HigHer gre® ScoreS. Flexible prep optionS. Guaranteed results.*

lImIted-tIme Offer

† Get $200 off Gre ultimate courses. enroll bY MAY 15 | proMo code: scOremOre

Prep with the Princeton review and you’re guaranteed to score higher on the Gre.

Maximize your prep with Ultimate. You’ll get 24 hours of live instruction and focus your practice with 184 hours of online study tools, including 8 full-length, adaptive practice tests. We’ll help you master the content on the adaptive gre with adaptology™, an exclusive teaching method that seamlessly adjusts classwork and homework to your skill level.

liVe inStrUction AVAilAble: In Person Online

enroll today to get higher Gre scores and BIG savings!

800-2review (800-273-8439) Princetonreview.com/Greultimate

*Visit PrincetonReview.com/guarantee for details. †The $200 discount is valid only on new enrollments between April 22–May15, 2014 in GRE Ultimate courses. Discount cannot be combined with any other offer and is available to U.S., Puerto Rico and Canada customers only. GRE is a registered trademark of the Educational Testing Service (ETS). The Princeton Review is not affiliated with Princeton University or ETS.

JRGEFL1404_32

FOR COOP MEMBERS% ONLY OFF INSTANTLY OFF EVERY COOP PURCHASE – EVERYDAY NO MORE WAITING FOR REBATE CHECKS Join or Renew Now

thecoop.com jointhecoopnow.com In Coop Stores Ask an Associate

* Terms & conditions apply. See complete program details.

www.thecoop.com About Tempus Tempus: The Harvard College Review is the undergraduate journal of the Harvard History Department. Tempus was founded in 1999 by undergraduates Adam G. Beaver and Sujit M. Raman as a forum for publishing original historical scholarship through which all students have the opportunity to learn from their peers. Tempus also sponsors history events on campus and aims to promote an undergraduate community within the History Department. In the spring of 2009, Tempus became an online publication. In the spring of 2013, Tempus returned to print.

The Spring ‘15 Editorial Board

Sama Mammadova Editor-in-Chief Nancy O’Neil Deputy Editor-in-Chief Cody Dales Business Chief Martin Carlino Caleb Shelburne Emilie Robert Wong* Michael Avi-Yonah* Forrest Brown Editor-in-Chief Emeritus

*Congratulations to our new members

Design by Cody Dales Cover art by Charlie Caplan, with thanks

Submissions and inquiries may be E-mailed to [email protected] or mailed to Tempus: The Harvard College History Review, Box 47, 59 Shepard Street, Cambridge, MA 02138. Additional information may be found online at both www.hcs.harvard.edu/ tempus/ and www.facebook.com/harvardtempus

As always, we are appreciative for the support of the Harvard History Department and the financial support of the Undergraduate Council. We are forever grateful to all those who submitted papers for consideration for the high quality of their work. When God Gives Constantine Daughters 6 The Changing Roles of Imperial Byzantine Brides in 10th - 15th Century Interdynastic Marriages by Veronica Wickline 1

A Shipment from Europe 20 James Madison’s Pre-Federalist Use of History as Rhetoric by Matt Shuham 2

Galata and 34 A Portrait of Fragmentation in the Eastern Mediterranean by Richard Rush 3

An Interview with Heidi Tworek 50 Lecturer and Assistant Director of Undergraduate Studies, Harvard History Dept. with Sama Mammadova and Nancy O’Neil 4 Editor’s Note Dear Reader,

Welcome to the Spring 2015 Issue of Tempus, Volume XVI, Issue 1. It is my pleasure to present to you three wonderful pieces of historical research from Harvard undergraduates. Chosen among many undeniably worthy submissions, the three essays published in this issue explore a variety of historical topics including Byzantium, women’s roles in politics, the economic and military development of medieval colonies on the Mediterranean, and the that served as an inspiration for the US Constitution.

Veronica Wickline’s paper on the Byzantine marriage diplomacy offers an important insight into the ways in which Byzantine brides were evaluated as potential brides, legitimized other dynasties through marriage, and promoted Byzantine interests abroad as spouses of foreign political figures. It is this essay that serves as inspiration for this issue’s cover art. Set at approximately the same time and place as Wickline’s paper, Richard Rush’s analysis of the increasing affluence and military strength of Galata, a Genovese colony situated across the Golden Horn from Constantinople, critically examines the complex net of political alliances in the late medieval and early modern Mediterranean. Removed from the two aforementioned pieces by miles and centuries, Matthew Shuham’s work investigates the potential sources of James Madison’s inspiration for the US Constitution based on a list of books that Thomas Jefferson had shipped for him from Europe.

The Tempus staff has thoroughly enjoyed reading and editing the three essays that we now proudly present to you, and we hope that you enjoy them as much as we do.

Sincerely,

. Sama Mammadova 1

When God Gives Constantine Daughters

The Changing Roles of Imperial Byzantine Brides in 10th - 15th Century Interdynastic Marriages

by Veronica Wickline When God Gives Constantine Daughters 7

“Concerning this matter also a dread and authentic charge and ordinance of the great and holy Constantine is engraved upon the sacred table of the universal church of the Christians in Hagia Sophia, that never shall an emperor of the Romans ally himself in marriage with a nation of customs differing from and alien to those of the Roman order, especially with one that is infidel and unbaptized, unless it be with the Franks alone.”1

- Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, De Administrando Imperio

riting to his son on the proper functions shifted in importance with the governance of Byzantium, changing political pressures spanning the Constantine VII found occasion six centuries. Three factors that consistently to quote the alleged words of influenced the establishment of marital alliances WConstantinople’s founder to support his claim between a royal Byzantine female and a foreign that Byzantines had no business making marital dignitary were birth rank, age, and physicality. alliances with peer polities. This piece was The importance of each of these factors in written in the mid-tenth century, when several determining a woman’s marital prospects marriage ties with Khazar and Bulgarian changed over time as different ideologies and royal families were already complicating political climates influenced the Byzantine traditionally insular marital practices. Indeed, court. Once the women were married, Byzantine royal women married foreign rulers imperial families expected women to perform with increasing frequency from the 10th century four official functions through these unions: through to the fall of the in legitimize the royal families’ claims to power; the 15th century. serve as ambassadors representing Byzantine interests abroad; create progeny loyal to both As royal women took to the global stage, states; and represent God’s character and the factors that determined when and whom dominion through the married couple’s pious a girl would marry, along with the functions governing of the state. As with the factors that a bride was expected to serve, formed a shaped women’s eligibility, the functions a bride dynamic system of marital expectations and was expected to perform in her new marriage considerations. Many of these factors and fluctuated in their importance in response to

1 Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, De Administrando Imperio, ed. Gy. Moravcsik, trans. R. J. H. Jenkins (Washington, DC, 1967), 13, 71. 8 Wickline the dynamic political and ideological pressures to Bayalun’s marriage provide the opportunity at play in the Byzantine Empire. to explore how the Byzantine ruling class used interdynastic marital alliances in a period when Four sources spanning six hundred years their global influence was declining. The fourth and representing four different regions of and final source, Voyage d’outremer, comes from origin capture the interplay of these factors and the Burgundian traveller, Bertrandon de la functions over time across the Byzantine world. Broquière, who passed through Constantinople First, in The Embassy of Liudprand, Liudprand on his return to Ghent from the Holy Land. of Cremona narrates his voyage in 968 to Bertrandon’s distaste for Byzantine reliance Constantinople to secure a Byzantine bride for on the Turks, combined with his observations Otto II, the Holy Roman Emperor. Liudprand’s about the Emperor’s bride from Trebizond, account, unlike that from his trip c. 950, casts offer us a glimpse into Byzantine marital the Byzantine court in a negative light. His alliance practices during the empire’s twilight. work demonstrates how marital alliances By examining what these four sources have to were negotiated when the Byzantines were say about which factors influenced a Byzantine at the height of their international influence. royal woman’s eligibility and what functions Secondly, The , written c. 1148, Anna an imperial bride was expected to perform, Komnene chronicles the life and works of her I determine how the importance of each of father, Emperor Alexios I. In this biography, these factors and functions changed over time. Komnene sheds light on how women of the royal family took part in governance, revealing However, before one attempts to track some of their understandings about the the these changes across the 10th-15th centuries, institution of marriage and women’s agency. it is necessary to become acquainted with the As a woman whom these marriages directly roles of women and marriage prior to the impacted, Anna Komnene offers invaluable introduction of foreign unions to the Byzantine insight into royal women’s understanding of court. In the fifth century, a striking number what constituted their roles as wives. Thirdly, of royal women (e.g. Pulcheria, Ariadne) took Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbdallāh Muḥammad ibn on the statecraft of Byzantium.2 Within the ʿAbdallāh, or ibn Baṭṭūṭa, shares his experience same century, however, the introduction of escorting Bayalun, the Byzantine wife of the Christian canon law began to alienate women Mongol khan, on her return to Constantinople from positions of power.3 Nevertheless, as to give birth to a child in her father’s court in The Byzantine society shifted away from direct Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa’s interactions female leadership, former regents left a legacy with the royal family and the hints his text offer for later royal women to observe.4 Leading up about the political climate that would give rise to the 10th century, emperors rarely took into

2 Judith Herrin, “Marriage: A Fundamental Element of Imperial Statecraft,” in Unrivaled Influence: Women and Empire in Byzantium (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press: 2013), 306. 3 Joëlle Beaucamp, “Exclues et Aliénées: Les Femmes Dans La Tradition Canonique Byzantine,” in Strangers to Themselves: The Byzantine Outsider (Aldershot: Ashgate/Variorum, 2000), 89. 4 Barbara Hill, “Actions Speak Louder than Words: Anna Komnene’s Attempted Usurpation,” in Anna Komnene and Her Times, ed. Thalia Gouma- Peterson (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), 55. 5 Warren T. Treadgold, “The Bride-shows of the Byzantine Emperors,” Byzantion 49 (1979), 395. 6 Carolyn L Connor, Women of Byzantium (New Haven–London: Yale University Press, 2004), 210. When God Gives Constantine Daughters 9 consideration the global impact of their choice Byzantines lost influence on the global stage. At in bride - as is evinced in the frequent bride the height of Byzantine global prominence, the shows of the 8th and 9th century, in which beauty distinction between illegitimate birth, legitimate was the apparent criterion for choosing a new birth, and porphyrogenneta status directly affected empress.5 However, with the rise of Byzantine a woman’s social standing when it came time to involvement in international politics, the 9th marry. Most notably, the Byzantine distinction century saw this practice begin to give way to of porphyrogenneta or purple-born (i.e. a legitimate marriage alliances with foreign powers.6 At daughter born while the emperor held office), the turn of the millennium, the ruling family contributed a uniquely Byzantine stratification found itself negotiating with foreign powers to a woman’s birth rank and her corresponding that wanted Byzantine brides far more often desirability in the eyes of a foreign ruler. Within than the Byzantines themselves sought foreign the Byzantine court, Barbara Hill notes that marriage alliances.7 Rather than establish the purple-born distinction qualified women to repeated marriage links with the same close be “acceptable receptacles of imperial power” ally, the Byzantine ruling class viewed every opportunity for marriage as a new chance to “... the Byzantine shape the political landscape to their favor.8 As the works of ibn Baṭṭūṭa and Bertrandon de la ruling class viewed Broquière reveal, even as Byzantine influence faded over the following five hundred years, every opportunity for the royal family continued to use international marriage as a new marriage to secure long-term alliances and legitimize its claim to rule. Keeping this context chance to shape the in mind, let us now examine the changing importance of the factors considered in political landscape to establishing an alliance and the functions each their favor.” bride was expected to serve from the 10th to the 15th century. given a dynastic history of purple-born women governing the state both directly and indirectly.9 Factors Involved in Herrin also notes that porphyrogennetai met with Establishing a Marriage the least resistance in claiming power.10 Anna Komnene’s confirms these observations in Birth Rank: A Byzantine bride’s birth her own writing, as she cites her status as a rank influenced her marriage prospects to a porphyrogenneta frequently among her credentials lesser degree from the 10th century onwards, as for authoring her father’s history.11 Komnene

7 Jonathan Shepard, “Marriages Towards the Millennium,” in Byzantium in the Year 1000, ed. Paul Magdalino (Leiden - Boston: Brill, 2003), 5. 8 This eagerness to reshape the political landscape becomes apparent in Kazhdan’s observation that the Byzantines did not seek repeated alliance with the Rus people, despite celebrating the fact that they practiced Christianity in the same way. , “Rus’-Byzantine Princely Marriages in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” in Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 12/13 (1988/1989), 429. 9 Hill, “Actions Speak Louder than Words,” in Anna Komnene and Her Times, 49. 11 Judith Herrin, “Political Power and Christian Faith in Byzantium,” in Unrivaled Influence: Women and Empire in Byzantium (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2013), 204. 12 Anna Komnene, The Alexiad, trans. E. R. A. Sewter (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2003), 3, 6. 10 Wickline also notes her parents’ special treatment of their time. porphyrogennetoi upon birth, again representing this status as a prized and lofty distinction.12 Supporting the claim that subtleties of From Komnene’s account, it becomes clear birth rank diminished over time, Byzantines that women were eligible began to substitute illegitimate daughters for for tasks of governance traditionally assigned legitimate ones in marriage alliances with the to men in ways that other legitimate daughters Mongol khans. While illegitimate marriages of the emperor were not. had taken place earlier and with Western polities, this shift suggests that Mongol ruling Translating this privileged status onto families either failed to recognize subtleties the global stage, Byzantine Emperors were of Byzantine birth rank or did not care about initially hesitant to marry their porphyrogennetai women’s legitimate birth.16 When ibn Baṭṭūṭa to men outside the Byzantine court. In seeking relates how the illegitimate daughter of the to negotiate a Byzantine marital alliance for Emperor greeted her family upon her return the Holy Roman Emperor, Liudprand of to Constantinople, he mistakenly refers to the Cremona was denied the princess he sought emperor’s wife as Bayalun’s mother, showcasing on the grounds that, “It is unheard-of for his unawareness of her illegitimate birth.17 Such the porphyrogenita of a porphyrogenitus […] to be ignorance reveals how birth rank as a factor mixed up with the peoples,” here meaning in establishing marital alliances - despite its non-members of the Byzantine elite.13 Given nuance and importance within the Byzantine that purple-born princesses had been married court - decreased in significance for the to foreigners prior to Liudprand’s request and Byzantines when they interacted with cultures also considering the negotiator’s offer to allow that were not sensitive to such distinctions. the marriage in exchange for the provinces of Ravenna and Rome, it appears that marriage Physicality: Contemporary elites on the between porphyrogennetai and non-Byzantines whole recognized beauty as an important was not beyond the realm of possibilities even factor in constructing interdynastic marriages. during the height of Byzantine influence.14 Bertrandon de la Broquière repeatedly Davids notes that, as time went on, interdynastic comments on the beauty of Byzantine marriages with purple-born princesses became Emperor John VIII’s wife, a princess from the more common throughout the regions now in royal family of Trebizond, in a way that marks modern Europe and Western Asia.15 The three beauty as an honorable trait.18 Similarly Anna later sources, however, make no mention of the Komnene recounts how Emperor Michael purple-born distinction, possibly suggesting , in recommending that Nikephoros that the classification’s importance faded over Botaneiates take the Empress Maria as his wife,

