Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies As Revolt

Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt

As Revolting Bodies, Laboring Subjects demonstrates, the colonized worker of Britain’s colonies in India, Jamaica, and Ireland resisted the transformation into a laboring subject for decades as industrial capital continued its incursion into the British Empire. While this attempted transformation began immediately before the 1850s, resulting in rebellions in those aforementioned colonies during the 1850s and 1860s, it continued well into the twentieth century, which witnessed continued resistance in the form of labor strikes in Ireland during the 1910s, in India during the 1920s, and in Jamaica during the 1930s. The deployment of biopower under industrial capitalism attempted to produce laboring subjects through the management of populations and the disciplining of the individual body. It gradually did produce more “docile” workers, increasingly adaptable and receptive to modern industrial laboring conditions, as those conditions became normalized and as material benefts (such as a rise in the standard of living) sometimes accrued, even if the complete transformation into laboring subjectivity remains incomplete. Indeed, workers continue to resist their identifcation solely as laboring subjects. Of course, capitalism has been radically transfgured since the nineteenth century. In the last few decades the increasing fnancialization of the market has led to what has been commonly termed “neoliberalism,” or the return to nineteenth-century economic liberal models of laissez- faire. This has led to the privatization of previously state-owned enter- prises and services, as well as the severe curtailment of state-sponsored

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 213 S. Reddy, British Empire and the Literature of Rebellion, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57663-3 214 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt social programs in education, health care, and housing. Aihwa Ong has characterized neoliberalism itself as a form of biopolitics or a new mode of governance that does not merely limit the state, but reconsti- tutes it so that “governing activities are recast as nonpolitical and non- ideological problems that need technical solutions.”1Neoliberalism has marked itself unevenly both across and even within nation-states, with global south nations (in particular, former colonies) and particular pock- ets of the racialized poor within global north nations largely bearing the brunt of neoliberal reform through the imposition of an economics of austerity. In focusing specifcally on debt and austerity, this Conclusion tracks the deployment of this particular biopolitical tool in India, Jamaica, and Ireland. Austerity measures have been forced upon all three postcolonial nations in the wake of restructuring programs imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in an increasingly fnancialized “global” market. Austerity measures were put in place in Ireland in 2010 following the fnancial crisis; in the 1990s in India, as will be discussed in greater detail below; and over the last 40 years in Jamaica on the heels of the 1980s oil crisis and rising interest rates. If understood as a regime of biopower, neoliberalism can also be understood to produce and depend upon the production of gendered and racialized subjects who are unevenly affected by austerity measures. Flexible and adaptive in its ability to deploy existing conditions, capitalism has reconfgured its extraction of surplus labor in radical ways since the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. While the ideal laborer during the heyday of industrial capitalism in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was the white male of the global north metropole, the most exploited worker of our neoliberal times is the racialized woman from the peripheries of the global south. As the poorest and most desperate, usually unprotected by state regulations and sidelined from discussions of education and health, she is the most easily exploitable and most readily disposable. Although this worker remains periph- eral to discussions of labor and labor rights, she produces perhaps the greatest surplus value for capital. Melissa Wright’s trenchant comparative study of female factory workers in Mexico and China explores what she terms the “myth of the disposable third world woman,” the woman whose labor power generates capitalist wealth, especially for “global frms that require dexterous, patient, and attentive workers,” but who herself is seen as “a living form of human waste” even while she produces great Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 215 value.2 For example, the textile industry, often requiring nimble hands able to maneuver cloth through a sewing machine, relies upon the female worker in global south nations such as Bangladesh and the Philippines, among other places, for the production of garments such as dresses and T-shirts sold largely in retail stores located in the global north. The myth of this worker’s disposability, however, both justifes corporate and consumer treatment of her in the form of low wages and horrifc working conditions, and serves as a disciplinary tool, ensuring her dependability, deftness, and compliance. The worker who fears her own disposability is a “good” worker, especially if her wages support not only her but also her family, and especially if her only other recourse is the informal economy or sex work.3 Placing the previous three chapters in direct conversation, this Conclusion briefy tracks the historical and cultural shift of those late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century discourses on the transformation of the revolting body into a laboring subject, as explored in Chaps. 1–3, into the late twentieth century postcolonial rise of neoliberalism, which began in the 1970s. I do so through the concept-metaphor of the “disposable re/productive woman.” While metaphors in general are both already implicitly gendered and produce gender, the explicitly gendered concept- metaphor explored in this coda allows for an exploration of women’s bodies and labor as both produced and appropriated differently than men’s labor under neoliberal capitalism. In the words of Silvia Federici:

if “femininity” has been constituted in capitalist society as a work-function masking the production of the work-force under the cover of a biological destiny, then “women’s history” is “class history,” and the question that has to be asked is whether the sexual division of labor that has produced that particular concept has been transcended. If the answer is a negative one (as it must be when we consider the present organization of reproductive labor), then “women” is a legitimate category of analysis, and the activities associated with “reproduction” remain a crucial ground of struggle for women.4

In its construction of “femininity” as a set of characteristics essential to women, including such qualities as the capacity for nurture, capitalism masks the appropriation of women’s labor. Women are seen as more naturally inclined and able to perform tasks associated with “nurture,” such as the care of children and the elderly and the feeding and clothing 216 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt of members of the household. Insofar as these tasks are seen as “natural” to women, the performance of such domestic labor is seen not as labor, but as part of being a proper woman. Domestic labor is thereby disre- garded as labor, since women are expected to perform this work without compensation due to a supposedly natural proclivity for such work. As Federici notes, however, insofar as household labor is necessary to the reproduction (whether in daily maintenance of family members or in biological reproduction) of workers under capitalism, such labor is part of class relations and thus constitutes “class history.” It follows, then, that women’s history is class history, since the labor of women is part of class relations and the category of “woman” is a category of analysis for class struggle. Such an analysis is even more crucial in our present time as female workers, especially from the global south, are increasingly conscripted into providing both surplus populations and surplus labor for capital. Such conscription of women and their re/productive and biological labor takes place within our contemporary neoliberal regimes of biopower. While Foucault’s analysis of biopower has been attentive to sexuality and reproduction, it has been relatively inattentive to how it produces specifcally gendered subjects and operates within and upon women’s labor.5 Many of the most cited theorists of biopolitics, including Agamben and Mbembe, posit an asexual, universalized human subject as their object of inquiry. Others, such as Esposito, discuss women but, as Penelope Deutscher points out, “women’s role in his work is reduced to maternity.”6 Recent feminist theorists such as Melinda Cooper, Catherine Mills, and Catherine Waldby, to name a few, have explored the ways in which new technologies of biological reproduction have transformed biopolitics.7 For example, Cooper and Waldby argue that the embodied clinical labor usually performed by poor, mar- ginalized, and often female human subjects who provide tissue samples, undergo drug trials, and act as surrogates for the life sciences indus- tries has been a crucial source of recent (biological) capitalist accumulation, and has been especially proftable because it outsources risk onto the individual clinical laborer. Other feminist scholars such as Ong and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak have long considered how women’s labor in the global south has been crucial to the expansion of capitalism under neoliberalism.8 Drawing from these insights, the Conclusion frst provides a very brief historical context of feminist Marxist understandings of the role of Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 217 women’s work, before moving to a consideration of the speculative fction play Harvest by the Indian author Manjula Padmanabhan, to argue that the neoliberal dialectic of austerity/excess attempts to produce the disposable re/productive woman as a subject, an economic role defned by its productive and reproductive capacities and its inherent disposability. By exploring one paradigmatic text from postcolonial India, this Conclusion acts as a necessary and yet admittedly incomplete correc- tive to the texts examined in Chaps. 1–3, which skew heavily towards male-authored and -voiced writing, insofar as nineteenth-century rebellion was seen and constructed as a masculine and homosocial undertak- ing. However, in moving to our contemporary moment, this Conclusion seeks to understand the attempted transformation of the “revolting body” into the “disposable body” of the late twentieth and early twenty- frst centuries. By tracking the strategies employed by the new biopolitics of neoliberalism, which operates on women’s bodies in ever more precise and more invasive ways to produce the subject of the “disposable re/ productive woman” as a key site of capitalist accumulation and power, it also seeks to understand new modes of resistance to such appropriation.

