -111 Associação Brasileira de Antropologia Brasília, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=406941916003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Eduardo Mondlane and the social sciences Livio Sansone CEAO/UFBA Abstract Focusing on his life and academic production, especially the long eleven years that he spent in the United States, in this text I explore the complex relation between the first President of the Mozambique Liberation Front Eduardo Mondlane and the social sciences – the academic world of sociology and anthropology. I do so through an analysis of the correspondence between Mondlane and several social scientists, especially Melville Herskovits, the mentor for his master’s and doctoral degrees in sociology, and Marvin Harris, who followed his famous study of race relations in Brazil with research in Lourenço Marques in 1958 on the system of social and race relations pro- duced under Portuguese colonialism. My main argument is that his academic training bore on Mondlane’s political style more than normally assumed in most biographical accounts. Keywords: Africanism, Afro-Bahia, candomble, Herskovits, Frazier, Turner Resumo Enfocando sua vida e produçao academica, sobretudo os longos onze anos que ele passou nos Estados Unidos, neste texto me debruço sobre a com- plexa relaçao entre Eduardo Mondlane, o primeiro presidente da Frente de Libertaçao de Moçambique, e as ciencias sociais – o mundo academico da so- ciologia e da antropologia. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Staging Lusophony: politics of production and representation in theater festivals in Portuguese-speaking countries Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/70h801wr Author Martins Rufino Valente, Rita Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Staging Lusophony: politics of production and representation in theater festivals in Portuguese-speaking countries A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Culture and Performance by Rita Martins Rufino Valente 2017 © Copyright by Rita Martins Rufino Valente 2017 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Staging Lusophony: politics of production and representation in theater festivals in Portuguese-speaking countries by Rita Martins Rufino Valente Doctor of Philosophy in Culture and Performance University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Janet M. O’Shea, Chair My dissertation investigates the politics of festival curation and production in artist-led theater festivals across the Portuguese-speaking (or Lusophone) world, which includes Latin America, Africa, Europe, and Asia. I focus on uses of Lusophony as a tactics to generate alternatives to globalization, and as a response to experiences of racialization and marginalization stemming from a colonial past. I also expose the contradictory relation between Lusophony, colonialism, and globalization, which constitute obstacles for transnational tactics. I select three festivals where, I propose, the legacies of the colonial past, which include the contradictions of Lusophony, become apparent throughout the curatorial and production processes: Estação da Cena Lusófona (Portugal), Mindelact – Festival Internacional de Teatro do Mindelo (Cabo Verde), and Circuito de Teatro em Português (Brazil). -
Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E
preview version Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E. Grinin and Andrey V. Korotayev Abstract The stability of socio-political systems and the risks of destabi- lisation in the process of political transformation are among the most im- portant issues of social development; the transition to democracy may pose a serious threat to the stability of a respective socio-political system. This article studies the issue of democratisation. It highlights the high economic and social costs of a rapid transition to democracy for countries unpre- pared for it—democracy resulting from revolutions or similar large-scale events. The authors believe that in a number of cases authoritarian regimes turn out to be more effective in economic and social terms than emerging democracies, especially those of a revolutionary type, which are often inca- pable of ensuring social order and may have a swing to authoritarianism. Effective authoritarian regimes can also be a suitable form of transition to an efficient and stable democracy. Using historical and contemporary examples, particularly the recent events in Egypt, the article investigates various correlations between revolutionary events and the possibility of es- tablishing democracy in a society. Keywords: democracy, revolution, extremists, counterrevolution, Isla- mists, authoritarianism, military takeover, economic efficiency, globali- sation, Egypt Introduction It is not surprising that in five years none of the revolutions of the Arab Spring has solved any urgent issues. Unfortunately, this was probably never a possibility. Various studies suggest a link between 110 preview version revolutions and the degree of modernisation of a society.1 Our research reveals that the very processes of modernisation, regardless of the level of consumption and the rate of population growth, is closely and organically linked to the risk of social and political upheaval, which can Leonid E. -
Abstract African and African