13 Liudprand of Cremona, The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona, trans. Paolo Squatriti (Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America, 2007), 248. 14 Peter of Bulgaria had married the daughter of Emperor Christopher in 927. 15 Adelbert Davids, “A Marriage Too Far? Maria Lekapena and Peter of Bulgaria,” in The Empress Theophano: Byzantium and the West at the Turn of the First Millennium, ed. Adelbert Davids (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 108-109. 16 For example, King Louis III of Provence married the illegitimate daughter of Emperor Leo VI; Steven Runciman, “The Ladies of the Mongols,” in Είς Μνήμην K. I. Αμάντου (Athens: 1960), 46. 17 Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, vol. 2, trans. H. A. R. Gibb (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), 506 When God Gives Constantine Daughters 11

“spoke to him at length of her noble birth and dans la tradition canonique byzantine,” which physical attractions,” further marking beauty examines how Christian canon law alienated as an important characteristic in a potential women from positions of power, Beaucamp bride.19 Komnene’s account reveals that the notes that women’s bodies garnered jurisdictive comments made by Bertrandon transcend his disadvantages, even going so far as to deem personal preference and speak to the medieval postnatal discharges as fluids that could make perception of beauty as a quality signifying one ceremonially unclean.22 Reinsch affirms that inner virtue. This perception is explored by women’s bodies were viewed as fundamentally Diether Reinsch in his article, “Women’s evil but suggests that giving birth provided an Literature in Byzantium? - The Case for Anna avenue by which to transcend one’s corporeal Komnene,” wherein he asserts that physical disadvantage.23 Elsewhere Reinsch notes that beauty was one of the few avenues by which Anna Komnene had an altogether positive women could absolve themselves of Eve’s crime view of the maternal body and considered it against humanity and advance their social the inceptive location of a human’s capacity position.20 In this way, a royal woman’s beauty to love.24 Granted, being a woman and mother impacted her options significantly when it came herself, Komnene may have been less inclined time for her to marry. A modern individual to view the female body in a wholly negative may assume that the high birth rank of royal light. Therefore, while debate persists about women would mitigate the importance of their the extent to which women’s physicality physical beauty; however, Carlyn Connor in served as a barrier to their authority, modern Women of Byzantium provides the contradictory scholars recognize that women’s bodies were example of Emperor Constantine VI weeping understood to be inherently disadvantageous when his engagement to a beautiful fiancée in contemporary Byzantium. Such an disintegrated, even though he knew her only understanding of female physicality does not from her picture.21 Constantine VI’s response seem to have changed substantially over the to his loss suggests that physical beauty factored course of the Byzantine Empire and therefore into the establishment of marital alliances even influenced the establishment of marital in the highest social strata. alliances to the same degree across time.25

The importance placed on women’s Age: Another potentially disadvantageous beauty tells only part of the story on perceptions attribute that factored into the establishment of female physicality. Contemporary Byzantium of Byzantine royal women’s marriages was understood women’s bodies to be inferior to the young age at which women were married the bodies of men and also inherently evil. In relative to their male spouses. Matthew her article, “Exclues et Aliénées: Les femmes Blastares, who consolidated much of Byzantine

18 Bertrandon de la Broquière, The Voyage d’Outremer, trans. & ed. G. R. Kline (Peter Lang: New York, 1988), 100, 106. 19 Komnene, The Alexiad, 82. 20 Diether R. Reinsch, “Women’s Literature in Byzantium? - The Case for Anna Komnene,” in Anna Komnene and Her Times, ed. Thalia Gouma-Peter- son, trans. Thomas Dunlap (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), 84. 21 Connor, Women of Byzantium, 210. 22 Beaucamp, “Exclues et Aliénées,” in Strangers to Themselves: The Byzantine Outsider, 99-100. 23 Diether R. Reinsch, “Women’s Literature in Byzantium?” 84. 24 Ibid. 12 Wickline law in the early 14th century, notes that both opposed to the daughter indicates that arriving men and women were to wait until they at a marriageable age did not signal a social reached puberty before entering a marriage, transition into autonomy. In the case of Anna standardizing the legal age of marriage in the Komnene - whose first betrothal was organized process: “for males to be past their fourteenth shortly following her birth - the royal family year and for females to be more than twelve assumed it was their responsibility to orchestrate years old.”26 Because girls enter puberty before a good marital alliance for their daughter given boys, created an age gap between her young age.28 The way in which the bride men and women entering into marriage of received communication regarding her nuptials at least two years. This age gap was often also speaks to her young age. Hilsdale notes the greater because marriage was one of only importance of the pictographic communication two avenues by which women could augment found in a Byzantine text written for a young their respectability in society - the other being girl soon to marry the emperor.29 The marked to become a nun. As a result, the pressure to transition in the images of the girl from a youth marry was high for women, whereas men had to an augusta reveals that it was through marriage “...it was through marriage itself rather than during her preparation for it that women became adult members of the community” many opportunities to augment their social itself rather than during her preparation for standing. This age disparity between the sexes it that women became adult members of the situated women in positions socially inferior to community.30 Furthermore, in ibn Baṭṭūṭa’s those of their husbands. account, this transition into adulthood took place through several years of marriage. The Accounting for this disparity, the royal khan’s willingness to permit his wife to return families planned and executed marriage to her father in order to give birth may signal alliances in a manner that took the young that medieval dynasties recognized new brides age of Byzantine brides into consideration. to be in need of parental support even after in “Sex, Consent, and their marriage.31 Jonathan Shepard, in his Coercion in Byzantium,” notes that a girl’s article, “A Marriage Too Far? Maria Lekapena family arranged her marriage on her behalf.27 and Peter of Bulgaria,” confirms this slow The agency of the family in this situation as transition into adulthood by citing women’s

25 N.B. This perception of physicality must have drastically swayed the balance of power in most marriages in the husband’s favor. Add to this inferi- ority the woman’s alien status (each Byzantine bride would travel to live with her husband in the territory he controlled) and it becomes clear that the power dynamic between husband and wife inherently disadvantaged the female spouse. With such negative perceptions of the female body, it is no wonder that domestic violence was as widespread in Byzantine society as Walker stipulates that it was. Alicia Walker, “Wife and Husband: A Golden Team,” in Byzantine Women and Their World, ed. Ioli Kalavrezou (Cambridge - New Haven: Harvard University Art Museums and Yale University Press, 2003), 219. 26 Matthew Blastares, Sexuality, Marriage, and Celibacy in Byzantine Law: Selections from a Fourteenth-Century Encyclopedia of Canon Law and Theology: the Alphabeti- cal Collection of Matthew Blastares, trans. & ed. by P.D. Viscuso (Holy Cross Orthodox: Boston, 2008), 92. When God Gives Constantine Daughters 13 young age upon marriage as a likely explanation confident in its claim to the throne than for their frequent returns to Constantinople the newly emerging Western ruling lines. A after marrying a foreign ruler.32 Given the century and a half later, when Anna Komnene manner in which brides’ families and husbands discusses how her father and his immediate treated them, I conclude that women were not imperial predecessors negotiated marriages considered adults upon marriage but rather with foreign parties, she takes care to include several years thereafter. Nothing in the evidence whether she deemed a party worthy of a suggests that age factored into establishing royal Byzantine bride. Komnene describes marriages any differently across the 10th - 15th the betrothal between Norman commander century timeframe I have examined. ’s daughter and Byzantine Emperor Michael Doukas’ son, as “a marriage Functions Expected of Byzantine Brides with a foreigner and a barbarian, from our point of view quite inexpedient.”36 While both Legitimization: Byzantine brides served to cultural and personal bias color Komnene’s legitimize their own families’ right to rule by negative evaluation of the union, the language marrying a relatively uncontested ruler and in of expediency she uses indicates that a metric turn legitimizing their husbands’ ruling families by which marriages were evaluated was the with their own royal blood. Shepard confirms extent to which it served the greater family. that, especially when both families possessed Additionally, the barbaric image Komnene a contestable claim to the throne of their paints of Guiscard reveals that the Byzantine territory, interdynastic marriages would have elite viewed itself as a cultured class that did been successful at legitimizing both families.33 In not have to descend to marrying its lesser the 10th - 12th centuries in particular, Byzantine neighbors. Again emphasizing the Komnene royal families served as a source of legitimacy dynasty’s confidence in its legitimacy, when the more often than they sought legitimization Persian Sultan asks the Emperor Alexios for from other dynasties. Of the family Liudprand one of his daughters to marry, Anna praises her was sent to represent, Shepard notes that Otto father for denying him on the grounds that any I sought a marital alliance with the Byzantines Byzantine wife to the sultan “would have been so that his descendants would have the royal wretched indeed if she had gone to Persia, to blood necessary to boost their legitimacy.34 share a royal state worse than any poverty.”37 The 11th century brought Western powers From the 10th - 12th centuries, then, Byzantine to Constantinople in search of brides, while rulers recognized that they had the political the Byzantines did not seek Western brides advantage of granting legitimacy rather than as often as their own women were sought.35 seeking it. The Byzantine royal family, then, was more

27 Angeliki E. Laiou, “Sex, Consent, and Coercion in Byzantium,” in Women, Family, and Society in Byzantium. ed. Cécile Morrisson and Rowan Dorin (Ashgate Variorum: Burlington, VT, 2011), 134. 28 Komnene, The Alexiad, 168. 29 Cecily J. Hilsdale, “Constructing a Byzantine ‘Augusta:’ A Greek Book for a French Bride,” The Art Bulletin, 87, no. 3 (2005), 458. 30 Hilsdale, “Constructing a Byzantine ‘Augusta,’” The Art Bulletin, 469. 31 Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, 497. 32 Jonathan Shepard, “A Marriage Too Far? Maria Lekapena and Peter of Bulgaria,” in The Empress Theophano: Byzantium and the West at the Turn of the First Millennium, ed. Adelbert Davids (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 136. 14 Wickline

However, as the political climate shifted, virtues of one spouse would have reflected Byzantine emperors began to expand the list well on the other, for he praises the beauty of of royal families whom the Byzantines would the Empress excessively while simultaneously deign to legitimize. Runciman identifies painting a picture of Byzantium as a land marriages between the emperor’s illegitimate hostile to Western Christians and subservient daughters and the khans of the Mongols to the Turks.41 The fact that Bertrandon does as exemplifying a Byzantine willingness to not translate the virtues of the empress into a legitimize a group that would have once been positive account of the emperor speaks to his considered barbaric.38 Matthew Blastares’ foreign status rather than it does negate the text reveals that laws against polygamy and mutually legitimizing quality this marriage had. marrying non-Christians confined Byzantine In sum, the legitimizing function marriages citizens at the time when these emperors were could serve became increasingly important marrying their illegitimate daughters to the from the 10th - 15th centuries as Byzantine polygamist Mongols.39 In breaking the laws of ruling families slowly fell from their position their own society, these emperors show their as the most stable and powerful dynasty of the desperation for alliance with the Mongols Mediterranean. given their extensive control of surrounding territories. In the 14th century, Byzantine rulers Ambassadorship: Modern Byzantinists were willing to legitimize the royal families of struggle to understand in what manner and foreign states less discriminately than when to what extent Byzantine princesses acted as Anna Komnene wrote her history. ambassadors or representatives of Byzantine interests abroad. Presenting one of the milder By the 15th century, the Byzantine ruling views of women’s political agency, Shepard family so markedly had fallen in prestige that reads the actions of Empress Theophano, the Emperor sought a wife who would legitimize wife to Holy Roman Emperor Otto II, as his own bloodline. The marriage Bertrandon participatory in a “cultural ambassadorship.”42 de la Broquière observed between Byzantine According to Shepard, Theophano proved Emperor John VIII and Empress Maria effective in representing Byzantium as a Komnene - the daughter of the Emperor of brother empire to the West because she was in Trebizond - inflated the royal families’ prestige a position to keep company with the foremost and justification for ruling even though, at Western powers.43 Connor makes a bolder the time of this marriage, neither Byzantium claim regarding Theophano’s ambassadorship nor Trebizond occupied the majority of based on an ivory plaque that shows Christ Byzantium’s former territories.40 Bertrandon blessing Theophano and Otto II. Examining himself seems to have been unaware that the the uniform facial features and similar height of

33 Shepard, “A Marriage Too Far?”, 133. 34 Jonathan Shepard, “Western Approaches (900-1025),” in The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c. 500-1492, ed. Jonathan Shepard (Cambridge - New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 546. 35 Shepard, “Marriages Towards the Millennium” in Byzantium in the Year 1000, 5. 36 Komnene, The Alexiad, 30. 37 Ibid, 176. 38 Runciman, “The Ladies of the Mongols,” 46. 39 Matthew Blastares, Sexuality, Marriage, and Celibacy in Byzantine Law, 99, 113-115. When God Gives Constantine Daughters 15 each spouse, Connor concludes that Theophano literature - having devoted the most earnest was being represented as the equal half of a study to the , in fact, and being governing couple and therefore a woman in not unpracticed in rhetoric and having read the position to serve a “diplomatic role” in thoroughly the works of and the her husband’s empire.44 Other claims Shepard dialogues of Plato, and having fortified my mind has made about coins representing Peter of with the tetrakus of sciences.”48 The litotical Bulgaria and Maria Lekapena as equals support construction of “οὐ γραμμάτον οὐχ ἄμοιρος / Connor’s assessment of Theophano’s more not without some acquaintance with literature” prominent role in governing and representing demonstrates the joy Komnene takes in using her homeland’s interests in the Holy Roman her literacy, while the subsequent list of subject Empire.45 Herrin goes farther than either of area proficiencies indicates that Komnene took her colleagues when she asserts that Byzantine pride in her vast knowledge. From Komnene’s princesses were expected to serve diplomatic own positive opinion of her education, she functions and were systematically encouraged views ardent study - at least when paired with to cultivate skills that would optimize their pedigree - as sufficient qualification for entering ambassadorial potential, especially literacy.46 into the realm of men’s work, here the writing Hilsdale’s analysis of the Greek text instructing of history, elsewhere statecraft. Throughout a young girl how to become an augusta largely her work, Komnene provides examples of concurs with Herrin’s conclusions.47 Overall, royal women negotiating marital alliances - a scholars agree that Byzantine brides served as task so fraught with political implications that it ambassadors in some capacity, but the lack of would have only been entrusted to women had firsthand accounts from these women combined the emperor felt confident in their capacity to with multiple other factors (e.g. age, gender understand the full political landscape.49 Later, conceptions) complicate any reading of these Komnene defends her father’s decision to women’s movements between Constantinople “[transfer] the government of the empire to the and their husbands’ courts. women’s quarters” by pointing to her mother’s and grandmother’s adept administrative skills Anna Komnene’s comments and and familiarity with public affairs.50 While assumptions about women in power contribute The Alexiad is the only source of those I have to a deeper understanding of how Byzantine examined that offers representations of women princesses acted as ambassadors within their operating in the male spheres of governance interdynastic marriages. In outlining her own and writing history, the agency that Komnene qualifications to write her father’s history, ascribes to herself and her female relatives Anna Komnene highlights her education: suggests that Byzantine brides to some degree “[I am] not without some acquaintance with were encouraged by their family to directly