Feminism and Marxism Debates regarding the value of women’s domestic labor and its integral role in capital’s need for new and renewed labor power have long vexed and divided feminist theorists and activists. While the economic writings of Marx and Engels provided a basis for understanding the appropriation of women’s labor under capitalism, they were famously vague. For example, Marx noted that while the breakdown of “old family ties” within capitalism might appear “terrible,” the introduction of women and children “outside the sphere of domestic economy” would ultimately help “create a new economic foundation for a higher form of the family and of relations between the sexes.”9 Working-class women always worked inside the home, but during the nineteenth century they and their children were increasingly required to sell their labor power on the market to help support their families. Thus, women were not only productive laborers in themselves, but also produced new laborers for the work force since, for the working classes, wealth (or, more accurately, survival) lay not only in an individual or family’s labor power, but in the biological reproduction of labor power within the family.10 Engels located the origin of women’s oppression in the patriarchal family and private property, 218 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt arguing that inheritance (the need to transfer property from one gen- eration to the next) contributed to forced monogamy and “the domination of the man over the woman” in marriage, which had become “the economic unit of society”; to women’s confnement within the domestic sphere, where they could attend to household tasks; and to a subsequent rise in prostitution.11 Most Marxist feminist debates within the last few decades have based themselves within a dual systems theory that views women’s oppression as stemming from a patriarchal system of male domination on the one hand, and exploitation by capitalism on the other, so that gender and class are seen as two separate sources of oppression. Scholars such as Lise Vogel and Iris Marion Young attempt to provide a unitary theory from the perspective of social reproduction to understand how women, as both producers (a source of labor power) and reproducers (maintaining the household through cooking, cleaning, and other basic life functions), were crucial to the growth and spread of capital.12 During the 1970s and 1980s, a number of feminist scholars attempted to reconcile a critique of gender to a Marxist analysis of women’s unpaid domestic labor, in what was known as the domestic labor debate. The international Wages for Housework campaign of the 1970s, founded in Italy by Selma James, Mariarosa Dalla Costa, and Silvia Federici, revealed the ways in which capitalism extracts surplus labor both through paid wage labor (by requiring the worker to work longer than necessary to maintain herself) as well as through the unpaid domestic labor of women. It

unmasked the main mechanisms by which capitalism has maintained its power and kept the working class divided. These are the devaluation of entire spheres of human activity, beginning with the activities catering to the reproduction of human life, and the ability to use the wage to extract work also from a large population of workers who appear to be outside the wage relation: slaves, colonial subjects, prisoners, housewives, and students.13

Not only are activities such as cooking, cleaning, and childcare usually undertaken by women within the home and required to maintain the family unacknowledged and unpaid, but the work of others such as prisoners conscripted into stone breaking, students asked to tutor, and slaves forced to cut sugarcane are also unacknowledged, poorly compen- sated, or uncompensated. In other words, capitalism depends not only Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 219 on the exploitation of the waged laborer, but on the exploitation of the unwaged laborer. Capitalism also relies on the deployment of affect, a form of invisible labor in which the worker is expected to expend emotional and psychological resources, both by producing emotions (care, comfort, reassur- ance) and by managing them in others. As theorists such as Michael Hardt, Leopoldina Fortunati, Arlie Russell Hochschild, and Kathi Weeks have demonstrated, affect, or immaterial labor, integrally informs women’s productive and reproductive labor.14 For example, Hochschild shows in her study of airline stewards that the good neoliberal laborer must now not only sell her labor power, but also her personality. In order to sell that personality effectively, the worker must begin to believe in the affect (whether cheerfulness, goodwill, or so on that defnes “customer service”) required for her work. Yet this also results in a blurring of the boundary between real feeling and the obligation to produce appropri- ate emotion. While affective labor has become an increasingly signifcant aspect of all contemporary wage labor as we shift into a service-oriented economy, it has always been gendered, expected of women both inside and outside the home. Such emotional and psychological resources are perhaps especially expected as a substitute for a lack of material resources under conditions of economic austerity, even as affect becomes more dif- fcult to manufacture under such conditions.

Producing the Disposable Re/Productive Woman Austerity measures imposed in recent decades by the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Bank and the IMF, on global south countries, which in turn have become permanent debtor nations, illustrate the deployment of debt by creditor nations (through loans accompanied by “structural adjustments”) to maintain economic hegemony. For example, after the 2008 fnancial crisis and through the complicity of local elites, Ireland was made liable for the failures of German, French, and British banks that had fnanced its remarkable boom.15 Michael Hudson has characterized the contemporary neoliberal state debt imposed on countries such as Greece and Ireland as a form of rent extraction, which has had severe demographic consequences such as emigration, suicide, lower birthrates, and so on in those countries.16 220 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt

While in macro-economic terms austerity implies a set of economic measures, including spending cuts or tax increases, undertaken to reduce state budget defcits and prove the state’s fscal discipline to creditors, in micro-economic terms it usually connotes self-imposed fnancial restraint, or what is often read as an economic stance translated into a moral and ethical virtue. Macro-economic austerity, supposedly a last resort, can only be inficted in circumstances of excess, an excess of restraint prac- ticed by and moral condemnation against those subject to conditions of austerity and an excess of privilege and moral righteousness enjoyed by those inficting or escaping such conditions. However, as a limit state imposed by certain structural conditions, anything exceeding that limit would result in the structure’s collapse. In other words, anything in excess of austerity would exceed the conditions of austerity by completely annihilating the economy of the debtor nation, rendering it unable to maintain structural integrity as a debtor nation under the weight of its debt. And yet, austerity can only be made possible within a state of excess. The dialectic of austerity/excess and its attempts to produce the disposable re/productive woman as a subject, an economic role defned by its productive and reproductive capacities and its inherent disposability, is explored in Manjula Padmanabhan’s speculative fction drama Harvest (1997), in which rich global northerners, seen and heard only through camera devices, obsessively monitor the health and well-being of their Indian donors, who provide replacement organs for their “patrons.”17 In Harvest, the dialectic of austerity/excess plays out in various regis- ters: the structural conditions of macro-economic policy that inform the play’s context; the obligations imposed by personal or household debt, which results not merely in self-denial but a forcible inscription onto and incision into the migrant and/or laboring, classed, gendered, racialized, and sexualized body in creating debtors who feel compelled to repay their debts by harvesting their organs; the neo-Malthusian view of global south and other racialized workers as excess populations that can be “minimized” in times of austerity; and the personal embrace of as well as refusal to participate in the consumer economy and various affective relationships. While male characters are manipulated, through affect rather than terror, into a “strict economy”—in other words, asked to pay off their debts—by harvesting their organs for money, the play’s central female character is valued for her ability to act as a reproductive surrogate. Harvest reveals the ways in which this dialectic of austerity/excess Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 221 produces the fgure of the disposable re/productive woman, even as this fgure has been elided from recent discussions of austerity. While the play is set in an urban slum in a recognizable near-future Bombay (the year 2010, over a decade after the play’s composition), Padmanabhan notes that this setting can be altered to any global south location, as long as the distinction between the “First” and “Third” Worlds remains. The play was written in the aftermath of World Bank and IMF loans to India during the early 1990s, when India’s foreign debt had risen to $72 billion and its hard currency reserves totaled just $1.2 billion. Loans were granted against its gold reserves, which were fown to Switzerland and the UK, on the condition that India open its markets.18 Padmanabhan’s work satirizes the mainstream media’s laudatory representation of this forcible opening of India’s markets in its allegorization of World Bank and IMF policies through the plight of a single family, which is similarly subject to structural adjustment measures.19 This alle- gory can also be read in terms of economies of scale, since indebtedness is created at both individual and institutional levels, affecting the poor within a nation as well as poorer nations. Miranda Joseph notes that “the diverse strategies” for guaranteeing a line of credit in order to ensure future debt “at scales ranging from microcredit development programs to ‘payday’ loans to International Monetary Fund lending to ‘developing’ nations, might be said to depend on or produce debtor subjects whose racial, sexual, national, and class identities and communal mem- bership are crucial to the transaction” and constitute a social relation of “disrespectful disregard.”20 Economic liberalization created a climate of excess for India’s newly emerging upper middle-class elite, as well as the tantalizing possibility of attaining such status through the act of consumption for its lower classes. Despite such a possibility, it also magnifed a parallel climate of already existing and increasing austerity for the poorest in the country. This contrast takes on particularly gruesome form in what Lawrence Cohen describes as “[t]he rapid growth of transplant medicine in the 1990s [that] was part of a larger period of medical institution-building in India in which high-end, privatized medical care became a major site of investment and foreign monetary exchange.”21 Such boutique heallth care institutions in cities such as Bangalore, for example, were often “owned by large industrial concerns, several by liquor companies,” and 222 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt also became a site where kidney transplants from poor donors could be made proftable.22 This context informs Padmanabhan’s play. At the play’s opening, the putative hero Om Prakash, the unemployed 20-year-old head of a household that includes his elderly mother Ma, wife Jaya, and younger brother Jeetu, who is only liminally attached to the household, has just signed up with a massive biotechnology frm, InterPlanta, to donate his organs to a rich, blonde North American woman named Ginni. The frm sends agents to cleanse the Prakashes’ apartment by providing a private bathroom to be enjoyed only by the family, who previously used the single toilet facility meant for the entire building; stocking the home with nutritional food pellets; and installing modern luxuries such as a television, to which Om’s mother becomes addicted. Om’s patron, Ginni, projects a virtual self into the family’s home through a device that, as the audience and characters within the play later learn, also monitors the family. Jeetu returns to the family home after a brief absence, during which time his relatives have accommodated themselves to the comforts of their newfound material wealth, to inform them that he is ill and dying from living on the streets. His poverty stands in stark contrast to the new consumption-based lifestyle that the other Prakashes, particularly Om and Ma, have embraced. Yet such a supposed rise in living standards for Om, Ma, Jaya, and later Jeetu comes at a price. Their current consumption will be eventually paid for by the future extraction of Om’s organs, a macabre form of consumer indebtedness. When the guards fnally come to take Om, who has hidden himself, for the frst organ donation, they mistakenly take away Jeetu, who is later returned home sans eyes and wearing gog- gles, now “become a cybernetic organism, a human-machine hybrid”23 that “signals the full horrors of dehumanization.”24 Yet the surgery has allowed Ginni’s image, now her body as well as her face, to be projected into Jeetu’s mind, seducing him and inciting him to seduce her, but also sparking Om’s jealousy. Om fnally attempts to correct the identity mix-up since he desires above all else to see what Jeetu sees. The guards enter to take Jeetu for the second part of the transplant process, while Om desperately protests that he should have been taken instead. Agents soon arrive with a video couch, an entertainment system equipped with a “full-recycling and bio-feed in processor,”25 within which Ma can live the rest of her life entombed and become “another cyborg fgure” like her much-maligned son, Jeetu.26 Om leaves the fat to correct the case of Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 223 mistaken identity at InterPlanta, leaving Jaya with Ma, now implanted in the video couch, and the house “to look after.”27 He is never seen again. Om’s value lies not in his labor power but in his bodily parts, so that what is extracted from him is not surplus labor but “surplus” organs. While Om initially signs up for the program as a way to “earn” money, he does not continue to participate in it for the same reason. He begins to enjoy the material comforts provided for him despite the restrictions that accompany them, including not sharing his private bathroom with anyone outside the family and not consuming anything but the nutritional food pellets. These conditions are internalized as rules that must be obeyed to prevent disciplinary action. In many ways, the decision or compulsion to donate seems to be framed as a matter of choice, just as poor nations choose to borrow money from the World Bank and IMF. Jeetu, who earns money as a sex worker, makes the point that “[a]t least when I sell my body, I decide which part of me goes into where and whom! But it’s the money in the end, isn’t it? My poor brother. Thought he was so pure. But he’s like everyone else after all!”28 While Jeetu may choose to earn money as a sex worker, that choice, the choice of how and in what context he earns money, is constrained by his classed position. Jeetu lacks the education, skills, and cultural capital to become a white-collar worker and, beyond his estranged family, has no social safety net upon which to depend. After Jeetu is taken, Om claims that he had no choice in signing up for the “program,”29 contending in response to Jaya’s impassioned cry that there must be choices available to them that in fact he “didn’t choose. I stood in queue and was chosen! And if not this queue there would’ve been other queues—it’s all just a matter of fate, in the end.”30 Debasing bureaucratic controls such as waiting in queues for exploitative yet scarce jobs, whether in a sweatshop or a retail outlet, render Om’s decision to sell his organs a mere extension of an ongoing process of dehumanization. For Om, his “choices” are constrained on the one hand by economic circumstance and on the other hand by affect (the compulsion to provide for his family as well as his own fatalism). Regimes of credit baiting have led to the creation of what Maurizio Lazzarato has termed “indebted man,” through a “debt [that] reconfg- ures biopolitical power by demanding a production of subjectivity specifc to indebted man” in the form of certain approved present behaviors, such as modeling oneself as a worker and a saver.31 By framing indebtedness in temporal terms, “[t]he effects of the power of debt on subjectivity (guilt 224 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt and responsibility) allow capitalism to bridge the gap between present and future.”32 In other words, debt presents no other choice for one’s future except to pay off one’s debt. To imagine one’s future in any other terms is not only economically unfeasible, but is also cast as morally rep- rehensible, an abdication of one’s economic obligations.33 The “indebted man” is exemplifed within the person of the contemporary Indian farmer and his individual debt, which has led to collec- tive payment in the form of mass suicides. As Vandana Shiva has detailed, farmer suicides, which began in 1997, were the result of a radically altered economic climate that had direct impacts on farming. Not only did the World Trade Organization’s free trade policies, which precipi- tated the “dumping” of cheap agricultural products from abroad, depress local prices, but structural adjustment policies from the World Bank required India to accept often untested seeds from agribusinesses such as Monsanto: “Farm saved seeds were replaced by corporate seeds, which needed fertilizers and pesticides and could not be saved.”34 Farmers thus had to invest greater capital in crops, which were increasingly cultivated as monocultures and thus increasingly at risk for failure. This capital was usually borrowed from local moneylenders at exorbitant interest rates. Farmers who were unable to repay loans and saw suicide as their only “choice” were often blamed posthumously for alcoholism.35 Another “choice” for many farmers was to sell their kidneys in the search for relief from debt. Lawrence Cohen describes the slum dwellers of a “kidney zone” locale in Tamil Nadu as framing