ABSTRACT AFRICAN AND AFRICAN AMERICAN STUDIES HILL, ERNESS A. B.A. SPELMAN COLLEGE, 1998 REFLECTIONS OF THE PAST: THE CASE OF MOZAMBICAN ART. THE MACONDE AND THE SHETANI Advisor: Dr. Mustafah Dhada Thesis dated December, 2000 This thesis examines to what extent the shetani icon in Maconde Art has been elevated to the status of deity; and what powers it has been endowed with to transform the lives of its "worshippers." The investigation was based on the observation that, although not a recognized 'god' in the traditional Maconde form of worship, nor that of Mozambique, the shetani’s appearance in Mozambican art was consistent and abundant. The investigative approach used was a comparative analysis of three internationally known Mozambican artists, two of which are Maconde. The researcher found that with all three artists, the shetani was an obvious element in their artistic renderings and in each instance, their individual lives, though not unique, were charged with suffering and unhappiness. The conclusion drawn from this investigation suggests that, although created by a Maconde for the purpose of patronage, the shetani icon has become a 'deity' not only for the Maconde, but for Mozambicans, as well. While not 'worshipped' in the sense that Westerners worship, it has been endowed with powers that transform the lives of those who identify with it. At the very least, it has been endowed with the power to promote their artistic abilities with a view to catalyzing greater creativity. REFLECTIONS OF THE PAST: THE CASE OF MOZAMBICAN ART, THE MACONDE AND THE SHETANI A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF CLARK ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS BY ERNESS A. -
The Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) As Described by Ex-Patticipants
The Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) as Described by Ex-patticipants Research Report Submitted to: Ford Foundation and Swedish International Development Agency William Minter, Ph.D. Visiting Researcher African Studies Program Georgetown University Washington, DC March, 1989 Copyright Q 1989 by William Minter Permission to reprint, excerpt or translate this report will be granted provided that credit is given rind a copy sent to the author. For more information contact: William Minter 1839 Newton St. NW Washington, DC 20010 U.S.A. INTRODUCTION the top levels of the ruling Frelirno Party, local party and government officials helped locate amnestied ex-participants For over a decade the Mozambican National Resistance and gave access to prisoners. Selection was on the basis of the (Renamo, or MNR) has been the principal agent of a desuuctive criteria the author presented: those who had spent more time as war against independent Mozambique. The origin of the group Renamo soldiers. including commanders, people with some as a creation of the Rhodesian government in the mid-1970s is education if possible, adults rather than children. In a number of well-documented, as is the transfer of sponsorship to the South cases, the author asked for specific individuals by name, previ- African government after white Rhodesia gave way to inde- ously identified from the Mozambican press or other sources. In pendent Zimbabwe in 1980. no case were any of these refused, although a couple were not The results of the war have attracted increasing attention geographically accessible. from the international community in recent years. In April 1988 Each interview was carried out individually, out of hearing the report written by consultant Robert Gersony for the U. -
Democracy As an Effort Rayna Gavrilova, CEE Trust USAID/Bulgaria Closing Ceremony October 10, 2007, Sofia
Democracy as an Effort Rayna Gavrilova, CEE Trust USAID/Bulgaria Closing Ceremony October 10, 2007, Sofia Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, When I was invited to say a few words at the official closing of the United States Agency for International Development in Bulgaria, the first title that came to my mind was “Democracy as an Effort.” When change began, democracy for us was mostly about revolution – from Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, to Czechoslovakia’s Velvet Revolution, to Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. Eighteen years later, we already realize that democracy is most of all a constant effort made by citizens and institutions. The post- communist countries, including Bulgaria, were lucky not to have been left alone in this process. The international assistance for laying the foundations of liberal democracy and market economy came early and was timely. The United States was among the first countries to get involved. American public organizations such as USAID, non- governmental organizations and an impressive number of individuals made a long-lasting and systematic effort to elucidate and support this social order which, without doubt, remains the choice of the larger part of humanity. USAID left visible traces in Bulgarian social life. Today we hardly remember it, but through their programs a whole variety of previously unknown concepts, such as “rule of law,” “local government initiative,” “transparency”, and “entrepreneurship promotion” entered the Bulgarian vocabulary and practice, and are today the foundation of the state. Some of the terms which had no equivalent in the rigid vocabulary of socialism remain untranslated even today: probation, mediation, microcredit. -
The 'Colorful' Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: Democratic Transition
The ‘Colorful’ Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: Democratic Transition or Global Competition? Yilmaz Bingol* This paper aims to analyze the reasons behind the recent revolution of Kyrgyzstan. I will argue that explaining the revolution through just the rhetoric of “democracy and freedom” needs to be reassessed, as comparing with its geo-cultural environment; Kyrgyzstan had been the most democratic of Central Asian republics. Thus, the paper argues that global competition between US and China-Russia should seriously be taken under consideration as a landmark reason behind the Kyrgyz revolution. The “Rose Revolution” in Georgia and the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine followed by yet another “colorful” revolution in Kyrgyzstan in the March of 2005. A group of opposition who were dissatisfied with the result of the Parliamentary Election taken place on February 27th and March 13th of 2005 upraised against incumbent regime of Askar Akayev. Accusing the incumbent regime with the felony and asking for more democracy and freedom, the opposition took over Akayev from the power and closed the last stage of the colorful revolution of Kyrgyzstan on March 24-25, 2005. Common characteristics of all these colorful revolutionist were that they all used rhetoric of “democracy and freedom,” and that they were all pro-western especially pro-American. It seems that it has become a tradition in the West to call such revolutions with the colorful names. This tradition may trace back to Samuel Huntington’s famous “third wave democracy” which was started with “Carnation Revolution” of Portugal in 1974. As Western politicians and academicians have often used such “colorful” names for post-communist and post-Soviet cases since then, they must have regarded these revolutions as the extension of what Huntington has called the “third wave”. -