40 Nicol observes that this practice among the many ruling families of the Byzantine world of intermarrying to gain legitimacy ultimately implodes when the Byzantine leaders become too few to intermarry. Donald M. Nicol, The Byzantine Lady: Ten Portraits, 1250–1500 (Cambridge–New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 124-125. 41 Bertrandon on the one hand goes out of his way to observe and comment on the Empress’ beauty (100, 106) and on the other hand points out a pile of bones as those having belonged to the Western Crusaders slaughtered by the Byzantines (98). He also claims, “The Emperor of Constantino- ple is very much under the control of the Grand Turk” (104). Bertrandon de la Broquière, The Voyage d’Outremer, 98, 100, 104, 106. 42 Shepard, “Marriages Towards the Millennium” in Byzantium in the Year 1000, 21. 43 Ibid, 21-22. 16 Wickline participate the statecraft of their husbands’ a union between two Byzantines (her parents) territory and to represent Byzantine interests and not an inter-polity marriage, the emphasis abroad.51 on the mother’s family and its reaction to each birth sheds light on how emotionally invested Procreation: Perhaps the most important a bride’s family was in the continuation of function of Byzantine brides in foreign her husband’s family line: “[When I, Anna, households was to provide their husbands with was born] everyone was dancing and singing heirs. Vikan notes that procreation was widely hymns, especially the close relatives of the understood to be the purpose of marriage empress, who could not contain themselves for throughout Byzantium.52 While The Alexiad delight.”56 Komnene’s rhetoric may exaggerate indicates that childless emperors considered the matrilineal sentiment, but in identifying her adopting or appointing heirs, heads of state mother’s family as a group particularly excited throughout the medieval world preferred to learn of the first child’s birth, Komnene biological heirs to adopted sons.53 From a ruling clearly identifies that the family of the bride man’s perspective, receiving heirs from the had a vested interest in the couple’s procreation. daughter of an ally increased the likelihood that Elsewhere, the husband and his family likewise this ally would not betray him for many years sought to create optimal conditions for the to come. For this very reason, contemporary children who resulted from these unions. In dynasts viewed marital alliance as one of the ibn Baṭṭūṭa’s account of Bayalun’s return to most reliable tools for diplomacy.54 As seen in the Constantinople to have a baby, her husband, discussion of physicality, motherhood offered the khan, takes pains to insure the mother and women an opportunity to align themselves with child’s well being: he consents to her voyage, the female archetype of Mary more closely financially provides for it, and has the most than with Eve, the first sinner.55 The medieval important members of his family with him to world - possibly as a whole - understood the send her off with good wishes.57 The khan’s wifely function of providing children to be the willingness to create conditions conducive to paramount task of new brides, especially those his wife’s comfort during pregnancy - even responsible for carrying on a royal line. with the risk that she would not return after having the baby - suggests that the husbands of The manner in which both the husband interdynastic unions went out of their way to and wife’s family eagerly anticipated the couple’s insure the successful birth for their children. In issue evinces the extent to which dynasts were sum, sources from the 10th - 15th century show willing to honor political alliances reinforced both families of an interdynastic marriage by marriage ties. While Komnene provides an alliance were eager to act in the best interest of account of royal birth only in the context of the couple’s children.

44 Connor, Women of Byzantium, 212. 45 Shepard, “A Marriage Too Far?” 143. 46 Judith Herrin, “Women in Byzantium,” in Unrivaled Influence: Women and Empire in Byzantium (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2013), 8; Judith Herrin, Women in Purple: Rulers of Medieval Byzantium (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2000), 17-18. 47 Hilsdale, “Constructing a Byzantine ‘Augusta,’” The Art Bulletin, 476. 48 Komnene, The Alexiad, 3. 49 Ibid., 51, 59. 50 Ibid., 94, 96. When God Gives Constantine Daughters 17

Representation of God: Part of a Byzantine demonstrates the argumnt that her mother was woman’s duty in a royal marriage was to govern the God-ordained partner in the emperor’s task with her husband in a way that modeled the of running the state.61 Even when Byzantium Christian God’s just and merciful sovereignty had extended marriage alliances to dynasties over the world. In the mid-fifth century, marriage who did not share the Christian faith, there throughout the Byzantine Empire underwent a was always an understanding that the bride process of Christianization.58 From that point would insist on her husband’s conversion, forward, Herrin notes, royal marriage in a thereby creating a couple that represented the Christian context took on a dimension of a Christian God where previously such a couple “lifelong commitment” and conferred upon could not have existed.62 From the 10th - 15th the royal couple a “shared responsibility” to century, Byzantine royal women entered into govern in God’s image.59 Throughout these marriages with foreign rulers understanding sources, Byzantine brides consistently serve as that they were to serve as models of God for part of a couple representing God, although their people, even though this goal of marriage the importance of this role decreases in was mitigated in political climates that pressured some political climates. While Liudprand of emperors to marry their daughters to those the Cremona makes no explicit mention of Otto Church deemed heretics. I’s prospective wife serving such a function, the fact that the two empires both participated in Among the vast array of factors Christianity of one form or another indicates considered in establishing interdynastic marital that the Byzantine family at least would have alliances and the functions a Byzantine princess expected any bride they sent with Liudprand was expected to perform, certain factors and to uphold Christianity in a general sense. It is functions remained fixed over time while only later, in Anna Komnene’s writing, that an others proved dynamic. First, in focusing on the author explicitly claims that a married royal factors considered when establishing alliances, woman jointly represents God’s nature in the subtleties of birth rank disintegrated at some collaboration with her husband to the people point following the 12th century. Whereas she serves. Komnene presents “good works being a purple-born princess availed unique and acts of charity” as her mother’s merciful opportunities in the times of Liudprand of counterbalance to her father’s waging of war Cremona and Anna Komnene, ibn Baṭṭūṭa - just as Christian doctrine establishes God’s and Bertrandon de la Broquière appear mercy as a counterbalance to his justice.60 altogether unaware of such a distinction. By later asking who could better protect the Unlike the changing subtleties of birth emperor against plots against his life than rank, women’s physicality seems to have been “his natural adviser [the empress],” Komnene regarded in a uniform fashion across this time

51 One can largely attribute the lack of first-hand account male voices supporting Anna Komnene’s claims of female agency to the contemporary bias against women, partly addressed in Physicality. 52 Gary Vikan, “Art and Marriage in Early Byzantium,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 38 (1984), 154. 53 Komnene, The Alexiad, 52. 54 Connor, Women of Byzantium, 209. 55 Thalia Gouma-Peterson, “Gender and Power: Passages to the Maternal in Anna Komnene’s Alexiad,” in Anna Komnene and Her Times, ed. Thalia Gouma-Peterson (New York: Garland Publishing, 2000), 109. 56 Ibid., 168. 18 Wickline period. Even in the highest echelons of society, the royal family lost its ability to be selective women’s beauty spoke well of their character in choosing whom its daughters would marry and increased their desirability as spouses; and thus which families it would legitimize. however, beneath an apparent reverence for Eventually, Byzantine royal family members the female form lay the persistent assumption sought marriages that would reinforce their that women’s bodies were inherently evil and own claims to the throne. As far as the extent inferior. Age likewise seems to have been taken to which women were expected to serve as into account in a similar manner throughout ambassadors for Byzantium in their husbands’ the practice of interdynastic marriages. A courts, contributions from other Byzantinists woman’s young age relative to her spouse and Anna Komnene’s account of how her situated her in a socially inferior position. A family regarded women’s education indicate girl’s parents would mitigate the potentially that girls were prepared for the duties of a dangerous impact of her childlike inferiority by foreign diplomat and were expected to serve choosing a spouse whom they believed to be in such a function in their marriages. Given the the girl’s best interest and by actively parenting limited time frame Komnene’s account spans, their daughter even after she married. Of the it remains to be seen whether Byzantine brides apparent factors under consideration when a were groomed in this way throughout the five Byzantine royal woman was to be married off, centuries I have examined. Nevertheless, marital the subtleties of birth rank faded over the 10th alliances often guaranteed peace through the - 15th centuries while those of physicality and existence of offspring loyal to both lines. Given age persisted. the ways in which family members on the wife and husband’s side of the family were invested As with the factors that went into forming in the couple’s offspring, both royal families - for marriage ties, some of the functions Byzantine the most part throughout the 10th - 15th centuries brides were expected to serve during married - willingly consented to peace to insure that the life maintained their level of importance couple’s children would thrive. Finally, women throughout the 10th - 15th centuries, while others were expected to represent God’s character waxed and waned over time. Throughout this and sovereignty through upright governance time window, marriages between dynastic with their husband throughout this six families had the potential to further legitimize hundred year period, though the generations the families’ right to rule. In the 10th - 12th of women who married Mongols saw this goal centuries, non-Byzantine royal families sought minimized in importance. In sum, Byzantines out the emperor’s daughters and sisters to went from offering to seeking legitimization as legitimize their own claim to the throne. As their global influence receded; ambassadorship the Byzantine Empire decreased in strength, was a function actively encouraged in and

59 Judith Herrin, “The Imperial Feminine in Byzantium,” in Unrivaled Influence: Women and Empire in Byzantium (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2013), 174-175. 60 Komnene, The Alexiad, 337; The Gospel according to John represents God’s nature by associating one character with mercy and another with justice in much the same way that Komnene associates one trait with her mother and another with her father: “For God did not send his Son into the world to condemn the world, but to save the world through him. Whoever believes in him is not condemned, but whoever does not believe stands con- demned already because they have not believed in the name of God’s one and only Son.” Here the Son enacts God’s mercy, while the Father enacts God’s justice. (I take the subject, God, to refer to the Father rather than the whole Godhead given that Christ is referred to as his Son in the same passage;) John 3:17-18 NIV. When God Gives Constantine Daughters 19 expected of Byzantine brides for some time; procreation always mattered greatly to all parties negotiating an interdynastic marriage; and representing God through a ruling couple was a goal of the Byzantine ruling family that decreased in importance as political pressures mandated.

Taking these conclusions forward, I hope that increased familiarity with the ebbing and flowing importance of these factors and functions of marriage will nuance scholarly understanding of women’s roles in the medieval world. While modern scholarship acknowledges that birth rank, physicality, and age contributed to the establishment of marriages, and while it grants that legitimization, ambassadorship, procreation, and the representation of God’s character and dominion through a ruling couple were all functions that Byzantine women were expected to serve, knowing the precise weight of each factor and function at the time of any given marriage will help Byzantinists to better understand the often inaccessible world of women in the Byzantine Empire.

61 Ibid., 339. 62 Runciman, “The Ladies of the Mongols,” 49. 2

A Shipment from Europe

James Madison’s Pre-Federalist Use of History as Rhetoric

by Matt Shuham A Shipment from Europe 21

In exchange, Jefferson requested that Madison pay an equal amount (“without bewildering ourselves in the exchange”) towards the “The mother lode schooling of his nephews.3 Early in his time abroad, before sending the crates, Jefferson had of books ... some 45 sent Madison books a few at a time, including Mariana’s History of Spain, and Jean-Zacharie titles representing Paradis de Raymondis’ Treaty on Morality and around 200 physical Happiness.4 Jefferson also shipped over other oddities, such as phosphorous matches.5 volumes...” The mother lode of books traveling across the Atlantic was reported in a letter from Jefferson to Madison on September 1, 1785. In n March 18th, 1786, James it, Jefferson lists his detailed record of purchases Madison wrote from Montpelier, both for Madison’s assurance and for his own his home in Orange, Virginia, to benefit: per their agreement, Madison would then Minister Thomas Jefferson, in need to reimburse an equivalent amount to OParis. He thanked him for a recent shipment of the schooling of Jefferson’s nephews. The list books. “Since I have been at home I have had of books itself, some 45 titles representing leisure to review the literary cargo, for which I around 200 physical volumes, is telling of both am so much indebted to your friendship. The Madison’s intellectual curiosity and Jefferson’s collection is perfectly to my mind,” he reported skill as a book collector and curator. It certainly back.1 The subject of this letter, and a great fulfills Madison’s requests for matter related influence on the Constitution of the United to “rare & valuable books […] whatever may States, were two crates of books sent on the long throw light on the general Constitution & droit journey across the Atlantic the previous year. public [public law] of the several confederacies which have existed.”6 But it also goes much The books came at Madison’s request. further than the request, including books on As Jefferson established himself in France, he nature, political , and additional petitioned Madison, his friend and ally over the history not strictly encompassed by Madison’s previous decade, for “a catalogue of the books professed interests. you would be willing to buy, because they are often to be met with on stalls very cheap, and Scholarship about Madison’s use of this I would get them as occasions should arise.”2 shipment of books is rare in the study of

1 James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, March 18, 1786 inThe Republic of Letters, ed. James Morton Smith (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1995). 2 Ibid. 3 “Founders Online: From Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, 11 November 1784,” accessed April 28, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/ Jefferson/01-07-02-0367. 4 Jefferson, Madison, and Smith, The Republic of Letters, 352–353. 5 Ibid., 351. 6 James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, March 16, 1784, from the National Archives, found on http://founders.archives.gov/documents/ Madison/01-08-02-0002 22 Shuham early national American history. Most view it in anticipation of writing a new Constitution. as a friendly transaction between two deep- In this sense, history served as a repository of thinking founding fathers - a novel account of “anti-models,” in lawmaking.8 the transatlantic “Republic of Letters.” It is the assertion of this paper, however, that Madison Michael Meyerson, in his Liberty’s requested books on the “several confederacies Blueprint, places himself in the line of which have existed” as preparation for what argument that asserts that Madison studied would become perhaps the most important the “several confederacies” to understand political campaign in our history: the the political philosophy necessary to create a adoption of a new Constitution over what new government. Meyerson, in researching Madison viewed as a deficient, dangerous Madison’s letters in the months before the interim governing document: the Articles convention at Philadelphia, describes them of Confederation.7 James Madison used the as “window[s] into Madison’s mind... With history - especially Greek history - contained each one he grew more confident in his in Jefferson’s shipment of literary cargo asa understanding and more detailed in his rhetorical tool to convince other elite political approach.” The historical research, then, is figures of the need for a stronger centralized just one more step in understanding the policy government. This is evident both in his letters challenges that a strengthened confederacy before the Constitutional Convention, and his would face. The research, in Meyerson’s words, speeches in Philadelphia. The success in this was to “appreciate the full rationale for creating effort was due in part to Madison’s masterful a radically new political system and understand appropriation of historical example, but also what changes were needed to ensure that the to the cultural and class contexts of his time, vices did not recur.” 9,10 which prioritized a classics-based education, and held historical record as a valuable tool for Other lines of argument aren’t as tidy. analyzing law and policy. Madison could have, for example, researched historical confederacies based on his own Historiography preconceived notions, looking for evidence to affirm his beliefs instead of challenging them. What few of early America There is a well-documented history of his address Madison’s study of federal government, discontent with the Articles of Confederation they take a wide variety of opinions about months and years before his historical study the importance of this work. Most see it as began, and many of his conclusions stay preparation for law-making itself: studying the consistent even after Jefferson’s shipment challenges faced by historical confederacies reaches Virginia. Madison would then use his