their reasons for selling and their desire to sell again if biologically possible in terms of a transaction not with the present or future—an operation to pay for, a house to buy, a shop to set up, a wedding to fnance—but with the past. They were in debt, and could no longer manage their indebtedness and still feed and shelter a household.36

If the future of “indebted man” is constrained, as Lazaratto argues, so is his past. The indebted person perceives the past in terms of present debt and sees organ donation as a possible reprieve from and erasure of past debt. During the 1980s, the introduction of immunosuppressive drugs such as cyclosporine, which prevented the host body from rejecting a foreign organ, made transplants possible. As Nancy Scheper-Hughes has exten- sively documented, the global black market in organ transplants, in Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 225 which “the circulation of kidneys follows the established routes of capital from South to North,” exploded as a result.37 India became a site for this market, although scandals such as those that erupted in Bombay in 1993 and Bangalore in 1994 went some way in prompting the Parliament of India to pass the Transplantation of Human Organs Act (THOA) in 1994. The Act’s provisions, which were replicated at the state level as well, distinguished between organs that were sold and those that were given as gifts. While fnancial compensation was prohibited for the sale of organs, those organs donated to family members and friends (in other words, donations based on affect or cast as gifts) were permitted.38 Yet this provision proved to be a notorious loophole, since organ transactions between seeming strangers were often authorized by those state boards, for example in the state of Karnataka, charged to review them. These boards were often under a compulsion to authorize such transactions by transplant doctors and clinics performing the operations for handsome profts.39 The poorest Indians were thus exploited by other Indians, including doctors and clinic owners, for proft. For James Harding, the affdavits allowing this exemption provide evi- dence of

desperation so extreme that those caught in its snares willingly provide wealthy recipients not only with body parts but, in those affdavits, also provide the distant wealthy with a kind of prepackaged moral dispensation for being at the receiving end of an otherwise ethically indefensible economy of medical cannibalism.40

Those donating organs also “begin to internalize and affrm the values of that order as a mechanism for survival—even in situations where the affrmation of those values ultimately proves to be self-destructive.”41 In an example of what Lauren Berlant has termed “cruel optimism,” Om and Ma develop an attachment to the virtual projection of Ginni, who becomes an idol to worship, their “Ginni-angel.”42 Ma believes that Ginni will want to marry Om, who would also “want to be inside such a divine being”43—a desire rendered ironic insofar as Ginni is a mirage, “[a] computer-animated wet-dream” created by a man to titillate Jeetu and Om.44 Yet while Jeetu and Om eventually willingly and even ecstati- cally participate in their bodily excision after succumbing to Ginni’s chimerical allure, Jaya resists. 226 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt

By the play’s end, Jaya is left on stage as the only remaining “fully,” humanly embodied character. The other characters’ seemingly willing dismemberment (in the case of Jeetu and Om) and enhancement (in the case of Ma) are seen within the context of the play as a willingness to be de-anthropomorphized and thus dehumanized. Yet these other characters’ complicity with systems that produce disability, bodies that within a capitalist system are potentially “unproductive” and thus undesirable, reveals a new phase in capitalism that is two-pronged.45 First, the organs of global south populations have been fnancialized, speculated upon by those in the global north in the hope of a great and vital return in exchange for relatively minimal fnancial risk, so that “the life potential of one population is extracted and grafted onto another.”46 Second, such fnancialization also inscribes itself on docile bodies, disciplined through affect, so that the poor in the global south see such donation as a means of helping others, especially their own families. Five days after the mass exodus of her family, Jaya is startled by the sound from the contact module of a male voice who calls himself Virgil and who reveals an image of himself that looks like Jeetu. Virgil, the audience learns, has taken Jeetu’s body (only the casing, since Jeetu is still “alive”). He had earlier used the image of Ginny to seduce the male characters into willingly offering their bodies. Ginny is thus revealed to be a fantasy, an image of “woman” (the ideal woman of the global north—rich, white, and blonde) instrumentalized by Virgil. Just as consumer capitalism has deployed images of such women in advertising and pornography for its beneft and to the detriment of women in general, so Virgil deploys Ginny to produce a stereotypically heteronormative fantasy designed for Jeetu and Om’s consumption and to the detriment of Jaya. (Ma’s attraction to Ginny is fltered through her own patriarchal desire for her son to fulfll his longing for this image and its association with the wealth of the global north.) And yet, both the audience and Jaya learn that as a global south woman with an exploitable body, she, and not the virtual Ginny, is the carrier of real value. Virgil reveals that he has listened to the family’s conversations in the fat and that the healthy body he desired was not only Om’s but Jaya’s, since global north consumers such as him look for childless young cou- ples: “We look for young men’s bodies to live in and young women’s bodies in which to sow their children,” since they have “lost the art of having children” as people began living longer.47 Manipulating what he believes is Jaya’s own desire for a child, Virgil attempts to convince Jaya Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 227 to have his child through artifcial insemination (accompanied by virtual sex) and reassures her that it can “take the usual 9 months” if she wishes.48 Jaya refuses to accede, and demands that Virgil risk himself and the contamination of the global south by crossing the ocean to see her. The play ends with Jaya issuing an ultimatum: if Virgil does not risk his life to see her in person, she will kill herself with a broken piece of glass. Thus, while putatively focused on the male head of household, Om, and his contractual obligations, Jaya is the play’s moral center and the character with the clearest vision of the politics of debt underlying her husband’s transactions. Jaya’s domestic and affective labor (her cooking of meals and worry for her husband and Jeetu) are both unappreci- ated and uncompensated by both her husband and her mother-in-law. Rather than networks of care, families are maintained by relationships of guilt and duty. Janet Roitman’s contention that “beyond instrumental- ist tactics, the productivity of debt can also be understood in terms of a primary relation that puts debtor–creditor relations at the very base of social relations more generally, and hence at the heart of productive asso- ciations” allows us to see debt “as a fundamental social fact, as already there,” rather than as “a perversion or deviation in human relations— an abnormal situation that needs to be rectifed.”49 In other words, Roitman’s proposal that we read debt as “constituted in social relations” and “not simply a product of unequal exchange”50 allows us to see how debt is produced by already existing inequitable social relations, for example in the generational poverty and indebtedness that determine Om’s new contractual obligations to a frst-world patron, or in Jaya’s gendered legal and affective obligations to her husband, brother-in-law, and mother-in-law. Their poverty renders them more easily and willingly exploitable. Yet Jaya’s relationship to her husband and mother-in-law is also masked when Om, assuming that the frm will only accept unmarried men, perpetuates an elaborate ruse in which Jaya is required to pretend to be Om’s sister, Ma’s daughter, and the wife of her brother-in-law Jeetu, thereby “disturbing” existing family relations. Ironically, her fake marriage to Jeetu founds itself on a current sexual relationship, a transaction in which she brings him food in exchange for sex, although this economic relationship is further complicated by her love for him. Romantic entanglements are “sullied,” or perhaps more accurately structured and produced, in and by economic transactions. Affective relationships seem inseparable from those of economics, as seen in Jaya’s childlessness. 228 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt