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975 ✣ Candace Sobers Mention the Cold War and thoughts instinctively turn to Moscow, Washing- ton, DC, and Beijing. Fewer scholars examine the significant Cold War strug- gles that took place in the African cities of Luanda, Kinshasa, and Pretoria. Yet in 1975 a protracted war of national liberation on the African continent escalated sharply into a major international crisis. Swept up in the momen- tum of the Cold War, the fate of the former Portuguese colony of Angola captured the attention of policymakers from the United States to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), Colombia to Luxembourg. The struggle over Angolan independence from Portugal was many things: the culmination of sixteen years of intense anti-colonial struggle and the launch of 28 years of civil war, a threat to white minority rule in southern Africa, and another battle on the long road to ending empire and colonialism. It was also a strug- gle to define and create a viable postcolonial state and to carry out a radical transformation of the sociopolitical structure of Angolan society. Recent scholarship on Angolan independence has provided an impres- sive chronology of the complicated saga yet has less to say about the wider consequences and ramifications of a crisis that, though located in southern Africa, was international in scope. During the anti-colonial struggle, U.S. sup- port reinforced the Portuguese metropole, contiguous African states harbored competing revolutionaries, and great and medium powers—including Cuba, China, and South Africa—provided weapons, combat troops, and mercenar- ies to the three main national liberation movements. -
South Africa Backs Renamo
1 South Africa Backs Renamo For South Africa it was obvious that the April 1974 coup in Lisbon would pave the way to the independence of the Portuguese colonies. Pretoria moved quickly to ensure that an independent Mozambique would not pose a threat to the apartheid regime. With Zambia's backing, South African Prime Minister John Vorster sought a stable southern African region where economic co-operation, rather than military confrontation, would prevail. For that, he was prepared to go to great lengths: bring about a solution to the Rhodesian dispute, which included sacrificing Ian Smith, settle the Namibian prob- lem, and recognize the independence of Mozambique with Frelimo in power. Zambia, for its part, undertook that there would be no ANC or other insurgent activities directed against South Africa from either Zam- bia, Mozambique, Botswana or Rhodesia.1 The South African and Zambian initiative bore no significant results simply because they had no mandate from the other parties concerned. Frelimo was, perhaps, the main beneficiary in that it felt assured that Pretoria would not prevent it from taking over the government in Mozambique. Despite Frelimo's stand on apartheid and its publicly stated `political and diplomatic support' for the ANC, South Africa felt comfortable to have a Frelimo-ruled Mozambique as its neighbour. Pretoria believed that economic factors would determine the relations between the two countries. South Africa not only allowed bilateral economic relations to continue, but encouraged them to develop. Kobus Loubser, the general manager of the South African Railways (SAR), was among those who were instrumental in furthering that goal. -
Via Issuelab
ROCKEFELLER ARCHIVE CENTER RESEARCH REPO RTS From Afro-Brazilian into African Studies by Livio Sansone Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais, Universidade Federal da Bahia © 2019 by Livio Sansone From Afro-Brazilian into African Studies My visit to the Rockefeller Archive Center (RAC) was motivated by two interrelated research projects. The first was to study materials related to the transnational construction of the academic field of Afro-Brazilian studies in the 1930s and 1940s. The second project was to focus on the impact of the making of Afro-American studies and African studies proper, in both North and South America, and on the life and trajectories of the independence leaders of African countries from the 1950s – especially the Mozambican, Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane. The week I spent at the Rockefeller Archive Center, thanks to a small research stipend which I obtained, has proven highly productive for both research projects. The first research project deals with the way Brazil, and particularly the State of Bahia, played a central place in the development of the notion of Africanism, as articulated by Melville Herskovits, his associates, and the many scholars he influenced. Such a notion would prove to be essential in the subsequent creation of African studies in the US. It would reverberate on the development of new varieties of “Negritude,” as part of the process leading to the independence of most African countries in the 1960s (with the exception of Portuguese colonies and white-dominated Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa.) Africanism also impacted the redefinition of African American identity on the eve of the Civil Rights movement in the US. -
The Assassination of Eduardo Mondlane: FRELIMO, Tanzania, and the Politics of Exile in Dar Es Salaam.”