7 Rakove, Jack N. James Madison and the Creation of the American Republic. Library of American Biography. Glenview, Ill: Scott, Foresman/Little, Brown Higher Education, 1990. 8 Richard, Carl J. The Founders and the Classics: Greece, Rome, and the American Enlightenment. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 9 Meyerson, Michael. Liberty’s Blueprint: How Madison and Hamilton Wrote the Federalist Papers, Defined the Constitution, and Made Democracy Safe for the World. New York: Basic Books, 2008. 66. 10 Ibid., 66-67. A Shipment from Europe 23 refreshed knowledge of federal governments to a very defined split between elite and common argue his views amongst a contentious group of people in the late 1780s. Indeed the classics, political thinkers. Woody Holton argues this in and the elite education more broadly, played a Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution, large part in this demarcation. writing that Madison “did not need a crateful of books to figure out why the young republic The move towards centralized had lost its way, for he had already formed his federalism, and away from the “unruly” opinions in the course of day-to-day political America that Holton describes, characterized struggles. What Madison was looking for as by conflicting state interests and a weak image he performed his research was persuasive abroad, is often taken for granted. Madison’s historical evidence for what his won practical efforts to incorporate history - especially ancient experience had already taught him[.]”11 history - into his constitutional dialogues were instrumental in this shift of mind. The purpose of this paper is to clarify exactly why Madison was so intent on studying the ancient and modern confederacies: was the “... a rhetorical tool, research truly done in order to understand the to influence some of path the ‘confederacy’ must take going forward? Was it to confirm Madison’s own, previously the most important held views? My research has indicated a different reason for Madison’s work: that, more than any political elites across use of history as a foundational study for policy- making, Madison used it as a rhetorical tool, to the country.” influence some of the most important political elites across the country. With the knowledge Foundational Writings gained from Jefferson’s shipment, Madison worked to convince decision-makers of the In the months following the books’ need for a stronger, more centralized federal arrival in Virginia, Madison authored two government. This argument depends on a few brief sets of notes, “Ancient and Modern conditions of the early national era, primary Confederacies” and “Vices of the Political among which is the large part that classics in System of the United States,” that testify to the Madison’s education and in that other elites importance he placed on studying history. In across the English-speaking continent. There “Ancient and Modern Confederacies,” written also existed - despite populist expressions to the between April and June of 1786, Madison opposite effect in pamphlets and newspapers -

11 Ibid., 7. 12 Jefferson, Madison, and Smith, The Republic of Letters, 352–353. 13 “Founders Online: Notes on Ancient and Modern Confederacies, [April–June?] 1786,” accessed April 28, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/doc- uments/Madison/01-09-02-0001. 24 Shuham stays true to his professed interests from a Political System of the United States.” It is few months earlier, examining the Dutch, written in a format similar to that of a chapter German, and Helvetic confederacies, plus in “Ancient and Modern Confederacies,” the Lycian Confederacy of ancient Turkey, though it skips a section of historical context the Amphyctionic Confederacy of ancient and goes straight for a list of constitutional Greece, and the Achæan Confederacy, also of problems, each with a paragraph or more of Greece.12,13 explanation. Written in April 1787, a month before the constitutional convention, it seems as In his collected notes, Madison splits though Madison wrote it for the Constitutional each historical example into three parts: a short debate: the essay itself is written in a quick hand history, a listing of the “Fœderal Authority” and has frequent edits and marginal notes, of the central government, and the “Vices as if it had been written not as a permanent of the Constitution” of each government’s document, but rather one to cite and correct central system of law. He also includes in-text as the debate progressed. Similar to “Ancient citations to many of the books that he had and Modern Confederacies,” it is written in a received from Jefferson a few months earlier. booklet format and looks fairly worn.16,17 Most commonly cited, by a fairly large margin, is Fortuné-Barthélemy de Félice’s Code de l’humanité, The original copy of “Vices of the ou la législation universelle, naturelle, civile et politique, Political System of the United States,” which avec l’histoire littéraire des plus grands hommes qui ont Madison would have used during a floor debate contribué à la perfection de ce code, referenced by at the convention, is littered with assorted Madison and Jefferson as Code de l’humanité.14 marginalia, including five miniature hands, The encyclopedia was published by Félice pointing at relevant examples and declarations (1723-1789) and written by him and 11 other to include in his speeches. Among them are authors, collectively the “Société de gens de various justifications for a notably strengthened lettres.”15 In a letter to Edmund Randolf, central government under the new constitution, Jefferson describes Code de l’humanité as “an including a national veto of state law, for which excellent work,” and it served as the source of Madison had recently begun to advocate.18 much of the historical argument he employed Under “Encroachments by the States on the to advocate for federalism. federal authority” he highlights Georgia’s treaties with Native Americans, unlicensed Madison continued his practice of compacts between various states, and standing dissecting historical governments with an troops in Massachusetts.19 Later, he “points examination of the United States under the out” the violation of treaties with France and Articles of Confederation, “Vices of the Holland. Notably, under “7. want of sanction

14 Ibid. 15 J.152 from http://tjlibraries.monticello.org/transcripts/sowerby/II_73.html. The full society included also, according to the Sowerby Catalogue, “MM. Bouchaud, Bertrand, Tscharner, Andrié, Baron de Gorgier, De Jaucourt, De la Lande, Durand de Maillane, Mingard de Beau-Lieu, Maclaine, Molé” 16 The James Madison Papers, from the Library of Congress, image #1005. A Shipment from Europe 25 to the laws, and of coercion in the Government Class and Education as Context of the Confederacy,” he articulates what would become a common call of many in the Before examining Madison’s own convention: “A sanction is essential to the idea of use of history, it is important to understand law, as coercion is to that of Government. The his audience’s understanding of it. Their federal system being destitute of both, wants reception of his appeals to ancient history and the great vital principles of a Political Cons[ti] other sources was dependent upon their own tution.”20 This was a common fault articulated upbringing, and the culture of education and in “Ancient and Modern Confederacies,” and rhetoric in which they lived. one that Madison would articulate throughout the Constitutional Convention. Education was a tool for social mobility in the 1780s. At the time, American society, In the same month that the “Vices of especially in the northeast, was focused on the Political System of the United States” the classics both as a measure of merit and was published, Madison wrote home to his a valuable source of information about the father in anticipation of the coming Annapolis world. For those who sought to attend college, Convention, at which delegates would decide either for religious life or the law, admissions on whether or not to pursue constitutional procedures were fairly standardized and almost reform. Madison wasn’t optimistic—he entirely focused on ancient history, literature, realized that “no very sanguine expectations and philosophy.22 Education in these subjects, can well be indulged. The probable diversity therefore, started early in life, and their effects of opinions and prejudices, and of supposed or as a hierarchical tool was well established: those real interests among the States, renders the issue who knew liberal arts were trusted to speak on totally uncertain.” At the same time, he knew matters of law and society. And they would set what had to be done to pursue change: “The themselves apart to a very great degree: of the existing embarrassments and mortal diseases 2.5 million inhabitants in the colonies, only of the Confederacy form the only ground of 3,000 had college educations at the time of the hope, that a Spirit of concession on all sides American Revolution. 23 may be produced by the general chaos or at least partition of the Union which offers itself Yet, despite this exclusivity, historical as the alternative.”21 The shortcomings of the reference and an appreciation thereupon was current government had to be made clear to widespread in the late 18th century. Writers the delegates. and pamphleteers signed off with adopted historical names, and classical references,

17 “Founders Online.” 18 Alison L. LaCroix, “What if Madison Had Won? Imagining a World of Legislative Supremacy,” Indiana Law Review, 45:41, http://mckinneylaw. iu.edu/ilr/pdf/vol45p41.pdf 19 “Amendment I (Religion): James Madison to William Bradford,” accessed April 28, 2015, http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/ amendI_religions16.html. 26 Shuham though perhaps ill-informed, abound in public and Roman themselves, most […] respected writing of the time.24 This democratization the intellectual evidence the classics upheld of the idea of the classical history, regardless […] Even the poorest country parson could of any real knowledge of ancient history or testify that a college degree raised a man’s culture, runs parallel to the idea of classical status, and all recognized that the path to the education as a tool for mobility. Carl Richard, professions lay through a liberal education.”26 in the introduction to his Founders and the Classics, This widespread acceptance of the supremacy states this very well: of liberal arts provided a unique sort of pride for the American ruling class.27 As Jefferson, a “The canon exerted as great a homogenizing influence devout fan of the Greek epic, said in a letter as that often ascribed to television today. Even those to Hector St. John de Crevecoeur, from Paris, who fell outside the realm of formal education could not “[o]urs are the only farmers who can read escape this form of social conditioning. Indeed, men who .”28 lacked formal education often proved even more eager to demonstrate their classical knowledge in order to secure Indeed, in the wake of the successful status. Social conditioning left any unable to imagine Revolution, popular culture at the time the teaching of virtue independent of the teaching of celebrated popular protest in the classical mold. the classics and, hence, made the transmission of the A widely performed play at the time (George classical heritage an urgent concern.”25 Washington’s favorite, as well), was Joseph Addison’s Cato, written in 1712. The retelling “...oratory left the hands of elite interests ... and penetrated into people’s daily lives...”

of Cato the Younger’s opposition to Caesar The emphasis on the classics as a source contained strong anti-monarchical sentiment of elite education and status affected much and was performed frequently in England, of Madison’s audience: the vast majority of Ireland, and America. Self-consciously delegates to the Constitutional convention revolutionary and historical at once, it was a were the first in their families to be educated model for much of the most famous rhetoric in a traditional university setting, including of 1776, as David McCullough explores Madison himself. And even if they hadn’t in his book named after that year.29 Most passed through a classical education, according importantly for Madison, Cato was a model of to Richard, “whether or not they knew Greek ancient civilization situating modern dialogue

20 Ibid. 21 “Founders Online” 22 Richard, Carl J. The Founders and the Classics: Greece, Rome, and the American Enlightenment. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 19. A Shipment from Europe 27 on rights, politics, and the role of government. most important in private conversation, in which the culture of credit and personal repute The Rhetorical Revolution were of the upmost importance. Second, public rhetoric (in speeches or essays) depended on The impact of ancient Greek and altering the mood of the audience. Finally, Roman history on the United States affected declaratory and governmental documents public and private discourse, as well. The same relied on universal truths. As Fliegelman points values and historicity that gave rise to Cato out, these categories, especially the third, left also affected the rhetoric of the early national little room for “authorial innovation.” Instead, period. First, public oratory shifted away from speakers (and authors) were forced to rely on the clergy and towards political and cultural appeals that are self-justifying. These included speeches that emphasized historical appeal the popular will (vox populi), religious reason (vox and emotional weight.30,31 Second, the value dei), and, notably, “the oracle of history.” of history as a topic of public discussion and a tool for making and presenting policy and It’s no surprise, then, that in 1774 politics increased. Benjamin Franklin said that “history affords us instances of the ruin of states, by the prosecution As Jay Fliegelman writes in Declaring of measures ill-suited to the temper and genius Independence, the United States went through of their people.”32 Jefferson echoed this: an “elocutionary revolution” in the latter “History by apprising [citizens] of the past will 18th century. During this shift, oratory left enable them to judge of the future; it will avail the hands of elite interests – the clergy, royal them of the experience of other times and other administrators – and penetrated into peoples’ nations; it will qualify them as judges of the daily lives, as a mode of discussing politics actions and designs of men; it will enable them and the future. Politics, incidentally, became a to know ambition under every disguise it may mode of discussion in a way that lessened the assume; and knowing it, to defeat its views.”33 importance of religious dialogue. And John Adams, with his Discourses on Davila, took this point to its extreme, in asserting that This rise of oratory as popular dialogue, reflection on history alone was a suitable way coupled with the heavy dependence on classics to ruminate on American politics. For Madison as an educational tool, created a unique to use history as a method of rhetoric during atmosphere for rhetoric. Aristotle’s Rhetoric, the pre-convention period could have been for example, was established as an educational expected. model for three kinds of public oratory: first, the character of the speaker (or author) was

23 Winterer, Caroline. The Culture of Classicism: Ancient Greece and Rome in American Intellectual Life, 1780-1910. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002. 16. 24 Charles F. Mullett, “Classical Influences on the American Revolution,” in The Classical Journal, Vol. 35, No. 2 (Nov., 1939), pp. 92-104. Published by: The Classical Association of the Middle West and South. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3291341 25 Richard, Carl J. The Founders and the Classics. 10. 26 Ibid., 20. 27 Ibid. At the time, liberal arts would mean… “classics, logic, theology, philosophy, and moral training.” Interestingly, this was also when the purpose of classics switched from clergy to anti-tyranny. 28 Shuham

The Rhetoric of Greece and Rome against the concentrated power of the elites. He also, in Jefferson’s words, “read nothing and As a result of the conflict between the had no books,” and “could not write.”34 This popular will and elite concerns, there was presents a direct opposite to Madison: his most a great tension between the sentiments of effective persuasion happened one-on-one, in Greek and Roman history in the years’ run- letters with fellow learned men. As Fliegelman up to the Constitutional Convention. Greece describes: “In contrast to Socratic dialectic, was commonly seen as an anti-model for which involved one-to-one communication, its weakness due to decentralization, while [Patrick Henry’s] rhetoric involved addressing Rome was seen as imperialist and too corrupt. the “multitudes,’ a fact that stimulated Alexander Adam, a Scottish schoolmaster [Edmund] Randolph, as it had in Plato, fears and author of the textbook Roman Antiquities, of democracy.”35 defines this tension in articulating his hope that a classical education “impress[es] upon the These two figures are representative of minds of youth just sentiments of government a broader tension in early American rhetoric. in general, by showing on the one hand the Patrick Henry spoke to many people about pernicious effects of aristocratic domination; the dangers of tyranny, oligarchy, and elitism. and on the other, the still more hurtful He later extended this line of thought onto a consequences of democratic licentiousness.” virulent strain of anti-federalism. He was of the Roman mold, in every way. James Madison But which was worse, really, aristocratic spoke directly to others in power, either alone or domination or democratic licentiousness? in groups. He spoke of the dangers of foreign This debate played out in letters and speeches invasion or internal chaos or dissolution. He throughout early American history. Madison, used the Greek historical tradition to justify with his emphasis on a strengthened federal these views: his was a Socratic dialogue, not a government immune to the dangerous whims Roman oratory. of the states, was firmly on one side. Patrick Henry was on the other. Though the well- It would not be until The Federalist that known speaker had, unlike the majority of men we see Madison attempts to communicate of his stature, little experience in the classics, to the People (vox populi) in any meaningful he embodied the anti-tyrannical pole that way. Notably, he uses history there just as Alexander Adam situated. Henry gave rousing much as in his more private communications. speeches to crowds of assembled hundreds. Federalist 18 mentions the Amphyctionic During the Revolution, he compared King Confederacy, Germany appears in 19, the George to Caesar, and urged listeners to fight Lycian Confederacy is represented in 45, and