This childlessness is remarked upon by several other characters. Jeetu suggests that Jaya is insatiable not only for sex but for children.51 Ma insults Jaya by calling her a “barren dog.”52 (Indeed, Ma represents an older patriarchal system in which mothers depended upon sons and particularly upon sons’ wives, who were seen as sources of domestic labor and offspring). Virgil attempts to seduce Jaya into the role of surrogate by telling her: “You’ve longed for a child. Your arms cry out for that sweet burden,” despite the astrological fate that deemed she would never have a child.53 Even given the constant reminders by other characters that Jaya lacks maternal fulfllment, Jaya herself never comments on this fact. Indeed, when Virgil reassures her that since he inhabits Jeetu’s bodily “casing” their child together would belong to Jeetu’s body, Jaya questions whether the child would indeed take after Jeetu, implying that it is her desire to resurrect Jeetu’s non-feshly aspects that would determine her decision and not necessarily her desire for a child.54 Whenever maternal desire is imputed to Jaya by other characters, she herself never affrms or denies that desire. However, she consistently affrms her sexual desire for Jeetu, despite attempts by him as well as other characters, particularly Ma, to shame Jaya for both her sexual agency and its seeming displace- ment of reproductive possibility. Regardless of its literal emptiness, which is also read as a sign of meta- phorical (emotional) emptiness by other characters, Jaya’s womb was always already appropriated within patriarchal structures, including the legal prescription of marriage, in part through an erasure of her sexual desires. Spivak notes that “[i]n legally defning woman as object of exchange, passage, or possession in terms of reproduction, it is not only the womb that is literally ‘appropriated’; it is the clitoris as the signifer of the sexed subject that is effaced.”55 The centrality of women’s biological reproduction in organizing social life in advanced capitalism can be seen in the centrality of home ownership, which is “intimately linked to the sanctity of the nuclear family” and thereby “supports the phallic norms of capitalism.”56 In developing capitalist countries, on the other hand, the “effacement” of the clitoris, “as the signifer of the sexed subject,” allows for the exploitation of women as cheap and disposable labor “in the extraction of absolute surplus-value.”57 For Spivak, this “effacement” can only be negated by “de-normaliz[ing] uterine social organization.”58 Jaya seems to escape her appropriation by family structures, which can produce oppressive gender identities, after her family’s disappearance. However, her attempt to restore “the clitoris as the signifer of the sexed Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 229 subject” is complicated by her earlier appropriation of Jeetu’s sexual labor (arguably a form of exploitation) and subverted by Virgil’s appropriation of Jeetu’s bodily “casing,” which literally disembodies the man she loved and desired. Virgil quickly glosses over the homoerotic implications of this new embodiment in which now he, like one of Jeetu’s male customers, is literally inside Jeetu, in order to reinforce a model of heteronormativity that ensures the biological reproduction of existing racialized class relations. As Butler reminds us,

let us remember that the reproduction of the species will be articulated as the reproduction of relations of reproduction, that is, as the cathected site of a racialized version of the species in pursuit of hegemony through perpetuity, that requires and produces a normative heterosexuality in its service.59

Less interested in sexual desire than biological reproduction, Virgil not only reeffaces the clitoris (Jaya as a sexed subject), but also reappro- priates the womb (Jaya in service of “the phallic norms of capitalism”). This racialized heteronormativity also points to a newer form of racial classifcation in which rich white bodies mine the organs and exploit, before dispensing with, the skins and wombs of non-white bodies from the global south. In the dystopic future of this play’s imagining, pheno- type (one’s observable characteristics) can thus be separated from geno- type (the coding of one’s genes), so that the latter no longer necessarily determines the former. One can only imagine the possibility of newer and more insidious form of biopower in which populations are regulated not just by “race” but through their genetic material as a tool for extract- ing vitality and value, or what Catherine Waldby terms biovalue.60 As we have already seen in the case of organ donation, indebtedness can serve as a powerful mechanism for ensuring that such extraction can take place. Jaya, as a poor, racialized woman from the global south, simultaneously “register[s] and thwart[s] the regimes of gendered racial debt that would generate a precarious grammar of life,” as Jodi Kim writes.61 We can see this in the different purposes that poor women’s bodies serve. For example, female kidney donors from the state of Tamil Nadu are required to undergo procedures to prevent childbirth, since their health might be compromised if they carry a baby to term with only one kidney. Nancy Scheper-Hughes has characterized the “uninhibited circulation” 230 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt of kidneys as “exemplify[ing] a neoliberal discourse based on juridical concepts of the autonomous individual subject, equality (at least, equality of opportunity), radical freedom, accumulation, and universalism, expressed in the expansion of medical rights and medical citizenship.”62 Shital Pravinchandra, contra Scheper-Hughes, argues that “the human organ cannot be equated with other objects produced in the third-world for frst-world consumption because the organ is not a product of the laboring third-world body. Unlike the commodity exported from an exploitative third-world sweatshop, the organ is not produced by the third-world body but extracted from it.”63 For example, when Ma asks for an explanation of her son’s new “employment,” Jaya exclaims to her, “I’ll tell you! He’s sold the rights to his organs! His skin. His eyes. His arse. Sold them!”64 Jaya’s response to Om’s comment that “[t]hey [in the global north] don’t have people to spare” for spare parts is that in the global south poor people like them “grow on trees” and thus seemingly possess organs in surplus.65 Just as a company buys the rights to extract minerals from a foreign land, so one can now purchase the rights to extract organs from a foreign body.66 Jaya’s value for Virgil, however, lies in her reproductive capacities. As a hub for commercial surrogacy, India had become a destination for the market in fertility until only recently. India provided a much cheaper alternative for an expensive procedure, since costs in the global south on average are less than half those for surrogacy in the global north, and offered a steady supply of poor, rural women willing to labor as gesta- tional surrogates (implanted with oocytes often harvested from poor white Eastern European women).67 In addition, India’s minimal state regulations and oversight made the process easier and less cumbersome for foreign customers. In June 2016 the Indian Government, after years of criticism from various advocacy groups noting the lack of regulation in commercial surrogacy, including the treatment and care of poor women in “surrogate houses,” banned foreign surrogacy.68 The Government was spurred to action when an earthquake in Nepal left a group of Indian women in a “surrogate house” stranded after Israeli helicopters airlifted out Israeli citizens (those paying for surrogacy services) and their children.69 Abandoned in a physically dangerous situation to fend for themselves, the surrogates from the global south were again left to absorb the bodily costs of biological reproductive labor as an externality: frst as car- riers of “foreign” children to full term with the accompanying risks to Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 231 their health during pregnancy and childbirth, and then as women whose once commodifed bodies were left discarded and vulnerable in a disaster situation after giving birth. Jaya ultimately rejects the terms of surrogacy as labor and seems to simultaneously reconcile and problematize the dialectic of austerity/excess. As she tells Virgil at the play’s end, using the threat of self- destruction as her only weapon:

You listen to me! I want to be left alone, truly alone. I don’t want to hear any sounds, I don’t want any disturbances. I’m going to take my pills, watch TV, have a dozen baths a day, eat for three instead of one. For the frst time in my life and maybe the last time of my life—I’m going to enjoy myself, all by myself.70