H-Diplo H-Diplo Article Review 707 on “The Assassination of Eduardo Mondlane: FRELIMO, Tanzania, and the Politics of Exile in Dar es Salaam.” Discussion published by George Fujii on Friday, June 30, 2017 H-Diplo @HDiplo Article Review No. 707 30 June 2017 Article Review Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane Labrosse Web and Production Editor: George Fujii George Roberts. “The Assassination of Eduardo Mondlane: FRELIMO, Tanzania, and the Politics of Exile in Dar es Salaam.” Cold War History 17:1 (February 2017): 1-19. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2016.1246542. URL: http://tiny.cc/AR707 Review by Natalia Telepneva, UCL School of Slavonic and East European Studies (SSEES) The assassination of Front for Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) leader Eduardo Mondlane has long been considered one of the greatest unsolved mysteries in the history of post-colonial Africa. Compelling and well-written, George Roberts’s article reconstructs the events leading up to Mondlane’s murder in February 1969 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s capital, which serves as a setting for various actors in the article. While Mondlane’s assassination forms part of the narrative, the article provides a detailed analysis of exile politics in Dar es Salaam, a “Cold War city at the intersection of Cold War and decolonisation” (5). Dar es Salaam is transformed into a ‘Cold War city’ in part because of the politics of Tanzania’s first president, Julius Nyerere, who hosted and supported a number of African liberation movements, FRELIMO being the most important. Roberts provides a sense of the political and social life in the capital city, filled with men and women from all walks of life—local politicians, foreign diplomats, journalists, spies—who would gather in restaurants, hotels, and bars to make deals, exchange news, and gossip. -
Crp 2 B 2 0 0
...... ..... ...... ..... .......... ... ........ .!;:i - - ... K.-- i:--B ........ .. ........ .......... .... ... ... ..... .... ... ... ... ..... .... oiu on .... ....... .. Coun n torri.e.,va ol, til Mozamb4w's War of ln.dOen en,-,o 19"64-1974 THOMAS 1. HENRIKSFN .... --------. ........ ........ ... ..... .... ... .......... i- - ro P. ....... .......... .................... 27 Northwestern University Library Evanston, Illinois 60201 LL Revolution and Counterrevolution Mozambique ... 9- i . + J . ,i+J m+. Revolution and Counterrevolution Mozambique's War of Independence, 1964-1974 THOMAS H. HENRIKSEN Contributions in Intercultural and Comparative Studies, Number 6 P Greenwood Press Westport, Connecticut * London, England 9G-1.103 H r Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Henriksen, Thomas H. Revolution and counterrevolution. (Contributions in intercultural and comparative studies, ISSN 0147-1031 ; no. 6) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Mozambique-Politics and government-To 1975. 2. National liberation movements-Mozambique. 3. Guerrillas-Mozambique. I. Title. I. Series. DT463.H46 967'.903 82- 6132 ISBN 0-313-23605-4 (lib. bdg.) AACR2 Copyright © 1983 by Thomas H. Henriksen All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 82-6132 ISBN: 0-313-23605-4 ISSN: 0147-1031 First published in 1983 Greenwood Press A division of Congressional Information Service, Inc. 88 Post Road West Westport, Connecticut 06881 Printed in the United States of America 10987654321 Once again, for Margaret Mary, Heather, Damien and Mungo Contents Tables ix Preface xi 1. Background to Revolution: Pacification and Resistance 3 2. The Military Insurgency of the Revolution 27 3. The Military Counterinsurgency of the Counterrevolution 45 4. Mobilization 71 5. Countermobilization 93 6.