28 “Founders Online: From Thomas Jefferson to St. John de Crèvecoeur, 15 January 1787,” accessed April 28, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/ documents/Jefferson/01-11-02-0041. 29 McCullough, David G. 1776. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005. 30 This accompanied a similar shift in the purpose of a college education - more students saw college, and the classics, as an education in anti-tyranny 31 Fliegelman, Jay. Declaring Independence: Jefferson, Natural Language & the Culture of Performance. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1993. 34. 32 “Emblematical Representations,” ca. 1774 A Shipment from Europe 29 so on. However, for Madison’s best historical grammars and some volumes on divinity.”40 displays, one must begin with his own personal history. In his professional life, Madison felt the influence of his education intensely. In the “A Candid Examination of History” summer of 1782 he was selected to chair a three- person commission charged with compiling “a Our earliest recorded writing from James list of books to be imported for the use of the Madison comes from his commonplace book, United States in Congress Assembled,” the in which he began writing at age 8. In it, we see results of which are an Enlightened mélange his first forays into the world of history. Carl of political thought, law, and huge amounts of J. Richard, in his The Founders and the Classics, history. The proposed library was broken into establishes just how central the ancient world twelve sections, including “General History,” was to Madison: even as a young boy, Madison “Chronology,” and “Particular History,” ignored translations to English and instead which itself broke down historical study into wrote the original Latin in his commonplace specific units (by country, city-state, etc.) and book, on a wide variety of subjects from included substantial sections on everything philosophy to art.36 On history, he quotes from ancient Greece to modern Germany and Tacitus, Plutarch, Eutropius, and others. When Sweden.41 Modern editors of the list William studying Greek, he learned from Plutarch, T. Hutchinson and William M. E. Rachal Herodotus, and .37 It’s evident that note that “during the latter half of 1782 the he was skilled in Latin from a very young age, primary issues before Congress concerned and that Greek followed not long after.38 He finance, commerce, prisoners of war, western was doubly advantaged due to his tutor at the lands, and international affairs, including the time, Donald Robertson, formerly a professor alliance with France, the hoped-for terms of in Scotland who immigrated to America to peace, the unsatisfactory relations with Spain, foster young minds. It was his teaching that and the treaties with the Netherlands and gave Madison’s French its strange accent, Sweden. Most of the subject classifications in and his collected books and enthusiasm that Madison’s report reflect the needs of Congress instilled a love of learning in the young pupil.39 for the guidance of authoritative works on Ralph Ketcham, in his definitive biography these topics.”42 Still, most of these concerns are on Madison, discusses the huge privilege of covered in two sections: “Law of Nature and such a talented mentor, as opposed to the Nations,” and “Treatises and Negotiations.” rote, authoritarian model all too common in The inclusion of so much history in the library the New World – those “ignorant, indifferent proposal is a testament to both the role of tutors or rectors who owned only a few Latin history in decision-making at the time, broadly,

33 Jefferson, Thomas. Notes on the State of Virginia. Edited by William Peden. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, 1954. http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/v1ch18s16.html 34 Fliegelman, Jay. Declaring Independence. 95. 35 Ibid., 96. 36 Richard, Carl J. The Founders and the Classics. 37 The Papers of James Madison Digital Edition, J. C. A. Stagg, editor. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Rotunda, 2010. http://rotunda.upress. virginia.edu/founders/JSMN-01-01-02-0002 38 Ibid. 30 Shuham but also the esteem in which Madison, the Union.” primary author of the list, held history in relation to other subjects. Here, perhaps just weeks after receiving Jefferson’s shipment of books, Madison uses The Historical Rhetoric of a New the impressive catalogue of historical reference Constitution on his audience before moving onto more concrete plans. Jack Rakove’s characterization Throughout his professional career, rings true: “Madison’s political career and this instrumental reliance on history, and influence rested, quite simply, on the notion most notably, ancient history, is front and that a man who did his homework and thought center. Regarding the subject of this paper, through issues and alternatives before debate the pre-convention years and the convention began could often lead his lazier colleagues — itself, Madison’s historical study showed up of whom there would always be many — along everywhere. An early instance is manifest the avenues he had selected.”43 The use of in his notes for congressional debate in late history was supposed to be impactful. Patrick November, 1785. The brief outline shows a Henry defined the mood of many in saying “I pattern that becomes Madison’s calling card: have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, vague references to the past coupled with and that is the lamp of experience.” specific calls for the present: This all suggests that Madison used “Safe. 1. with regd. to liberties of States history rhetorically instead of substantially. (1) control over Congs. Nearly every one of his historical allusions (2) Greece Swiss groups together wildly disparate examples. (3) Dutch. In the above notes, he talks about Greece, (4) peculia[r] situation of U. S. Switzerland, The Netherlands, and the United 2. with regd. to Virga. States all in the same bullet point. He displays (1) Tobo. (2.) Ships (3.) coast trade lo[c]al a similar pace throughout the late 1780s, when ————— he employed this strategy frequently. (4) 5. S. States — Cont. & N. J ————— Below this blatant impression-making, Necessary to preserve a Confederation. Madison aimed to appeal to two very specific (1) decline of Congs. (2) inadequacy to end fears that contemporary elites had: first, the fear (3) G. B. aims to break the Union, as to of foreign infiltration into post-Revolutionary monopoly of Trad[e] America, and second, the fear of democratic Consequences of breaking or dissolving mob rule. However, both of these appeals

39 Spurlin, Paul M. “The Founding Fathers and the French Language.” The Modern Language Journal 60, no. 3 (March 1, 1976): 85–96. 40 Ketcham, Ralph Louis. James Madison; a biography,. New York, N.Y.: Macmillan, 1971. 20. 41 “Founders Online: Report on Books for Congress, [23 January] 1783,” accessed April 28, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madi- son/01-06-02-0031. 42 Ibid. 43 Rakove, Jack N., and Oscar Handlin. James Madison and the creation of the American Republic. Glenview, Ill.: Scott, Foresman/Little, Brown Higher Education, 1990. A Shipment from Europe 31 lead towards one result, for Madison: his In a floor speech at the convention, Madison ultimate goal; the establishment of a federalist spelled out the consequences of disunion system that would emphasize the strength of among the Amphyctionic Council: “Philip at a centralized government and its role both in length taking advantage of their disunion, and protecting individual liberties and maintaining insinuating himself into their Councils, made order in the new nation. himself master of their fortunes.” In a letter to Jefferson in October 1787, “[The weak “Will the Jersey plan prevent foreign centralized government] of the Amphyctions influence?” Madison wonders aloud about is well known to have been rendered of little the New Jersey plan, in conventional debate use whilst it lasted, and in the end to have been June 19th, 1787. “Did not Persia and Macedon destroyed by the predominance of the local distract the councils of Greece by acts of over the federal authority.”45 corruption?”44 The history of Philip of Macedon disrupting the Greek confederate And, in another convention speech, we government was well-worn by Madison. It see a perfect example of his appeals to the represented the fears of many at the time that delegates’ fears of ‘mobocracy’: “I apprehended foreign powers, Britain chief among them, the greatest danger is from the encroachment would attempt to invade or otherwise infiltrate of the states on the national government— the nascent American government. Madison’s This apprehension is justly founded on the unique flavor of federalism answered this fear experience of ancient confederacies, and our of foreign invasion, but much more than that, own is a proof of it.”46 it established strong federal economic and legal control over the states. To the generation who prided themselves not only on their newfound freedom, but also In a letter to Thomas Jefferson, then still on the veneer of popular participation and in Paris, he used history in a similar way. “Two local and individual rights associated with the considerations particularly remonstrate against Revolution, Madison offered a stark choice: delay,” he said. “One is the danger of having the centralize, or be compromised. In other same game played on our confederacy by which words, the two possibilities in America’s future, Philip [man]aged that of the Grecian state. without significant constitutional reform, were […] The other consideration is the probability invasion by foreign powers working in concert of an early increase of the confederated states with loyalists (or other traitors), or certain which more than proportion[ally] impede states banding together to inhibit constitutional measures which require unanimity…” Philip of progress. Either way, these would inhibit the Macedon stayed with Madison in Philadelphia. move towards a stronger central government

44 “Founders Online: Reply to the New Jersey Plan, [19 June] 1787,” accessed April 28, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madi- son/01-10-02-0036. 45 “Founders Online.” 46 “Founders Online: Relationship between Federal and State Governments, [21 June] …,” accessed April 28, 2015, http://founders.archives.gov/ documents/Madison/01-10-02-0038. 32 Shuham and cost Madison the very object of his letters hostile consequences of rival communities and speeches. not united by one Government.” Madison’s new case studies are also notable: in addition Conclusion to Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, he has Carthage, Sparta, and Rome. When the convention adjourned and the ratifying process continued on to each of History abounds in James Madison’s the individual states, so did Madison, along appeals to the American voting public, just as it with a great deal of historical rhetoric. And does in his appeal to their elite representatives while The Federalist falls out of the scope of at the Convention. We can see nothing this paper, it’s one more piece of evidence of but political mastery in his display, both in how committed Madison was to his rhetorical successfully appropriating the past, but also efforts. In The Federalist Papers, in addition to for navigating—so delicately as to make it re-using the same case studies that appear in almost unnoticeable—the tides of current “Ancient and Modern Confederacies,” there social and educational trends. Madison’s use of are also new examples, from a new source. history as rhetoric in the months prior to the Madison wrote “Additional Memorandums Constitutional Convention is an example of on Ancient and Modern Confederacies” some America’s best political scientist of the era, and time before November 30, 1787 (a month after perhaps best political strategist as well, at work. the Constitutional Convention adjourned). And while there is more work to do on the The new writing, in the same model as his legacy of Jefferson’s shipment of literary cargo original notes, details a full list of new historical to West Orange, Virginia, there is certainly examples. His organizational headers indicate evidence that the pages in those books are that he’s interested in “examples showing cast across America’s first successful national defect of mere confederacies,” “examples of political campaign.

A List of Books Purchased by Jefferson for Madison with costs omitted - 1st September, 1785

1. dictionnaire de Trevoux. 5. vol. fol @ 5f12 2. La Conquista di Mexico. De Solis. fol. 7f10. Relieure 7f 3. Traité de morale et de bonheur. 12mo. 2. v. in 1. 4. Wicquefort de l’Ambassadeur. 2. v. 4to. 5. Burlamaqui. Pricipes de droit Politique 4to. 3f12 reieure 2f5 6. Conquista de la China por el Tarataro por Palafox. 12mo. 7. Code de l’humanité de Felice. 12. v. 4to. 8. 13. first livraisons of the Encylopedie 47. vols. 4to. (being 48f less than subscription) 9. 14th. livraison of do. 4. v. 4to. 10. Peyssonel 11. Bibliotheque physico-œconomique. 4. v. 12mo. 10f4. rel. 3f 12. Culivateir Americain. 2 v. 8vo. 7f17. rel. 2f10. 13. Mirabeau sur l’ordre des Cincinnati. 10f10. rel 1f5 (prohibited) 14. Coustumes Anglo-Normands de Houard. 4. v. 4to. 40f rel. 10f 15. Memoires sur ‘Amerique. 4. v. 4to. 16. Tott sur les Turcs. 4. v. in 2. 8vo. 10f. rel. 2f10. 17. Neckar sur l’Administration de Finances de France. 3. v. 12mo. 7f10 rel. 2f5 18. le bon-sens. 12 mo. 6f rel. 15s (prohibited) A Shipment from Europe 33

19. Mably. Principes de morale 20. v. 12mo. a. etude de l’historie 1. b. maniere d’ecrire l’historie 1. c. constitution d’Amerique 1. d. sur l’historie de France. 2. v. e. droit de l’Europe 3. v. f. ordres des societies g. principes de negotiations h. entretiens de Phocion i. des Romains 21. Wanting to complete Mably’s works which I have not been able to procure[:] 22. les principes de legislation 23. sur les Grecs 24. sur la Pologne 25. [[page break]] 26. Chronologie des empires anciennes de la Combe. 1. v. 8vo. a. de l’historie universelle de Hornot. 1. v. 8vo. 4f b. de l’historie universelle de Berlié 1. v. 8vo. 2f10 rel. 1f5 c. des empereurs Romains par Richer 2. v. 8vo. 8f rel. 2f10 d. des Juifs. 1. v. 8vo. 3f10. rel. 1f5 e. de l’historie universelle par Du Fresnoy. 2. v. 8vo. 13f rel. 2f10 f. de l’historie du Nord. par La Combe 2. v. 8vo. 10f. rel, 2f10 g. de France. par Henault. 3. v. 8vo. 12f rel. 3f15 27. Memoires de Voltaire. 2. v. in 1. 2f10 rel. 15s 28. Linnaeu Philosophie Botanica .1 v. 8vo. 7f rel. 1f5. a. Genera plantarum. 1. v. 8vo. 8f rel. 1f5 b. Species plantarum 1. v. 8vo. 8f rel. 1f5 c. Systema naturae 4. v. 8vo. 26f rel. 5f 29. Clayton. Flora Virginica 4to. 12f. rel. 2f10. 30. D’Albon sur l’interet de plusieurs nations. 4. v. 12mo. 12f. rel. 3f 31. Systeme de la nature de Diderot. 3. v. 8vo. 21f (prohibited) 32. Coussin histoire Romaine. {16. vols. 12mo} 33. v. in 1. 12mo. a. de Constantinople 8. v. in 10. b. de l’empire de l’Occident 2. v. c. de l’eglise. 5. v. in 3. 34. Droit de la Nature. por Wolff. 6. v. 12mo. 15f rel. 4f10 35. Voyage de Pagét 8vo. 3. v. in 1. 36. Mirabeau. Ami des homes 5. v. 12mo. a. Theorie de l’import 2. v. in 1. 12 mo. 37. Buffon. Supplement 11. 12. Oiseaux 17. 18. Mineraux 1. 2. 3. 4. 38. Lettres de Pascal. 12mo. 2f. rel. 15s. 39. Le sage á la cour et le roi voiaguer (prohibited) 40. Principes de legislation universelle 2. v. 8vo. 41. Ordonnances de la Marine par Valin. 2. v. 4to. 42. Diderot sur les sourds and muets 12mo. {4. v. 12mo.} a. 3f12. sur les b. aveugles 3f. sur la nature 3f. sur la c. morale 3f15 43. Mariana’s history of Spain 11. v. 12mo. 44. 2 trunks and packing paper. 3

Galata and Constantinople

A Portrait of Fragmentation in the Eastern Mediterranean

by Richard Rush Galata and Constantinople 35

onstantinople lies on a triangular Turks, and crusaders. The intersection of all of peninsula at the south end of the these entities with their own particular goals in European side of the Bosporus. what was once the Byzantine Empire made for The southeast side of the city was a politically fragmented region where anyone Cprotected by the Sea of Marmara, and the with a little ambition, modest resources, and west-facing landside of Constantinople - by the right title had a chance to become a ruler, the four mile long Theodosian Walls which a noble, or at least a pirate. Galata’s own rise had defended the city for over a millennium. in power and its relationship with Byzantine Finally, on the north side of the triangle is Constantinople serves as an illustration of the Golden Horn, a large estuary that served the unstable world that was the late Medieval as a natural harbor for the city. Galata1 lies Eastern Mediterranean. just across the Golden Horn from ancient Constantinople. While Galata is very close to Galata’s story as a Genoese possession Constantinople, it was not always a suburb begins with the ambitions of the Nicaean of its larger sister city as it is today. Rather, Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus.3 Early during the reign of the Byzantine emperors, in 1261 Michael VIII needed a powerful ally, it was its own separate city complete with its particularly one with a strong navy. Over own set of city walls. Only a fraction of the size the previous three years he had usurped the of Constantinople and just across a narrow harbor from the seat of Byzantine power, “Galata’s strength Galata would not have been expected to play a significant role in late Byzantine history. grew to the point that However, that is not the case. During the it could even declare 13th century Galata achieved independence from Byzantine rule as a Genoese colony and war on the Byzantine developed its economy to the point where it was collecting seven times more tax revenue than its Empire...” much larger neighbor.2 Galata’s strength grew to the point that it could even declare war on throne to the Empire of Nicaea and invaded the Byzantine Empire, despite being less than Thrace, defeating a coalition army of Despot a quarter mile from Constantinople! Galata’s Michael II of Epiros, King Manfred of Sicily, rise in power was made possible largely by both and William Villehardouin of Achaia, who the weakening of the Byzantine state and the was the leader of the coalition.4 Michael’s growing influence of newcomers to the Eastern victory firmly established Nicaean control in Mediterranean, such as Italian city-states, Europe. However, Michael VIII did not desire