The stage directions end the play noting “She looks happy and relaxed. She points the remote and turns the sound up loud. Rich, joy- ous music flls the room.”71 Luxuriating in material comfort (television, multiple daily baths, gorging on food pellets), Jaya’s participation in an economics of excessive material consumption is accompanied by social austerity, a withdrawal from the world to be alone (“all by myself”) and without the obligations of affective relationships. By threatening to kill herself with a broken piece of glass, the only thing left for her to bargain with is not life but death. The threat, rather than actuality, of death leaves open the possibility of another life (or lives) through the arrival of Virgil and/or a future child that it seems would, unlike most Indian surrogacy cases, bear the genetic material of the woman carrying it to term. Penelope Deutscher notes that “Derrida associates the fgure of the arrivant with birth, and with the child. But he also associates the arrivant with the fgure of a radical hospital- ity, and unpredictable future, and with the possibility of the monstrous.”72 The ambiguity of the play’s ending, in which Jaya both refuses to accede to Virgil’s request and also refrains from refusing, takes the form not of absolute resistance but negotiation. It may lead to her co-optation into a neoimperial capitalism in which she now has a material (and perhaps maternal) interest, and her exploitation by Virgil for whom she might develop an affective attachment. Yet it may also lead to something otherwise, an “unpredictable future” that may either be “monstrous” or liberating. Negotiation, as a tactic of delay, might be the only or at least the best possible mode of resistance or path towards resistance in this particular situation. 232 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt

Embodying Resistance In contrast to the supposed rupture of revolution, Lauren Berlant identifes the “ordinariness of crisis” that characterizes contemporary Euro- American, perhaps global, life:

A situation is a state of things in which something that will perhaps matter is unfolding amid the usual activity of life. It is a state of animated and ani- mating suspension that forces itself on consciousness, that produces a sense of the emergence of something in the present that may become an event.73

Berlant’s discussion of crisis productively moves us to an understanding beyond the framing of history in terms of trauma, especially since colonialism (like transatlantic slavery, indentured servitude, war, famine or environmental catastrophe) was and is experienced and engaged with both individually as well as collectively. We live in times of intensive or accelerated crisis, on the brink of something otherwise. In our neoliberal times, which now seems on the verge of transformation into a new era of increasingly authoritarian, neo- fascist corporate governance, the paradigmatic fgure of exploitation is no longer just the laboring subject, but the racialized woman whose productive and reproductive (biological and otherwise) labor and whose supposed disposability have made her an exemplary fgure for exploitation and a prime site for the “new frontiers” of capitalist accumulation. As the corporatized state-sponsored technologies of rule over bodies grow ever more pervasive and invasive, even as the need for bodies to provide labor power becomes ever more unnecessary in the light of technologi- cal developments in robotics and artifcial intelligence, a new mode of resistance must be born. Although this Conclusion could only begin this work of unraveling the concept-metaphor of the “disposable re/productive woman,” it hopes in so doing to unravel the possibilities and pitfalls for revolting bodies to produce themselves as resisting subjects.

Notes 1. Aihwa Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), 3. 2. Melissa W. Wright, Disposable Women and Other Myths of Global Capitalism (New York: Routledge, 2006), 2. 3. see UNAIDS, “Impact of the Global Economic Crisis on Women, Girls, and Gender Equality,” August 2012, http://www.unaids.org/sites/default/fles/ media_asset/JC2368_impact-economic-crisis-women_en_0.pdf. Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 233

4. s ilvia Federici, Caliban and the Witch (New York: Autonomedia, 2004), 14. 5. see Rosi Braidotti, Patterns of Dissonance: A Study of Women in Contemporary Philosophy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991). Bradiotti argues that despite his focus on an “analytics of sexuality” as the central mechanism of rule by modern states, “Foucault never locates woman’s body as the site of one of the most operational internal divisions in our society, and consequently also one of the most persistent forms of exclusion. Sexual difference simply does not play a role in the Foucauldian universe, where the technology of subjectivity refers to a desexualized and general ‘human’ subject.” However, her critique is based on an understanding of “women” as a category of biological difference and the “sex-specifc character of womens’ [sic] struggles” (87). 6. Penelope Deutscher, “The Membrane and the Diaphragm: Derrida and Esposito on Immunity, Community, and Birth,” Angelaki 18, no. 3 (September 2013): 50. 7. For example, see Melinda Cooper and Catherine Waldby, Clinical Labor: Tissue Donors and Research Subjects in the Global Bioeconomy (Durham: Duke University Press, 2014); Penelope Deutscher, “The Inversion of Exceptionality: Foucault, Agamben, and ‘Reproductive Rights,’” South Atlantic Quarterly 107, no. 1 (2007): 55–70; and Catherine Mills, Futures of Reproduction: Bioethics and Biopolitics (New York: Springer, 2011). 8. For example, see Aihwa Ong, Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline: Factory Women in Malaysia (Albany, New York: SUNY Press, 1987) and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Outside in the Teaching Machine (New York: Routledge, 1993) and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics (New York: Methuen, 1987). See also Jasbir Puar, Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007) and Alexander Weheliye, Habeas Viscus: Racializing Assemblages, Biopolitics, and Black Feminist Theories of the Human (Durham: Duke University Press) for a consideration of race and biopolitics within an American context. 9. Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. 1, trans. Ben Fowkes (New York: Penguin Books, 1990), 620–621. 10. d avid Harvey, Spaces of Hope (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 114. 11. Friedrich Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (London: Penguin Classics, 2010), 214. Engels based his work on the evolutionary anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan’s work Ancient Society (1877), an ethnographic study of Iroquois society positing that social pro- gress was refected in the form taken by the family. Although beyond the space of this Conclusion, a fuller discussion might include a consideration of women’s place in revolutionary politics, and might address the works of Rosa Luxemburg, V.I. Lenin, Leon Trotsky, Clara Zetkin, and Raya Dunayevskaya, among others. 234 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt

12. lise Vogel, Marxism and the Oppression of Women: Toward a Unitary Theory (Leiden: Brill, 2013). See also Iris Marion Young, Throwing like a Girl and Other Essays in Feminist Philosophy and Social Theory (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1990). 13. s ilvia Federici, Revolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction, and Feminist Struggle (Brooklyn: Autonomedia, 2012), 8. 14. see Michael Hardt, “Affective Labor,” boundary 2 26, no. 2 (Summer 1999): 89–100; Arlie Russell Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Leopoldina Fortunati, Arcane of Reproduction: Housework, Prostitution, Labor and Capital, trans. Hilary Creek (New York: Autonomedia, 1995); and Kathi Weeks, The Problem with Work: Feminism, Marxism, Antiwork Politics, and Postwork Imaginaries (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011). 15. See Philippe Legrain, “Ireland’s Recovery Has Nothing to do with Austerity,” Foreign Policy, 24 February 2016, accessed 29 June 2016, http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/02/24/irelands-recovery-has-nothing- to-do-with-austerity-eu-imf-elections-fanna-fail/. 16. s ee Michael Hudson, “The Road to Debt Defation, Debt Peonage, and Neofeudalism,” Levy Institute of Bard College, Working Paper No. 708 (February 2012). See also his most well-known work, Super Imperialism: The Origin and Fundamentals of U.S. World Dominance, New ed. (London: Pluto Press, 2003). 17. The play was written in response to a competition sponsored by the Onassis Foundation in Greece; after winning this competition in 1997, the play then premiered in Greece in 1999. Various readings and performances have been subsequently staged in India, the United States, the UK, Canada, and Australia. See Helen Gilbert, “Manjula Padmanabhan’s Harvest: Global Technoscapes and the International Trade in Human Body Organs,” Contemporary Theater Review 16, no. 1 (2006): 124 for further details. 18. see Bernard Weinreb, “Economic Crisis Forcing Once Self-Reliant India to Seek Aid,” New York Times 29 June 1991, accessed 2 January 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/1991/06/29/world/economic-crisis-forcing-once-self-reliant-india-to-seek-aid.html and Narayanan Madhavan, “Greece brings back India’s 1991 memories, but the tales diverge,” Hindustan Times 12 July 2015, accessed 6 June 2016, http://www.hindustantimes.com/columns/greece-brings-back-india-s-1991-memories- but-the-tales-diverge/story-MP2vy3dSoERou72C7OhORP.html. 19. For alternatives to this view, see Dani Rodrik and Arvind Subramanian, “From ‘Hindu Growth’ to Productivity Surge: The Mystery of the Indian Growth Transition,” IMF Working Paper WP/04/77 (May 2004), which draws a distinction between the “probusiness” climate of the 1980s and the “pro- market” climate of the 1990s, and Deepak Nayyar, “Economic Growth in Independent India: Lumbering Elephant or Running Tiger?” Economic and Political Weekly (April 15, 2006): 1451–1458, which identifes two phases of Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 235