1 Galata is also known as Pera, and the two terms are interchangeable. For consistency in this essay, I will use Galata. 2 Nicol, Donald M., The last centuries of Byzantium, 1261-1453; (Great Britain, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 221. 3 In 1204 the Fourth Crusade sacked Constantinople, deposed the Byzantine Emperor, and divided the Byzantine Empire among the crusaders. However, the crusaders were unable to establish control over the entire territory and three successor states ruled by Byzantine Emperors were established in Trebizond, Epiros, and Nicaea. (Jonathan Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, (Lancaster: Bloomsbury Academic, 2003), 165). By 1260 the Empire of Nicaea was in a position to attempt to retake Constantinople. Trebizond was too far away from Constantinople to launch an effective military campaign and the Despotate of Epiros was too constantly engaged in war with the Bulgarians to attempt an attack on the city. (Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, 171-173). 4 Geanakoplos, John Denos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West; (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959), 47. 36 Rush to be the Emperor of Nicaea; he wanted to be of Constantinople along with previous Venetian the Emperor of Byzantium. The Byzantine property within the city, have absolute control Emperor ruled from Constantinople, not of the city of Smyrna (modern-day Izmir) and Nicaea. It was Michael’s dream to recapture exclusive trading rights in Byzantine waters Constantinople from the Latins, who had (including the Black Sea), and accept a tribute conquered the city in 1204, and reestablish the of 500 hyperpyra annually for the Archbishop Byzantine Empire to its former glory. Despite of Genoa.8 Furthermore, the Genoese would the Nicaean Empire’s growing military strength be allowed to set up an autonomous colonial on land, its fleet was too small to challenge the system “governed by their own consuls with Venetian navy supporting the Latin rulers of administrative and judicial authority, civil as Constantinople. In order to conquer the city well as criminal.”9 The ability of Genoese Michael needed a navy to blockade it. When colonies to set up their own governments a ruler needed to hire a fleet during the 13th proved to have important ramifications in later century, he would almost certainly be able years. It allowed the colonies to make policy to find one amongst the various coastal city- decisions independently from the Byzantine states in Italy. Venice was already allied with Emperor and, to a lesser extent, from Genoa the Latin Emperors in Constantinople and itself. had a vested interest in protecting the trading privileges it had earned helping the crusaders Michael VIII understood the dangers of capture Constantinople from the Byzantines allowing a foreign power to operate so freely in the first place.5 Therefore, Michael VIII within his borders. Therefore, he also stipulated offered to make an alliance with Genoa, the that the Genoese courts would punish traitors to only Italian city-state with a navy that could the Palaeologus dynasty identically to Genoese challenge Venice.6 traitors. Genoa was to supply Byzantium with horses and arms for the siege, Genoa’s navy was In addition to Genoa’s bitter rivalry to remain at the Emperor’s disposal even after with Venice, it had lost the right to trade in Constantinople had been conquered, and any Constantinople in 1204 when it was captured Genoese resident within the Byzantine Empire by the Fourth Crusade.7 Therefore, the was to assist in the defense of Byzantium should Genoese made ready partners for Michael VIII. it come under attack.10 From these stipulations, Genoese assistance was not free though. As it is evident that Michael VIII had a long- outlined in the Treaty of Nymphaeum, signed term arrangement in mind in which Genoa’s in 1261 to formalize the alliance, Genoa was influence in the Aegean would remain under to be exempted from all trade duties inside the close supervision from Constantinople. The Byzantine Empire, receive its own quarter inside strict nature of this supervision is illustrated in

5 Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, 163-164. 6 Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 82. 7 Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, 163-164. 8 Geanakoplos, John Denos; Byzantium. (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1984) 288-289. 9 Ibid., 288-289. 10 Geanakoplos, Byzantium, 288-289. Galata and Constantinople 37 the Genoese being permitted to have quarters in 1453. In 1267 he granted the Genoese the inside Constantinople and other cities, not suburb across the Golden Horn, Galata. outside of them. It is important to note that Galata was not mentioned in the Treaty of Galata’s position right on the mouth of Nymphaeon. The intended Genoese placement the Golden Horn makes it a very important inside Constantinople, not controlling their position for the defense of Constantinople, so own city, meant that the Genoese, despite it seems odd that Michael VIII would give it having their own government, would have to the Genoese. Michael VIII was particularly been particularly vulnerable to the Byzantine aware of the importance of Galata to the Emperor. However, the Genoese were not defense of Constantinople. He had personally given an opportunity to hold up their end of failed to take Galata by force when he was first the treaty. Some of Michael VIII’s men were trying to capture Constantinople in 1260.12 able to sneak into Constantinople and open a Yet, giving the Genoese their own quarters gate, allowing the Byzantine forces to enter the outside the walls of Constantinople did have city and depose the Latin Emperor Baldwin II its advantages. It reduced tensions between without a siege.11 the , Genoese, and other Italian citizens within the city. Furthermore, in the event of an attack on Constantinople, the Genoese would “Michael’s naval power was too weak to prevent a Sicilian invasion ... and he was forced to seek Genoese assistance.” Yet the reestablished Byzantine Empire almost be forced to aid in the defense of the still needed an Italian ally. Charles Anjou of the city. Michael VIII also knew that Genoa could Kingdom of Sicily had designs on Byzantium’s become hostile at some future point, and giving new lands in Thrace. Michael’s naval power them quarters outside of Constantinople would was too weak to prevent a Sicilian invasion on reduce the threat of an aggressive foreign power the west coast of the and he was forced already having a foothold inside the city.13 to seek Genoese assistance. The Genoese drove a hard bargain though. In order to secure Michael VIII’s concession to the Genoa’s continued support Michael VIII Genoese demonstrated that he had not yet fully made a decision that was to haunt Byzantine been able to restore Byzantine influence to its Emperors until their fall to the Ottoman Turks previous level in the Mediterranean world by

11 Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 104-105 12 Ibid., 76-79. 13 Ibid., 207. 38 Rush

1267 and also highlights the degree of political observance of these ceremonies and make sure fragmentation of the Aegean World during that the Genoese possession of Galata was this period. Prior to 1204, the Byzantine merely at his pleasure. This is clearly illustrated Empire controlled western Anatolia, Greece, in that Michael had the walls of Galata the Balkans, and the islands of the Aegean. destroyed before the Genoese colonists arrived However, even after extensive campaigning, in Galata.16 Two other separate incidents Michael VIII was still unable to restore further demonstrate to what lengths Michael Byzantium’s previous borders. Instead, Latin went to ensure that the Genoese acknowledged possessions dotted the Aegean and the Balkans his authority. Once, a Genoese resident was as the result of the Fourth Crusade. Having boasting to a Greek that the Latins would Genoese Galata just across the Golden Horn once again conquer Constantinople. In reply from Byzantine-controlled Constantinople the Greek slapped the Genoese man, who in provides a small picture that parallels the turn killed the Greek. When Michael VIII degree and nature of political fragmentation heard about the incident, he was so enraged of the Eastern Mediterranean from 1267 to that he threatened to expel the entire Genoese 1453. population from Galata. However, he permitted them to stay only after receiving a large Regardless of political fragmentation indemnity from the Genoese.17 The second in what had once been Byzantine territory, incident occurred when two Genoese ships the terms on which the Genoese accepted this failed to salute the Emperor after sailing past concession highlight that fact that Michael his Palace. At first Michael only requested that VIII Palaeologus was still Emperor. When in the Genoese of Galata persuade their fellow the Emperor’s presence the Genoese podestá citizens to render the proper salute the next (chief official) was to kneel and kiss the time they sailed by. However, the two Genoese sovereign’s hands and feet, and any Genoese ships failed to salute the Emperor once again. In ships that sailed past the imperial palace in response, Michael VIII dispatched some ships Constantinople were to render a salute.14 of his own to capture the Genoese ships. After Neither of these was required of other Italian the Genoese were captured, Michael ordered city-states such as Venice or Pisa.15 that the offenders be punished with blinding.18

Practically speaking, these ceremonial The fact that Michael was able to enforce gestures by themselves say little about the observance of the ceremonial respect Byzantine-Genoese relations outside of the of the Emperor and to legitimately threaten city of Constantinople. However, Michael to expel the Genoese from Galata shows the VIII was actually able to, and did, enforce the balance of power between the two states

14 Ibid., 208. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid. 17 This incident was recorded by the Greek chronicler, Pachymeres. Ibid., 250. 18 Ibid., 251-252. Galata and Constantinople 39 during the reign of Michael VIII. Byzantium the Bosporus. From this point on, Byzantium did not have the necessary strength to operate would never be in a position to enforce its rule independently of its allies in Italy outside of outside of Constantinople’s walls as it had the Aegean. However, it was certainly strong under Michael VIII. enough to steer the politics of the Aegean. Genoa was also discovering the limits of its One of the natural consequences of local power. While Byzantium needed Genoa having a Genoese colony in such a strategically for its navy, Genoa’s position in the Aegean was important position was that they became still vulnerable in its own right. Genoa did not entangled in each other’s conflicts. This was have the military power on land to ensure the particularly dangerous for Byzantium at this safety of its new possession, Galata, especially time, now deprived of its own fleet. By 1296 without fortifications. Furthermore, while the Genoa and Venice were at war, and as Galata Byzantines needed the Genoese navy to help and other Genoese colonies in the Black Sea counter the threat of Charles of Anjou attacking were among the most important possessions across the Adriatic Sea, Byzantium did have the of Genoa, it is hardly surprising that the war naval strength to control its own waters in the was carried to Constantinople. In anticipation northern . Thus Byzantium also of the possibility of a war in Byzantine waters regulated maritime trade traveling through the between the maritime powers and as a part of Bosporus between the Black Sea and the rest the cuts in military spending by Andronicus in of the Mediterranean. 1285, Byzantium signed a treaty with Venice

The first major shift in influence from the “... Byzantium Byzantine Empire to the Genoese after 1267 came in 1285. Michael VIII’s expansionary would never be in a policies and capital intensive diplomacy position to enforce stretched Byzantium’s resources quite thin. Therefore, his son, Andronicus, in an attempt its rule outside of to ease the strain on his empire’s resources, made a fateful decision: he significantly Constantinople’s reduced the size of the army to operate more walls...” cheaply and completely disbanded his navy of 80 warships.19 This change was made on the that prohibited Venetian-Genoese hostilities assumption that the Genoese would remain from Abydus, on the Dardanelles, into the Black faithful allies and made the Byzantine Empire Sea.20 However, on July 22, 1296, a Venetian fleet utterly reliant on the Genoese navy, even in of 70 ships attacked Galata in blatant disregard

19 Nicol, The last centuries of Byzantium, 1261-1453, 107-108. 20 Laiou, Angeliki E., Constantinople and the Latins; (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972), 104. 40 Rush of their previous agreement. As a result, situation did not improve as the war went on. Emperor Andronicus imprisoned all Venetians Genoa won the decisive naval battle of Curzola who were currently in Constantinople. At in 1298 and concluded a separate peace with this point a smaller fleet of 22 Genoese ships the Venetians in 1299, leaving Byzantium at arrived and managed to distract the Venetians war with Venice by itself.22 The war finally long enough for the citizens of Galata to take ended in 1302 after Venice had conquered refuge in Constantinople. The Venetians, a few Byzantine Islands in the Aegean. The Byzantines paid 55,000 hyperpera in reparations “The Genoese and, of course, provided trade privileges.23

colonists were no The Venetian-Genoese War emphasized and accelerated a shift in the balance of power longer dependent between Genoa and Byzantium. Byzantium on the Byzantine did not have the naval strength, even just outside the walls of Constantinople, to even Emperor...” be considered a major participant in the war. The most that Andronicus could do against having overcome the smaller Genoese fleet, the Venetians was confiscate Venetian property proceeded to burn the unfortified city of already inside Constantinople. Furthermore, Galata. Andronicus then declared war on the Genoa considered Byzantium’s support of Venetians and confiscated all Venetian property their war with Venice so minor that they did inside of Constantinople as reparations for the not bother including them in their peace treaty burning of Galata.21 with Venice. Byzantium did retain an important grip on Galata, though only through Michael Despite the hostilities around VIII’s foresight, as Michael VIII had destroyed Constantinople, entering the war proved to be Galata’s fortifications and not allowed them to a poor decision for Andronicus. Byzantium did be rebuilt. Galata, one of Genoa’s most valued not have the navy to actually assist the Genoese and important trade colonies, was therefore against the Venetians in battle. The Venetians highly dependent on Constantinople for had not brought any siege equipment, and so protection. The Genoese realized this and took they were unable to launch an assault of any steps to remedy the situation. kind on Constantinople itself. Instead they sailed into the Black Sea and attacked Genoese In 1303 Andronicus provided the colonies there. Imperial ships became the Genoese with a larger tract of land on which to target of Venetian pirates as well. Byzantium’s rebuild Galata after it had been burned down

21 Ibid., 105. 22 Ibid., 108. 23 Ibid., 112. 24 Ibid., 113, 149. Galata and Constantinople 41 by the Venetians and in 1304 the Genoese Galata brought to Genoa is also reflected in the began to fortify Galata by building a moat.24 wage of the podestá of Galata compared to the However, a moat was not enough. In 1313, podestás of other Genoese colonies; the Galata the Venetians attacked Galata again; this time podestá earned 400 lire annually in wages, while the Genoese of Galata were forced to pay the podestás of Andora and Liguria only earned 8000 ducats to get the Venetians to leave.25 Two 50 lire annually.28 years later a fire broke out in Galata during the rebuilding efforts, further delaying the The source of Galata’s wealth was the reconstruction. However, Galata along with funneling of almost all Black Sea and Byzantine new walls and fortifications were completed trade through its port. The portion of Genoese in 1315.26 The reconstruction of Galata’s trade to Byzantium was also enormous. From defenses significantly changed the status quo of 1270 to 1313 Byzantium was the destination of Galata’s relationship with Constantinople. The between 18% and 25% of Genoese trade.29 In Genoese colonists were no longer dependent fact, Black Sea trade was so important to Genoa on the Byzantine Emperor for protection. that it created a new bureau: “The Office of This shift demonstrates the further waning of the Gazaria” (Crimea) to oversee, control, and Byzantine influence and the continuing growth protect trade in the region. When Genoese of Genoese power in the Aegean and Black governance was not interrupted by civil war, Seas. the Office of the Crimea had jurisdiction over all Genoese trade east of Sicily.30 One of the In addition to the extra land, the Genoese most important commodities of the Black Sea were also granted further trading concessions trade was grain, on which Constantinople was and privileges in 1303. These privileges dependent. Genoese trading posts in Caffa (in essentially gave them a monopoly on trade the Crimea), Chilia (on the Danube Delta), in the Black Sea. The base of this Genoese and Tana (at the mouth of the Don River) monopoly in the Black Sea was Galata, and allowed Genoa to take advantage of the short business boomed during the first half of the 14th distance trade within the Black Sea itself, but century. Galata began to attract more revenue also allowed them to export commodities than Constantinople through the diversion of across the Mediterranean. Black Sea grain trade from the south side of the Golden Horn in was transported all the way to Genoa.31 The Constantinople to the north side of the Golden Genoese monopoly on grain in the Black Sea Horn in Galata. By the 1340s it was estimated was so complete that the Byzantine Emperor that the annual revenue of Galata was seven Cantacuzene recognized in the 1340s that times that of Constantinople, 200,000 hyperpera Genoa would be able to starve Constantinople compared to 30,000 hyperpera.27 The wealth that into submission simply by ceasing to sell grain