growth, 1950–1980 and 1980–2005, and argues that the latter period failed to parlay economic growth into development and improved living conditions for the population as a whole. 20. Miranda Joseph, Debt to Society: Accounting for Life under Capitalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press), 25. See also Miranda Joseph, Against the Romance of Community (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002) for a discussion of the dialectic between particularization and abstraction that characterizes discourses on debt and capitalism more generally. 21. Lawrence Cohen, “Where It Hurts: Indian Material for an Ethics of Organ Transplantation,” Deadalus 128, no. 4 (Fall 1999): 157. 22. Cohen, “Where It Hurts,” 159. 23. Gilbert, “Manjula Padmanabhan,” 128. 24. Gilbert, “Manjula Padmanabhan,” 128. 25. Manjula Padmanabhan, Harvest (London: Aurora Metro Press, 2003), 79. 26. Gilbert, “Manjula Padmanabhan,” 129. 27. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 80. 28. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 33. 29. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 62. 30. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 63. 31. Maurizio Lazzarato, The Making of Indebted Man, trans. Joshua David Jordan (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2012), 104. 32. l azzarato, Indebted Man, 46. 33. See David Graeber, Debt: The First 5,000 Years (New York: Melville House, 2011). Graeber notes the judgment attached to the forms of “obligation” implied by debt. Ironically, while corporations often breach contracts after deciding that the payment of damages for breaking the contract is less than the loss that would be incurred for continuing within the contractual obligation (i.e., effcient breach), and are subsequently lauded for their economic savvy, individuals who break contracts are seen as both fscally irresponsible and ethically bankrupt. 34. Vandana Shiva, “From Seeds of Suicide to Seeds of Hope: Why are Indian Farmers Committing Suicide and How Can We Stop this Tragedy?” Huffngton Post 29 May 2009, accessed 29 June 1016, http://www.huffng- tonpost.com/vandana-shiva/from-seeds-of-suicide-to_b_192419.html. 35. shiva, “From Seeds of Suicide,” 2. 36. Cohen, “Where It Hurts,” 151. He goes on to argue “that the decision to sell may be set for debtors by their lenders, who advance money through an embodied calculus of collateral value. In other words, the aggressiveness with which moneylenders call in debts may correlate with whether a debtor lives in an area that has become a kidney zone. If so, the decision whether or not to sell is a response not simply to some naturalized state of poverty but to a debt crisis that might not have happened if the option to sell were not present” (152). 236 Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt

37. nancy Scheper-Hughes, “The Last Commodity: Post-Human Ethics and the Global Traffc in “Fresh” Organs,” in Global Assemblages: Technology, Politics, and Ethics as Anthropological Problems, edited by Aihwa Ong and Stephen J. Collier (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2005), 150. 38. Ibid. Organ donation can be seen in terms of a gift, resource, or commodity, and brings up complicated questions of property in the self that cannot be explored here. 39. Cohen, “Where It Hurts,” 150. 40. James Harding, “Data Double and the Specters of Performance in the Bit Parts of Surveillance,” in Resisting Biopolitics: Philosophical, Political, and Performative Strategies, ed. S.E. Wilmer and Audronė Žukauskaitė (New York: Routledge, 2016), 178. 41. Harding, “Data Double,” 179. 42. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 47. 43. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 48. 44. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 84. 45. See Jasbir K. Puar, “Inhumanist Occupation: Palestine and the ‘Right to Maim,’” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 21, no. 2-3 (2015): 218–221 for a discussion of Israel’s policy of maiming colonized Palestinians as a globally sanctioned form of war: “Maiming thus functions not as an incomplete death, or an accidental assault on life, but as the end goal in the dual production of permanent disability via the infiction of harm and the attrition of the life support systems that might allow populations to heal. Disablement is used to achieve the tactical aims of colonialism, not just a by- product of war, of war’s collateral damage” (220). 46. Ann S. Anagnost, “Strange Circulations,” in Beyond Biopolitics: Essays on the Governance of Life and Death, ed. Patricia Ticineto Clough and Craig Willse (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 214. See also Nikolas Rose, The Politics of Life Itself: Biomedicine, Power, and Subjectivity in the Twenty-First Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007) for a discussion of the fnancialization (the management not just of “life itself” but of risk) inherent in contemporary biopolitics. 47. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 86. 48. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 88. 49. Janet L. Roitman, “Unsanctioned Wealth; or, The Productivity of Debt in Northern Cameroon,” Public Culture 15, no. 2 (Spring 2003): 212. 50. roitman, “Unsanctioned Wealth,” 214. 51. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 31. 52. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 76. 53. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 86. 54. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 87. 55. s pivak, In Other Worlds, 151. Conclusion: Bodies in Labor, Bodies as Revolt 237

56. s pivak, In Other Worlds, 153. 57. s pivak, In Other Worlds, 153. 58. s pivak, In Other Worlds, 152. 59. Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of ‘Sex (New York: Routledge, 1993), 167. See also M. Jacqui Alexander, Pedagogies of Crossing: Meditations on Feminism, Sexual Politics, Memory, and the Sacred (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), 46. 60. See Catherine Waldby, “Stem Cells, Tissue Cultures and the Production of Biovalue,” Health: An Interdisciplinary Journal for the Social Study of Health, Illness and Medicine 6, no. 3 (July 2002): 305–323. Walby defnes biovalue as “the yield of vitality produced by the biotechnical reformulation of living processes. Biotechnology tries to gain traction in living processes, to induce them to increase or change their productivity along specifed lines, intensify their self- producing and self-maintaining capacities. This intensifcation or leveraging of living process typically takes place not at the level of the body as a macro-ana- tomical system but at the level of the cellular or molecular fragment … it takes place not in vivo but in vitro, a vitality engineered laboratory” (310). 61. Jodi Kim, “Debt, the Precarious Grammar of Life, and Manjula Padmanabhan’s Harvest,” WSQ: Women’s Studies Quarterly 42, no. 1 & 2 (Spring/Summer 2014): 218. 62. scheper-Hughes, “Last Commodity,” 148. 63. Shital Pravinchandra, “The Third-World Body Commodifed: Manjula Padmanabhan’s Harvest,” eSharp 8 (2006): 1. 64. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 21. 65. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 22. 66. see Anne Phillips, Our Bodies, Whose Property? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013) for a discussion of the historical and ethical implications of property in the body. 67. Cooper and Waldby, Clinical Labor, 78. 68. Nilanjana Bhowmick, “After Nepal, Indian Surrogacy Clinics move to Cambodia,” Al-Jazeera 28 June 2016, accessed 29 June 2016, http://www. aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/06/nepal-indian-surrogacy-clinics- move-cambodia-160614112517994.html. 69. Bhowmick, “After Nepal.” 70. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 91–92. 71. Padmanabhan, Harvest, 92. 72. deutscher, “Membrane,” 61. 73. lauren Berlant, Cruel Optimism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 5. Bibliography

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A Austerity, 214, 219–221, 231 Abbey Theatre, 170, 172 Abolition, 55, 73, 80, 81, 94, 113, 156 B Actor-Network Theory (ANT), 17, 63 Bahadur Shah Zafar, 7 Acts of Union, 151 Baptist Rebellion, 73, 112 Adorno, Theodor, 15 Bare life, 25, 26, 29 Aerial bombing, 186 Beato, Felice, 4, 24, 25, 27, 31, 32, 35 Affect Beeharry, Deepchand, 5, 45, 46, 48, affective labor, 45, 52, 74, 81, 92, 54, 56–58 167, 219 Belfast, 180, 185, 186, 192, 193, Africa, 56, 76, 80, 91, 96, 109, 113 195–198 Afro-Creole religion, 74, 81 Bhabha, Homi, 20, 21 Agamben, Giorgio, 4, 25, 26, 29 Biologization, 148, 158 Agent, 6, 8, 24, 97, 101, 104, 123, Biology, 105, 146, 159, 160, 182, 199 164, 165, 182, 183, 222 Biopolitics, 26, 77, 101, 149, 174, Agrarian secret society, 153 181, 182, 214, 216, 217 All India Trade Union Congress Biopower (AITUC), 71 imperial biopower, 5, 181 Anand, Mulk Raj, 5, 45, 46, 48, 49, Birmingham, George, 149, 186, 195 51–54, 57, 58 Body politic, 182, 185 Anti-colonial Bogle, Paul, 73–75, 83, 84, 102–104, anti-colonial nationalism, 49, 116, 106, 108, 110, 113, 119, 122 186 British Crown Rule, 1, 8, 37, 41, 113 Atavism, 75, 87 Brown, Wendy, 27, 162 Burke, Edmund, 6, 12, 36, 38, 187

Burton, Richard Francis, 20 Consumer capitalism, 120, 226 Bustamante, Sir Alexander, 85, 108, Containment, 146, 149, 172, 174, 117, 121, 125 177, 185 Butler, Judith, 26 Contraction, 35, 149, 174, 185 Coolie, 5, 44, 45, 48–53, 55, 56, 58 Cork, 146, 155, 177 C Court martial, 80, 91, 107, 112 Capitalism, 3, 18, 40, 44, 75, 82, 90, Credit, 36, 37, 39, 221, 223 109, 116, 120, 121, 190, 196, Creole nationalism, 113, 115–117, 199, 213–218, 224, 226, 228, 119, 123, 125, 128 231 Criminality, criminalization, 8, 172, Capitalist accumulation, 94, 216, 217, 176 232 Crisis, 12, 36, 43, 94, 199, 214, 219, Capture 232 of activity, 39 Crown colony, 84, 102, 121 of territory, 39 Crumlin Road Jail, 180 Caribbean, 55, 56, 73–79, 85–87, 92, 93, 96, 100, 113, 116, 117, 128, 150 D Carlyle, Thomas, 75, 76, 84, 86, Dalhousie, Lord, 8, 13 88–93, 161 Darwin, Charles, 84 Cartes de visite, 175 Darwinian, 162 Casey, John Keegan, 159 Debt, 1, 3, 5, 14, 35–41, 43, 83, 214, Cawnpore, 7, 8, 20, 27–29, 31 219, 221, 224, 227, 229 Cell, 145–149, 158, 167, 172–174, Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari, Felix, 4, 176, 180, 181, 186–189, 191, 18, 37 199, 237 Delhi, 1, 7, 8, 10, 11, 20–22, 28, 30, Celtic, 153, 159, 161, 162 49 Clitoris, 228, 229 De Lisser, Herbert, 110 Clone, 149, 187 Derrida, Jacques, 137 Colonialism, 10, 18, 31, 36, 87, 92, Descartes, René 96, 106, 150, 151, 232 Cartesian, 46 Commodity Dessalines, 96–100 economic cell-form, 146, 148, 199 Devaluation, 5, 15, 36, 218 labor power, 147, 158 Dialect, 113 Concept-metaphor, 1, 58, 74, 128, Disciplinary technology, 14 145, 199, 215, 232 Disposability Connolly, James, 157, 163, 168–170, disposable re/productive woman, 185 48, 54, 217, 220, 232 Index 265

Docile body, 5 Famine, 38, 42, 43, 146, 148, 152, Doctrine of Lapse, 6, 8 158, 159, 161, 163, 164, 166, Dodd, George, xi, xxxv 169, 177, 191, 194, 196, 232 Domestic labor, 126, 216–218, 228 Fanon, Frantz, 100, 106 Drain of wealth, 5, 35, 36, 40 Feasting ritual, 74 Drama, 96, 101, 104, 108, 160, 220 Federici, Silvia, 46 Dramatic monologue, 112 Fenian Rebellion, 145, 146, 148, 151, Druid Theatre, 166 154–156, 159, 160, 168, 173, Dual systems theory, 218 180, 183 Dublin, 145, 150, 151, 153, 155–158, Fenians, 145, 151–156, 173, 176, 161, 169, 170, 173, 185, 186, 178–180, 182, 183, 185, 187, 194 188, 194 Dutt, Romesh Chunder, 5, 36, 38–44 Feudalism, 91 Dutt, Shoshee Chunder, 5, 24, 27–30, Fianna, 147, 153 35, 38 Financialization, 41, 42, 199, 213, Dynamite, 188, 194, 195 226 Dystopia, 92 Flesh, 52, 54, 77, 100, 104, 105, 113 Flows, 4, 36, 38–40, 42 Foucault, Michel, 4, 23, 25, 149, 181, E 190 Easter Rising, 148, 156, 157, 160, Free trade, 43, 199, 224 168–171, 180 French Revolution, 94, 95, 147, 161, East India company, 1, 2, 6–8, 37, 187 38, 41 Freud, Sigmund, 87 Embodiment, 32, 52, 100, 101, 229 Froude, James Anthony, 76, 86, Emigration, 55, 59, 152, 158, 161, 91–94 163–165, 183, 219 Engels, Friedrich, 203, 208 Enlightenment, 47, 94, 98 G Esposito, Roberto, 149, 174, 181–183 Ghost, 87, 95, 101, 109, 122 Evolutionary theory, 176 Gilroy, Paul, 54, 79 External, 18, 40, 146, 165, 182 Glissant, Édouard, 78, 116 Eyre, Edward Governor, 73, 79, 83, Global north, 49, 214, 226, 230 86, 91, 103, 107 Global south, 209, 214, 216, 219, 221, 226, 229, 230 Gordon, George William, 73–77, F 83, 84, 86, 91, 92, 101–103, Factory, 6, 39, 44, 45, 48–52, 56, 91, 105–114, 119 199, 214 Gothic, 75, 87 Family land, 74, 77, 115, 116, 122, Great Hunger, 145, 146, 148, 152, 123, 127 153, 163 Great Revival, 74, 81, 83 266 Index

Greer, Tom, 149, 186, 191, 194, 195 Industry, 42, 56, 85, 167, 215 Guantánamo Bay, 183 Informant, spies, 145, 153, 154, Guha, Ranajit, 11, 23 186–188 Inspirit, 76, 77, 109, 112–114 Instrumentalization, 35 H Internal Habeas corpus, 155 internal colony, 149, 151, 174, 182, Haiti, 75, 85, 86, 92, 93, 96, 98, 99 185 Haitian Revolution, 74, 75, 86–88, Irish Citizen Army, 157, 170, 171 92, 94–96, 100, 106 Irish Civil War, 157, 169 Hanging, 8, 33, 107 Irish Question, 157 Harvey, David, 44, 169 Irish Republican Army (IRA), 148, Hastings, Warren, 6, 7, 37 149, 157, 173, 179–184, 186, Haunting, 75, 76, 86–88, 92, 93, 95, 188 100, 109, 128 Irish Ribbonmen, 192 Hauntology, 101 Irish Transport and General Workers’ Hegel, G.W.F., 76, 106, 114 Union (ITGWU), 170, 185 Hobbes, Thomas, 2, 47 Irish War of Independence, 156, 157 Home Rule, 146, 148, 156, 195–197, 199 Homo sacer, 25, 26, 29 J Hunger, 20, 83, 117, 166, 173, 180, Jamaica Labor Party (JLP), 85, 117, 181, 184, 185 128 Hunger strikes, 183, 185 Jamaica Royal Commission, 84 Hybridity, 78 James, C.L.R., 76, 86, 95, 117, 118

I K Immunization, 149, 174, 182, 185 Kingston, 82, 102, 107, 110, 119, Imperial capitalism, 6, 10, 18, 36, 39, 124, 129 44–46, 54, 75, 87, 89, 94, 116, 125, 147–149, 160, 181, 190, 194 L Imperialism, 2, 12, 37, 78, 86, 149, Laboring subject, 2, 3, 5, 36, 44–46, 151, 172, 181, 191 51, 54, 58, 73, 76, 147, 213, Indebted man, 39, 223, 224 215, 232 Indentured servitude Labor theory of value, 90 indentured laborers, 55 Laissez-faire, 35, 152, 163, 213 Indian National Congress, 12, 38, 52 Lamming, George, 118 Industrial capitalism, 2, 5, 44, 49, 81, Landlord, 44, 92, 153, 158, 191, 192 147, 190, 191, 213, 214 Latour, Bruno, 15–17 Industrial Revolution, 2, 47 Lefebvre, Henri, 21 Index 267

Lenin, V.I., 3 England and Ireland, 167 Liberalism, 36, 43, 90, 93, 163 Principles of Political Economy, 167 Liberalization, 193, 221 Minchin, James, 4, 14, 16–18, 20 Loyalist, 171, 172, 195–199 Modernity, 26, 75, 86, 87, 94, 97, Lucknow, 7, 8, 31, 33 100 Luxemburg, Rosa, 223 Moghul, 7, 20, 21, 38 Money-lender, 8, 39 Morant Bay, 73, 74, 83, 86, 107, 108, M 121, 122, 154 Machination, 20, 22, 27 Morant Bay Rebellion, 73–77, 79, Machine 80, 83, 84, 88, 91, 94, 103, 110, machine of empire, 2, 3 118, 119, 122, 123 Macro-economic, 44, 220 Motherhood, 171 Mais, Roger, 76, 77, 101–109, 117 Mother Ireland, 148, 160, 172 Manley, Norman, 85, 117, 121 Mountjoy Prison, 173, 180 Maroons, 73, 83, 110, 122 Mugshot, 176, 179 Marson, Una, 77, 116, 117, 123, 124, Murphy, Tom, 148, 159, 160, 163, 126, 128 166, 172, 194 Marx and Engels Mutation, 199 The Communist Manifesto, 114 Myal Marx, Karl Obeah-Myal complex, 81, 101 Capital, Vol. I., 59, 143, 201 The Eighteenth Brumaire, 94 Marxism, 60, 61, 131, 217 N Massey, Doreen, 45 Naidu, Sarojini, 42 Mauritius, 5, 8, 45, 54–57 Nana Sahib, 8, 20–22, 27, 28, 30 Maze Prison, 181, 184 Naoroji, Dadabhai, 5, 35, 36, 38–44 Mbembe, Achille, 77, 107, 114 Napoleon, 94, 98 McKay, Claude, 76, 77, 101, 110– Nation 114, 126 national consciouness, 15, 51, 53, McQueen, Steve, 184 79 Mechanical Philosophy, 2, 3, 46, 47 national identity, 79, 159 Mechanization, 50, 51 nation-state, 27, 40, 77, 100, 116, Memoir, 9, 149, 154, 173, 174, 179 150 Metropole, 2, 6, 84, 167 National development theory, 40 Migrant, migration, 39, 44, 45, 55 Native Baptist, 73, 74, 81–83, 102 Military, 2–4, 6, 7, 15, 16, 19, 22, 24, Naturalize, 122, 169 25, 31, 35, 37, 43, 46, 95, 98, Necropolitics, 77 150, 155, 157, 188, 191 Neo-liberalism, 213– 215, 217 Militia, 18, 83, 119, 195 Nomad, 40, 42 Mill, James, 6 Northern Ireland, 146, 148, 149, 156, Mill, John Stuart 157, 173, 174, 180, 181, 183, 268 Index