25 Ibid., 269. 26 Ibid., 261. 27 Nicol, The last centuries of Byzantium, 221 (footnote 23). 28 Epstein, Steven A., Genoa and the Genoese; (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 190. 29 Ibid., 142. 30 Ibid., 193-194. 31 Epstein, Steven A., Purity Lost; (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2006), 56. 42 Rush there.32 Another important export commodity Emperor Canacuzene’s youngest son died of of the Black Sea was slaves, many of whom in the plague, along with a sizable portion of the the 14th century were Greeks captured in battle population. By the end of 1348 the plague had by Turkish armies and raiders.33 However, slaves dispersed across the Mediterranean to Genoa, were not limited to a single ethnicity or religion. whose population was subsequently devastated It is recorded that in Crete in 1301 there were by the Black Death.40 Turkish, Greek, and Saracen slaves.34 As the bottleneck of Black Sea trade, Galata developed Just months before the Black Death was a slave market with the predominate purchaser to arrive in Constantinople, the Byzantine of slaves being Mamluk Egypt.35 Grapes and Empire suffered a serious loss to the Genoese. wine were also important trade commodities In June of 1346 the Aegean island of Chios moving through Galata. Wine was even used fell to the Genoese Admiral Vignoso.41 Michael to purchase other commodities such as spices, VIII had awarded Chios to the Zaccarias, a silks, and gems from the Mongols.36 Galata Genoese family, as a fiefdom for serving in his also served as a point of trade of wool. Turkish navy.42 Yet, Byzantium was able to reestablish wool was often imported to Galata and then their control over Chios during the Genoese resold to be processed in the West.37 civil war between the Guelfs and Ghibelines in the 1320’s.43 Byzantium was not able to Commodities were not the only things hold on to this island for very long though. exported from the Black Sea. The Black Death Vignoso attacked Chios on his own initiative was introduced to Europe through these same in June 1346. Despite strong resistance from Genoese trade routes. According to Gabriele de the Greeks, the last Greek fortress fell to the Mussi, a writer from Piacenza, the plague was Genoese on September 12, 1346.44 first introduced to Europeans in the Crimea. Genoese Caffa was under siege by the Tartars The new Genoese colony in Chios in 1346 when the plague hit the Tartar army. was treated in a very similar way to Galata However, the Tartars turned the catastrophe to by the government in Genoa. Both Genoese their advantage. They catapulted some of the colonies were largely left to govern and defend dead bodies into Caffa, spreading the plague themselves. However, limited oversight from there.38 The extent of Genoese trade during this Genoa ensured that they were not completely time can be seen in how far and how quickly the independent. This quasi-independence is plague spread throughout the Mediterranean. demonstrated in the powers possessed by the By 1347, the plague had reached Trebizond, podestá of Chios. The podestá was appointed by Constantinople, and Galata on the opposite the Doge and his council through an elaborate side of the Black Sea.39 In Constantinople, process of elimination. The Doge of Genoa

32 Nicol, The last centuries of Byzantium, 220. 33 Fleet, C. European and Islamic Trade in the Early Ottoman State; (Cambridge, 1999), 39. 34 Ibid., 43. 35 Ibid., 37. 36 Ibid., 74. 37 Ibid., 100-101. 38 Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 212. 39 Nicol, The last centuries of Byzantium, 217. Galata and Constantinople 43 would submit a list of 20 names to an electoral A second Aegean Island that lends itself to council in Chios, which would then choose comparison with Galata and Chios is Lesbos, four off of the list. The Doge and council which was under Gattilusio rule from 1355 to would choose the podestá from one of the four 1462. Francesco Gattilusio was an ambitious people that were chosen from the original list.45 Genoese nobleman who planned to capture Once the podestá was elected he was required to land on the European side of the Dardanelles take an oath to govern Chios according to the after an earthquake had destroyed Byzantine laws of Genoa and to the treaty that was signed fortifications at Gallipoli in March 1354.48 between Vignoso and the native Greeks of However, he encountered John V Palaeologus the island. Just from the laws that the podestá on his way. At that time Constantinople was was called to uphold, a balancing act can be held by Emperor Cantacuzene and it was John seen as he was called to represent the Genoese V’s intention to usurp the throne and become government in Chios and a local treaty signed Emperor of Byzantium. Doukas reports John without direct Genoese intervention. V’s offer to Francesco Gattilusio: “If this is accomplished with God’s help and you are my The colonial administration’s control over ally in the resumption of my sovereign rule, Chios implies almost complete independence I will make you my brother-in-law by giving from Genoa. The podestá had the authority to you my sister Maria.”49 Francesco Gattilusio raise an army from the Greek population for accepted John V’s offer and provided John V the defense of the island and he could mint the use of his two galleys. Apparently God coins at his own discretion, so long as they did help John V and Francesco, as they were pictured the Genoese Doge.46 The fact that successful in their venture. John V was true to the podestá had the authority to exercise these his word: two powers demonstrates the extent to which Genoa permitted its colonies to act as they saw To Francesco Gattilusio, his good and faithful friend, best. It is important to recall that the podestá the emperor gave his sister in marriage and the island of of Galata differed from the podestá of Chios in Lesbos for a dowry. They celebrated the nuptials, and that he was directly appointed by Genoa and sailed thence to make their home in Mitylene [the capital that he was paid a salary.47 But though Genoa of Lesbos]. Up to the present time members of their maintained tighter control over Galata than it family, who succeed one another, continue to be lords of did Chios, the podestá of Galata was still given that island.50 enough freedom to determine his city’s own foreign policy. This can especially be seen when The Gattilusio lordship of Lesbos was different the Ottoman Turks began to directly threaten from that of the Vignoso of Chios. Francesco Galata itself in the 15th Century. Gattilusio assisted John V and was permitted to

40 Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 212. 41 Argenti, Philip P., The Occupation of Chios by the Genoese; (Great Britain, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958), 94-95. 42 Ibid., 28-29. 43 Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 198. 44 Argenti, The Occupation of Chios by the Genoese, 95. 45 Ibid., 371. 46 Ibid., 375-376. 44 Rush marry into the Byzantine imperial family as a independently of Constantinople. Chios was reward. This valuable connection allowed the taken from Byzantium by force and retained Gattilusios to avoid even more interference from its independence from Constantinople through Genoa than did Galata and Chios. Genoa did military strength. Lesbos, on the other hand was not even appoint a podestá in Lesbos. Yet, as the acquired through a marriage alliance. However, Gattilusios were Genoese, they still maintained they all had relatively little interference from close relations with the other Genoese colonies Genoa. Additionally, Chios and Galata both in the Aegean Sea. controlled certain trade monopolies. Galata’s monopoly was on the flow of trade from the The relationship between Galata, Chios, Black Sea, while Chios and the nearby city of and Lesbos between 1350 and 1450 was largely Phocaea controlled the production and trade one of mutual understanding. While they all of alum in the Mediterranean. Yet, there was a operated independently, had different ties to limit to how freely Genoa permitted its colonies Byzantium, and were under varying degrees of to determine their own foreign policy. oversight from Genoa, the common Genoese ancestry of the colonies usually held them Galata discovered this limit when it together. This was especially true in times of declared war on Constantinople in an attempt war. In the face of growing Ottoman strength, to protect its monopoly on the lucrative Chios, Lesbos, Galata, the Knights Hospitaller Black Sea trade. Despite how far behind of Rhodes, and the Kingdom of Cyprus Byzantium was from Galata in both military signed a treaty of mutual defense in 1388.51 and economic strength, the Byzantines, led The fact that Galata, Chios, and Lesbos had to by Emperor Cantacuzene, were determined sign a defensive treaty with each other suggests to reestablish their influence. In an effort that they were not treated as nor did they to rebuild Constantinople’s revenue base regard themselves as a single political entity. Cantacuzene lowered the kommerkion [import Rather, they were independent entities loosely tax] from 10% to 2% in order to divert trade connected by Genoese affiliations. from Galata back into Constantinople.52 He additionally began to make plans to rebuild Galata, as has been described, came the Byzantine fleet.53 Realizing that their under Genoese control very differently from commercial monopoly was threatened, the both Lesbos and Chios. Galata was granted to Genoese of Galata attacked Constantinople. Genoa through a treaty with Genoa itself, not In 1348, while the Emperor was absent from through a connection with an individual family. the city campaigning in Thrace, they crossed Galata then had to gradually build its influence the Golden Horn and torched the docks and before it could erect its own walls and act ships of Constantinople. Byzantium’s response

47 Nicholas Oikonomides, Porphyrogenita, “The Byzantine Overlord of Genoese Possessions in Romania,” (Great Britian, Trowbridge, Wiltshire: Ashgate, 2003), 238. 48 C. Wright, The Gattilusio Lordships and the Aegean World, 1355-1462 (Leiden and Boston, 2014), 39. This earthquake provided the Ottoman Turks with the opportunity to cross the Dardanelles and establish their first foothold in Europe. 49 Doukas, Decline and Fall of Byzantium to the Ottoman Turks. trans. Harry J. Magoulias; (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1975), 77. 50 Ibid., 81. 51 Wright, The Gattilusio Lordships and the Aegean World, 48-49. 52 Angeliki Laiou, Economic History of Byzantium; (Washington D.C., Dumbarton Oaks, 2002), 1050. Galata and Constantinople 45 was to go to war with the city just across one of the largest Genoese ships, but that is the harbor. Byzantine troops set fire to the where their success ended. After struggling to Genoese warehouses outside of the walls and handle their ships in the currents of the Golden constructed catapults to launch stones across Horn the Byzantines became frightened and the harbor at Galata itself and at the Genoese abandoned their ships to be captured by the ships. The Genoese then decided to try an Genoese. The next day the Genoese sailed all-out assault on the walls of Constantinople unchallenged past the Emperor’s palace, and repurposed ships into floating platforms dragging the imperial standards in the water for catapults and siege towers. Despite a fierce behind them.57 Fortunately for Byzantium, battle however, they were unable to breech the representatives from Genoa arrived to settle walls of Constantinople.54 the dispute. The government in Genoa did not approve of Galata’s actions, valuing peace After Galata’s failed attack, Emperor more than war and probably recognizing that Cantacuzene returned to the city and a protracted siege of Constantinople would immediately began to raise funds for the cost more than it was worth, and the conflict construction of a new navy. Galata set about was settled with very favorable terms for for preparations for a long war, building a new Byzantium given the circumstances. Galata tower to add to its fortifications.55 Despite the was to give back the land that it captured, pay recent setbacks of losing Chios and suffering an indemnity of over 100,000 hyperpera, and through the Black Death, the residents of swear not to attack Constantinople again.58 Constantinople eagerly prepared for the war: The war with Galata shows just how At these words [Cantacuzene’s rebuke for not building a far power and influence had shifted over the navy earlier] everyone with one voice denounced the Latins century since Michael VIII had awarded the and condemned their own neglect and improvidence, all Genoese Galata. When Michael VIII had wanting to contribute their goods for the common cause; given the Genoese Galata he was able to and great was the zeal for manufacturing ships and seriously threaten their eviction for the murder catapults large and small, as also for recruiting troops of one man. By 1348 Galata was attacking and both for the infantry and for the navy.56 Constantinople was on the defensive. Michael VIII had been able to chase down and blind However, the new of nine pirates who had failed to render him what he large warships and 100 smaller boats lacked considered the proper respect due him. During something crucial that the Genoese had in the war with Galata the Byzantines could not abundance: experienced captains and sailors. even handle their ships within the Golden The Byzantines were able to surprise and burn Horn, and then had to watch, powerless, as

53 Nicol, The last centuries of Byzantium, 221. 54 Ibid., 222. 55 The Galata Tower has survived to the present day and can still be seen towering above the other buildings in modern day Beyoğlu, a district of Istanbul. 56 Ibid., 222-223. 57 Ibid., 225. 58 Ibid. 46 Rush the Genoese disgraced the imperial standards So long as the Emperor was friendly with the in front of their Emperor. The rise of Galata’s Genoese, he would continue to grant them power and the decline of Constantinople’s trade privileges in his realm over their rivals in are mirrored in the larger Mediterranean Italy, such as the Venetians. system. Michael VIII’s influence reached as far as Aragon in the west when he was helping Galata also developed a need for the organize the Sicilian Vespers and the downfall Ottoman Turks as the Turks began to assert of his rival, Charles of Anjou.59 Genoa, on the their presence in the Aegean. When Michael other hand, was simply looking to reposition VIII granted the Genoese Galata, Byzantium itself in the Aegean and Black Sea trade controlled both sides of the Bosporus and networks after being excluded from them for the Dardanelles. The Genoese only needed 60 years. By 1348 Genoa had established a to ingratiate themselves with a single ruler stranglehold on Black Sea trade and with it, to establish their trading routes and colonies. Constantinople. However, the Ottoman Turks had established their control over the Asian side of the straits Despite the shifts that had occurred over by the 1350s. During the Venetian-Genoese that previous century, an important aspect of war from 1350 to 1355, Byzantium was allied the relationship between Constantinople and with Venice against Genoa. In response Genoa Galata remained unchanged: they needed allied themselves with the Turks who provided each other. Geographically, the two cities supplies and one thousand archers for the are much more defensible, if they can be defense of Galata. This aid proved crucial persuaded to work together, especially since the to Galata in withstanding a joint Byzantine- fortifications of Galata had been rebuilt. On a Venetian siege in 1351 which further illustrates more regional level, the Byzantines were still the fragmentation in and fluid nature of politics dependent on the Genoese navy, which thus in the Aegean Sea during the 14th century. had an incentive to patrol Byzantine waters so The relationship forged between Galata and long as Genoa controlled the trade in the area. the Ottoman Turks proved beneficial to both. An example of this is when in 1340, just before Trade between the Ottoman-held city of Galata declared war on Constantinople, the Bursa and Galata expanded rapidly with silk Ottoman Turks had launched a small fleet into being moved west and fine wools to the east. the Black Sea. In response the Genoese sent In return, the Turks gained an ally willing to a fleet of their own to protect trade interests transport them across the Bosporus, helping in Caffa and Trebizond.60 The Genoese also them establish a toehold in Europe.61 Galata’s needed Constantinople for its markets and willingness to work with the Ottoman Turks for the legitimacy that the Emperor provided. opened the door for them to develop amicable