185, 186, 190, 191, 195, 198, Poor Law, 163 199 Population, 1, 5, 7, 9, 12, 24, 35, 42, Novella, 5, 24, 27–30, 35 43, 45, 55, 57, 73, 75, 79, 88, 89, 91, 93, 107, 115, 117, 146, 150, 152, 159, 161, 162, 167, O 181, 182, 192, 213, 216, 220, O’Casey, Sean, 148, 159, 160, 169, 229 170, 172 Post-industrial, 179, 191 Ong, Aihwa, 214, 232, 233, 236 Potato blight, 152, 169 Organ transplant Power, 2, 3, 7, 8, 10, 12, 15–20, 22, donation, 88, 222, 224 23, 25–27, 29–31, 34–38, 43, harvesting, 88 45–47, 52, 53, 73, 83, 84, 87, traffcking, 210 89, 92–95, 97–100, 102, 107, Orientalist, 30 114, 117–119, 147, 151, 160, 171, 172, 176, 182, 188, 190, 194, 195, 214, 217, 219, 223, P 232 Padmanabhan, Manjula, 217, 235 Prison, 1, 7, 15–17, 20, 23, 84, Pale, The, 161, 163, 168 98, 124, 125, 128, 149, 168, Para-military, 156, 170, 181 172–176, 178–181, 183–186 Parnell, Charles Stewart, 156 Production, 2–5, 11–13, 23, 25, 38, Pastoral, 159, 160, 163 40, 44, 46, 52, 82, 85, 86, 91, Patois, 126 95, 97, 116, 147, 158, 161, 166, Patterson, Orlando, 76, 77 170, 172, 176, 191, 199, 214, Peasant, 3, 7–9, 18, 23, 27, 29, 215, 223 37–39, 41, 48, 54, 73, 77, 85, Proletariat, 48, 52, 95, 148 89, 113, 115, 118, 152, 158, Property, 11, 31, 36, 41, 42, 76, 77, 164, 165, 167, 191–193 80, 93, 116, 150, 163, 165, 167, People’s National Party (PNP), 85, 186, 196, 199, 217 102, 117, 128 Prophecy, 92, 104 Periphery, 2, 40, 99, 161, 167 Protest, labor, 73, 85, 102, 116, 122 Photography, 24, 173–176 Provisional Irish Republic Army, 181 Physical-force, 155, 186 Purging, 149, 174, 185 Physiology, 176 Plane of immanence, 18, 36 Plantation, 6, 8, 44–46, 48, 54–57, R 77–80, 89, 92, 93, 100, 101, Race, racism, racialization, 3, 12, 18, 107, 115, 120–122, 146, 150 26, 32, 43, 45, 91, 105, 111, Planter, 56, 57, 73, 75, 80, 83–86, 89, 115, 119, 147, 148, 158–160, 93, 98 , 99, 101–103, 108, 115, 162, 163, 176 151 Rani of Jhansi, 8, 21 Political prisoner, 180, 180, 185 Rape, 27, 29, 35 Index 269

Rebel, 2, 4, 7–10, 13–17, 19, 20, 23, Rhizome, 40 33, 75, 76, 80, 99, 100, 112, Romance, 53, 54, 58, 108 119, 121, 171, 198 Roots, 54 Rebel-assemblage, 18 Rossa, O’Donovan, 149, 154, 155, Rebellion, 1–5, 7–12, 14–25, 28–31, 173, 174, 176–178, 180, 184 33, 35, 38, 39, 55, 56, 73, 75, Routes, 54, 225 76, 79, 80, 83, 84, 86, 98, 103, Roy, M.N., 10, 48, 58 108, 110, 113, 118, 119, 121, 122, 145, 151, 155, 157, 160, 188, 199, 213, 217 S Reform, 3, 7, 12, 33, 42, 57, 117, Saint Thomas in the East, 129 121, 153, 156, 157, 168, 214 Sands, Bobby, 149, 173, 174, 179, Reid, Victor Stafford, 77, 116–119, 181, 183–185 121–123, 126 Savage, 3, 4, 14, 29, 161, 162, 164, Reproduction 166, 172, 195 biological, 148, 216, 217, 229 Savarkar, V.D., 4, 11, 14, 15, 21–24 social, 147 Secret society, 21, 154, 192 Repulsive, repulsion, 3–5, 15, 29, 34, Self-rule, or self-govern, 84, 93, 168 36, 45, 76, 86, 101, 120, 125, Self-sacrifce, 29, 171, 185 149, 159, 164, 166, 172, 180, Sepoy, 1, 2, 7–9, 16, 18–23, 27– 183, 186, 187, 194 30, 33, 34, 55, 56 Resistance, 2–4, 8, 9, 11, 12, 22, Sepoy Rebellion, 1, 2, 7, 8, 11, 14, 24, 26, 28, 30, 31, 34, 35, 15, 22, 25, 31, 35, 37, 41, 45, 46, 51, 53, 54, 58, 73–75, 77, 154 79–81, 83, 94, 95, 97–100, 102, Shadow, 27, 49, 76, 77, 101, 103, 105–107, 110, 112–114, 116, 107, 109, 129, 169, 176 125, 126, 147, 148, 151, 153, Sinn Féin, 156, 157, 182 158, 159, 169, 173, 181–183, Slavery, 55, 56, 73–76, 79–81, 86, 185, 187, 189, 192, 195, 213, 87, 89, 91–93, 97, 98, 100, 105, 231, 232 106, 109, 112, 116, 128, 232 Resisting subjects, 24, 232 Socialism, 57, 121 Revenge, vengeance, retribution, 8, Sonnet, 4, 14, 16, 19 20, 27–30, 32, 84–86, 93, 103, Sovereignty, 5, 18, 24–27, 31 110, 168 Speculative fction, 149, 186, 195, 217 Revolting body, 15, 87, 117, 148, Spillers, Hortense, 105 215, 217 Spirit, 46, 74–77, 81, 82, 87, 94, 95, Revolution, 3, 18, 21–23, 57, 75, 95, 100, 101, 104, 105, 109, 110, 96, 98, 108, 167, 169, 196, 232 112, 114–116, 121, 124, 128 Revolutionary, 4, 15, 21–24, 53, 57, Spirit religions, 74 58, 94, 95, 97, 98, 100, 104, Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, 11 106, 151, 154, 169, 181, 187, State debt, 5, 35, 37, 38, 45, 219 193 270 Index

State of exception, 4, 18, 25, 29, 33, Transatlantic 107, 112 transatlantic slave trade, 75, 79, 94, State of injury, 77 105 Stephens, James, 145, 155, 187, 188 Transplant, 221, 222, 224, 225 Stoler, Ann Laura, 69 Trotsky, Leon, 3, 19 Strike, labor, 49–51, 197 Troubles, 124, 146, 150, 157, 173, Subaltern Studies Group, 9, 11 180, 190 Subject, subjectivity, subjected, 1, 2, 5, Trusteeship, 12, 36 6, 8, 14, 15, 19, 20, 23, 25, 26, 30, 42, 44, 46, 48, 53, 54, 87, 103, 105, 107, 118, 125, 168, U 179–182, 193 Ulster Sugarcane, 56, 57 Ulster custom, 191 Supplement, 29, 101 Ulster unionism, 187, 196 Surplus labor, 39, 53, 90, 116, 160, Ulster Volunteer Force, 148, 157, 195 179, 214, 216, 223 Uncanny, 51, 76, 86, 87, 94 Surrogacy, reproductive, 122, 127 Unitary theory, 27, 218 United Irishmen Rebellion, 151–153 Utilitarianism, 90 T Utopic, 191 Taxation, 6, 9, 35, 37, 39, 83, 197 Technê, 13, 14 Technology V technologies of sign systems, 23 Valorization technologies of the self, 23 self-valorization, 5, 36 Tenant farmers, 145, 153, 158 Value, 5, 16, 36–38, 41, 46, 77, 90, Tenement, 52, 169–172 92, 93, 98, 117, 121, 128, 146, Territory 147, 161, 214, 223, 225, 229, deterritorialize, 39 230 reterritorialize, 36 Violence Terror, 107, 187, 190, 196, 220 rationalized violence, 31, 191 Terrorism, 149, 186–188, 190, 200 slow violence, 189 Terrorist cell, 149, 186, 187, 189 spectacular violence, 33, 151, 189 Thomas, John Jacob, 76, 86, 91, 92 state violence, 189 Thompson, E.P., xvii, xxxvii violent resistance, 193 Toussaint, 92, 95–99 Trace, 101, 107, 119, 128, 147, 150, 176, 187, 194 W Trade union, 52, 77, 85, 110, 117, Wage labor, 44, 73, 75, 81, 89, 91, 170, 185 94, 116, 117, 120, 218 Tragedy, 58, 95, 163, 165, 172 Wages for Housework, 120 Index 271

War machine, 18, 19 Z West Indies, 78, 80, 81, 85, 87–89, Zeitgeist, xxxiii 91, 94, 117, 118 Zone, 7, 25, 107, 224 Womb, 42, 58, 122, 228, 229

Y Young Ireland Rebellion, 151