59 Charles of Anjou was a French King of southern Italy and Sicily and he was threatening to cross the Adriatic and attack Byzantine possessions in the Balkans that had just been conquered by Michael VIII Palaeologus. In response Michael worked through his agents and large treasury to convince the people of Sicily to revolt from Charles of Anjou and Peter of Aragon to assume the Sicilian crown. (Steven Runciman, The Sicilian Vespers, Great Britain, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958. 205-213)The conspiracy was successful and Charles of Anjou lost Sicily and his resources were diverted in a war against Aragon instead of in an invasion of Byzantine territory. 60 Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 206. 61 Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman Turks and the Crusades, 1329-1451,” in A History of the Crusades, ed. K. Setton, vol. 6: The Impact of the Crusades on Europe, eds. N. Zacour and H. Hazard. (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989). 222-275.,230-231. Galata and Constantinople 47 relations with a rising power in the region. The Genoese hoped that in the future this friendly At first Galata was instructed by Genoa relationship would allow them to acquire trade to remain neutral in the conflict. The citizens privileges and colonies just as they had from of Galata, according to Doukas, realized the Byzantine Empire. the danger that their city would be in if Constantinople fell: Despite the differing goals of Constantinople and Galata and their different Emperor Constantine with all available forces took stances toward the Ottomans, their geographic charge of the situation with the Genoese of Galata. The proximity forced them to work together once compelling thought that if the city fell their fortress would again in response to expanding Ottoman become desolate had also occurred to them. Consequently, power. The Ottoman Turks first established they had previously dispatched letters to Genoa pleading themselves in Europe in 1354 at Gallipoli, for assistance. The reply came that a ship was already taking advantage of the situation that en route with five hundred armed troops to aid Galata.63 Francesco Gattilusio had turned down to assist John V Palaeologus. Over the next century Here Doukas says that Genoa was assisting the Ottomans had established themselves as Galata specifically, not Constantinople. Troops the predominate power in Anatolia and in the sent to Galata would not necessarily be used to Balkans. By 1453 the Ottoman Turks were protect Constantinople, due to Galata’s refusal ready to deal the death blow to Byzantium. to commit wholeheartedly to a mutual defense By this time Galata had been carrying out agreement. Galata’s previous experience its own foreign policy measures in relation to dealing with the Turks combined with the the Ottoman Turks for over 100 years, having possibility of Constantinople falling caused allied themselves with the Turks in 1350 and Galata to tread very lightly and do their best having joined Tamerlane in an alliance against not to anger Mehmed II. the Turks in 1402.62 In 1453 though, with the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II marching on The Byzantines, though, were Constantinople, the residents of Galata had to determined to resist Turks despite the decide whether to support Constantinople and overwhelming odds against them. Emperor help resist the Turks or ingratiate themselves Constantine XI had a chain placed across the with the Turks so that they would be able to Golden Horn, stretching from the sea walls of keep their city and trading privileges in the Constantinople to the walls of Galata. Galata’s area. Ultimately the residents of Galata tried lukewarm attitude towards Constantinople to do both, much to their chagrin after the fall and their goal of at least not earning the ire of Constantinople. of Mehmed II is illustrated through their

62 Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 258. 63 Doukas, Decline and Fall of Byzantium to the Ottoman Turks, 211. 48 Rush treatment of the Turkish navy. For the Turks else the Turks wanted. They would return furtively to to take full advantage of their superiority in the Romans during the night and fight at their side all numbers, they needed to get inside the Golden day long.65 Horn, so that they could attack Constantinople from land and sea simultaneously. However, Doukas’ incredible statement sheds light they were unable to get past the chain blocking on Galata’s motivation for their particular the harbor. It is worth noting that the residents stance toward Constantinople. Galata simply of Galata did not offer their assistance to the wanted to be ingratiated with whichever Turks in removing the chain. This behavior empire might surround their city. They sold would not be expected if they were hoping to supplies to the Turks, yet played a non-trivial be rewarded by the Turks if Constantinople role in the defense of Constantinople. In fact fell, thus emphasizing the ambiguity of Galata’s the defense of Constantinople was left to position during the siege. In order to take control Giovanni Giustiniani, an accomplished soldier of the Golden Horn Mehmed II had a road and expert in siege warfare.66 Despite the fact constructed around Galata and used rollers that Galata had become just as powerful as to transport his ships overland to the harbor. Constantinople in many ways, the Genoese in A plan was then devised by the Byzantines to Galata had always remained an enclave inside burn the Turkish ships by sneaking up on them of a larger empire and had learned to make in a trireme. However, when the Galatinians alliances with both the Byzantines and the found out about this plan and informed the Ottomans. Furthermore, their fortifications Turks. The Turks then stood ready the night of helped isolate and protect themselves and their the attack and were able to sink the Byzantine wares from whose ever territory they might be ship with a single cannon shot.64 situated. The reason for Galata being able to pursue a different relationship with the Turks The nature of Galata’s attitude than Constantinople was that they only aimed toward the siege of Constantinople is further to remain a privileged economic center without emphasized by their commercial attitude any desire to create a territorial empire. toward the Turkish army encamped outside their walls. The Ottoman forces, according Galata’s plan of trying to become to Doukas, were even assisted by forces from friendlier with the Turks, while assisting the Galata: Byzantines, did not go as anticipated. On May 29, 1453, Constantinople fell to the Ottoman [The Galatinians] circulated fearlessly in the Turkish Turks. Mehmed II then turned his attention camp, providing the tyrant abundantly with whatever to Galata and demanded their capitulation. supplies he requested—oil for the cannon and whatever The podestá and those who remained in Galata

64 Ibid., 218. 65 Ibid., 217. 66 Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 379. Galata and Constantinople 49 turned over the keys of their fortress to the trying to rebuild the Roman Empire of days Turks. However, all who could escape on a ship gone by. This is what drove Michael VIII as did so.67 A few days later Mehmed II visited he crossed the Bosporus from Asia to Europe Galata and ordered that the walls be destroyed, to conquer Constantinople. Genoa’s goal and they were.68 One of the primary assets that was to build a loose trading empire through had finally allowed Galata to break its reliance commercial concessions from regional powers on Constantinople for defense, outpace and colonies scattered across the Eastern Constantinople in economic activity, and even Mediterranean and Black Sea. Genoa did not wage war on its neighbor, was gone. Galata seem to mind how its colonies were established was as exposed and vulnerable as it had been and was content to largely let them govern in 1267. This time it was not able to regain its themselves, so long as they did not interrupt the previous prestige. trade flowing to Genoa and adopted policies that did not jeopardize their hard-won trade Genoa did retain some trading rights positions. Galata and Constantinople provide a and their possessions in Galata, but most of single case of political fragmentation that was the Genoese population was leaving. Genoa facilitated by each city pursuing separate goals lost control of Caffa in 1475 and what was in addition to a plethora of other differences left of their Black Sea trade that had been the including religion, degrees of sovereignty, and source of so much of the wealth in Galata even language. These differences were not collapsed.69 Furthermore, the navy that had limited to the Bosporus, but were to be found been Genoa’s primary asset and the original across the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean reason for acquiring Galata in the first place world, particularly where the paths of Latin was no longer in control of the Bosporus, and Europeans, Greek Europeans, and Asians thus the Black Sea. Within 20 years Genoa had intersected. However, the fall of Constantinople lost control of Galata and all of its colonies to the Ottoman Turks signaled a new era. One further east.70 not rent apart by many independent entities vying for power and influence, but united Galata’s growth in influence under under a single Ottoman Empire. Constantinople’s shadow is a story of intrigue, alliances, trade, and a struggle for power in the Aegean and Black Seas. The deciding difference between Galata and Constantinople in how they responded to threats and opportunities was in their primary goal. The Byzantine Emperors in Constantinople were constantly

67 Ibid., 230. 68 Ibid., 240. 69 Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 285. 70 Nicol, The last centuries of Byzantium, 394. 4

An Interview with Heidi Tworek

Lecturer and Assistant Director of Undergraduate Studies, Harvard History Department

with Sama Mammadova and Nancy O’Neil An Interview with Heidi Tworek 51

Doctor Heidi Tworek, a friend of Tempus, specializes in the international history of news, as well as media, international organizations, intellectual property, and higher education. In October 2012, she launched the UN History Project website, which offers a wide range of resources for researching and teaching the history of international organizations. At Harvard, Dr. Tworek has taught a number of history courses including “The History of International Organizations” and “Breaking Headlines: The History of News.” Moreover, she has been the Assistant Director of Undergraduate Studies at Harvard’s History Department since June 2012. In Fall 2015, Dr. Tworek will begin her a new phase of her career at the University of British Columbia.

You’re a pioneer in the study of the history I had chosen completely the wrong angle for a of news. What brought about your interest paper that I wrote at the start of my graduate in the history of news and what do you career – a good lesson in learning from one’s find most worthwhile about your study of own mistaken assumptions! In that paper, I this subject? wanted to know how the Austrians and Prussians reported on the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. That’s a very generous description! As I delved into the topic, I discovered that I’ve long held an interest in news and the the two opposing sides were actually receiving production of news. As an undergraduate, news about each other from the same news I was the chief sub-editor on the Cambridge agency located in France. Two warring sides University student newspaper, TCS. The chief were reading news from an identical source! sub-editor is basically the chief copy editor, It made me think that the most exciting part but the chief sub-editor also helps to write about my paper was not the printed stories that headlines, arrange photographs, and lay out I analyzed in depth, but the chain of reporting pages. I also interned several times at Google behind the newspapers. In other words, the and loved gaining insights into the advertising networks behind the newspapers had made the process. news.

I started my graduate career with other Since then, my work has investigated academic interests, but I soon found myself why certain events were reported as news and drawn back to news. In fact, my current work others were not. Above all, I find it tremendously on news agencies began with a realization that rewarding to study the history of a phenomenon 52 Mammadova & O’Neil that so many people believe does not have a the very near past. They might turn to oral history. We often forget, for example, that news history or they might apply historical techniques existed long before journalists and newspapers. to published and widely available documents. Or we think that the Internet is the first time That too can turn up surprising conclusions. that a technology has radically changed communications and news. As a historian, In 2013, the British National Archives I can show how past technologies laid the moved to a twenty-year rule rather than a groundwork for developments today and how thirty-year rule. It will be fascinating to see the we often see very similar patterns from the past effects on British history. Plus the change throws with the emergence of telegraphy or radio, for up a lot of opportunities for senior theses on example. Finally, learning about the history Britain! of news can help us to read the news today, whether it’s thinking about the placement of You’re also interested in the history of articles, their sources, or their biases. Journalists international organizations. What aspect of and news outlets (understandably!) seek to the history of international organizations report on the present and speculate about the do you find most relevant to the way these future more than they worry about the past. organizations operate today? But we can understand why they write and operate as they do from examining the history We are currently commemorating the of news just as much as its present. seventieth anniversary of the foundation of the United Nations. So I’ll pick the foundational A question of interest to all historians: period of the 1940s as the most relevant, and when does news become history? In often misunderstood, aspect of the history of broader terms, when is a topic too modern international organizations. We often think of to be considered history? the San Francisco conference in 1945 as the high point of international organizations. And Yesterday is history! In all seriousness, we often focus on the Big Five: the US, UK, a student of mine in fall 2013 produced a Soviet Union, France, and China. But we forget fascinating investigation of the media coverage that UN agencies continued to be founded for of the government shutdown that semester. several years after 1945 and that many drew She compared that with media coverage of their inspiration from members beyond those government shutdowns in the 1970s using countries. digital techniques such as word frequency analysis or sentiment analysis. Let’s take the example of the World Health Organization. The US and UK had Still, historians don’t usually investigate concurred prior to San Francisco that they such recent events. We often tend to be would not discuss health at the conference. But constricted by archival guidelines. Generally, the delegates from China, Norway, and Brazil archives have a thirty-year rule, meaning that – Dr. Szeming Sze, Dr. Karl Evang, and Dr. they release documents after thirty years. Geraldo de Paula Souza – became friendly during the conference. At a lunch one day, Even then, many historians write about the three drafted a resolution to establish a An Interview with Heidi Tworek 53 global health body. After some maneuvering, trends in the study of history. First, many this resulted in the establishment of the WHO scholars have turned to global history. At in 1948. Along with major contributions from Harvard, for instance, Professors Sven Beckert the US and Soviet Union, the WHO would and Charles Maier organized the Weatherhead be a critical facilitator of the eradication of Initiative on Global and International History smallpox by 1980. (WIGH). Professor Beckert’s book, Empire of Cotton: A Global History, just received the That example has a lot to teach us for 2015 Bancroft Prize in History. More generally, the present. First, it shows the importance of historians are looking to understand the history lunch! Second, and more seriously, we can learn of the interactions around the world that we how conferences promote cooperation and are commonly call globalization. That doesn’t just a critical place to establish dialogue. The UN’s mean celebrating progress, but uncovering how meetings often seem less effective than some these encounters created inequalities between might like, but they are actually surprisingly people and environments. good at creating a common language amongst nation-states on controversial issues. Third, even Second, historians have become when the major powers seemed most powerful, increasingly interested in harnessing the power other delegates significantly affected the of digital techniques. We are still in the early coordination and allocation of global resources. stages of thinking about how these tools can Finally, the 1940s created or reconfigured most change our research and our teaching. To of the UN’s agencies as we know them today, take another example at Harvard, the History with the important exceptions of the UN Department received a grant from the Harvard Environment Programme (UNEP) and UN Initiative for Learning and Teaching (HILT) to Women. If we want to understand why the implement a digital teaching fellow program. Security Council has five permanent members Together with my digital teaching fellow in or the International Telecommunications spring 2014, I designed my lecture course Union is still headquartered in Switzerland, on the history of news around weekly digital we’d find the answers in the 1940s. assignments. One week, we mapped how the telegraph changed the spread of international If you’re interested in learning more news. Another week, we collaboratively about how the San Francisco Conference and annotated a tricky text about public opinion other foundational UN events unfolded, check by Walter Lippmann from the 1920s. In the out the Twitter account of the UN History Department, we’ve also created a new genre of Project, @UN_History. We’ll be tweeting the course – the 92r History Lab - to experiment events in real time, seventy years after they with digital techniques. In 92rs, students work happened, over the next few years. with a faculty member on a faculty member’s digital history project. I’d highly encourage all What are some trends you’ve observed in undergraduates to consider giving this course a the study of history? Are any methods or try if they are interested in collaborating with periods becoming more popular? faculty and gaining digital literacy.

The past few years have seen two main As a historian of news, I see great promise 54 Mammadova & O’Neil in digital methods. Digitization has brought and put yourself into the shoes of a person (or access to thousands more newspapers. Digital animal or object) in the past. People in the past techniques give us unparalleled opportunities often saw the world in very different ways. They to analyze much more text than we could ever laughed at different jokes. They ate different read in a lifetime. For example, the students foods. As historians, we seek to understand why in my History Lab are analyzing over 10,000 people thought or acted in the ways they did. newspaper articles sent from Germany to the United States from 1915 to April 1917 when We put people of the past into their the US entered the war. There are great context to comprehend their actions. We might opportunities for new discoveries with these not like their choices; we might even despise troves of materials and the novel techniques them. But if we can understand them, we have now available. made huge strides.

Throughout your time at Harvard, The skill of empathy can help us with you have worked with many history more than just history. Today, we constantly concentrators. What is the most important encounter others with different cultural piece of advice you have given them? backgrounds and assumptions. Using our historical skills can promote cooperation and This might sound obvious, but it is connections today. Finally, as historians, our incredibly important. Remember that your one certain prediction about the future is that history concentration prepares you for the it will be different from the present. We can use rest of your personal and professional life. our skill of empathy to understand the changes Your life after college will probably take lots that will face us. History is everything. And of unexpected twists and turns. That means historians are empathetic to everything. that you should use your time in the History Department to gain skills and knowledge that The Tempus staff would like to will last beyond your four years at Harvard and wholeheartedly thank Dr. Tworek for all your first job. The History Department can that she’s done for the magazine over the teach you outstanding writing, research, and years. We sincerely appreciate her efforts to presentation skills if you invest the time. make Tempus an accessible, informative, and thought-provoking publication. We We can also teach you more intangible wish Dr. Tworek good fortune and good and unique qualities. In particular, historians health as she moves on to the University are experts in empathy. Learning to become a of British Columbia. We couldn’t have historian means learning to travel back in time done it without you!