DOCSLIB.ORG

The 'National Socialist Party of Greece' and Its Contacts with Italy: Contribution to the Study of Greek Fascism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The 'National Socialist Party of Greece' and Its Contacts with Italy: Contribution to the Study of Greek Fascism The ‘National Socialist Party of Greece’ and its Contacts with Italy: Contribution to the Study of Greek Fascism Eleftheria MANTA * Keywords: George Merkouris, National Socialist Party of Greece, fascism abroad, Greek fascism, CAUR Abstract: The economic crisis of the early 1930s facilitated the spread of fascist ideas in Greece. It was in this context that George Merkouris founded the National Socialist Party of Greece, on 7 April 1933. Merkouris’ contacts with Italian fascism and the CAUR began in February 1934. What the Greek politician wanted was support for the National Socialist Party and help with propagating fascist ideas in Greece. Having secured assurance of financial support from Italy, Merkouris decided the publication of a newspaper called Ethniki Simaia (‘National Flag’). Its first number appeared on 9 December 1934. The purpose was to disseminate the ‘new ideas’ to the mass of the people, these ‘new ideas’ representing the need to change the parliamentary system that had led the nation into an impasse. Merkouris also participated to the Montreux Conference (December 1934), which was organised by PNF and the CAUR, intending to serve as a forum for Europe’s fascist forces. He was elected as a member of the Organising Committee, which would prepare the next International Fascist Conference the following year. The political developments in Greece of 1935, put an end to any dealings between Merkouris and the Italian Fascist Party. Finally, with its ban on all political parties the Metaxas dictatorship of 4 August, 1936 spelled the end for the National Socialist Party itself. The economic crisis of the early 1930s, which brought about the devaluation of the drachma (1932) and the paralysis of Greece’s political system, also affected the country in other ways, one of which was facilitating the spread of fascist ideas. Up until 1932, Greece’s bourgeois political class remained oriented towards the parliamentary tradition, even as the democratic deficit became more and more obvious. It concurred in the repression of labour demands and social unrest and from time to time expressed admiration for the Italian regime, but for all that fascist-type expressions remained circumscribed trends within the bourgeois parties. With the eruption of the economic crisis in Greece in 1932, however, this picture changed, as the political climate became more polarised and anti-parliamentary fascist ideas spread, challenging the parliamentary system ever more vigorously and overtly. 1 One characteristic sign of the new current was the complicity of the larger middle class parties, corrupted by fascist ideas, in weakening the work of the Greek Parliament and thus in effect debilitating parliamentary democracy per se . Several representatives of the more conservative and royalist factions intensified their contacts with retired and serving * Lecturer of Modern History, Department of History and Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki ([email protected], [email protected]). 1 Spyros Marketos, Πώς φίλησα τον Μουσολίνι ! Τα πρώτα βήµατα του ελληνικού φασισµού (Athens: Vivliorama, 2006). Studia Universitatis Cibiniensis. Series Historica, vol. 9-2012, p. 89-108 90 Eleftheria MANTA military officers, paving the way for more sweeping changes; although few in number, they formed a particularly dynamic strand within the political fabric. This new internal schism deepened early in 1933, when the confrontation between the rival political factions fomented active movements, further deteriorating the already tragic image of the political climate and poisoning Greek society. The impossibility of forming stable governments in the wake of the 1932 and 1933 elections created in Greece conditions similar to those that in other countries had opened the door to fascism. It is, therefore, unsurprising that from the beginning of that decade a segment of urban society was seeking in Italian fascism models for institutions and ways of dealing with the ‘crisis of democracy’ for which that movement was entirely responsible. Throughout the 1920s the ‘splendid virtues’ of fascist Italy and the achievements of Mussolini’s regime had been systematically reported, and by 1930 Italian fascism had become an ‘acceptable’ regime in the eyes of many Greeks, perhaps even a ‘good and desirable’ one, and in any case an effective system. Mussolini was idolised as the man who had saved Italy from the ‘communist peril’ and set it on the path of progress, making it a shining political example and the first successful fascist paradigm. The collapse of democracy was rendered less disturbing by the existence of this glorious Italian precedent. And so fascist discourse in Greece steadily moved onto a higher plane. The major difference between Greek and Italian fascism, of course, lies in the absence in Greece of a broad popular base; in the Greek version, there was no mass, nation-wide fascist movement. The Greek approach, as has been correctly observed, was more selective, the Greek admirers of Mussolini seeing in fascism a regime, a type of state, a technical solution, rather than a social movement. 2 The founding of the “National Socialist Party of Greece” It was in this context, the paralysis of the parliamentary system, that George Merkouris, son of Athens mayor Spyros Merkouris, founded the National Socialist Party of Greece, which came into existence on 7 April 1933, 3 although its advent had been announced in the press at least two months earlier. 4 From his first appearance on the political stage, in 1916, as a member of the Populist Party, George Merkouris had held high office, including ministerial posts, and had always been close to George Kondylis, 5 whom he admired. In 1932 he was elected deputy in Athens with more votes than any other candidate, but disagreed with party leader Panagis Tsaldaris on the question of forming a grand coalition cabinet. 6 In March 1933 he left the Populist Party to form his own group, which despite its 2 Christos Chatziiossif, “ Κοινοβούλιο και ∆ικτατορία ,” in Ιστορία της Ελλάδας του 20 ού αιώνα , vol. B2 (Athens: Vivliorama, 2002), 37-124. 3 The party was officially recognised as a political association by the Athens Court of First Instance on 2 August 1933. 4 Iakovos Chondromatidis, Η µαύρη σκιά στην Ελλάδα . Εθνικοσοσιαλιστικές και φασιστικές οργανώσεις στην Ελλάδα του Μεσοπολέµου και της Κατοχής (1941-1944) (Athens: Periskopio, 2001). 5 General and statesman (1879-1936). One of the country’s most royalist politicians, he put down the Venizelist insurrection of 1935 and was the prime mover in the restoration of King George II. 6 After the elections of 25 September 1932 neither of the two main parties, the Populists and the Liberals, was able to form a government alone. Following lengthy negotiations and under pressure from Liberal leader Eleftherios Venizelos for a coalition cabinet, the Populists under Panagis Tsaldaris eventually formed a minority government that the Venizelists agreed to allow to function. The ‘National Socialist Party of Greece’ and its Contacts with Italy … 91 name was not in fact an expression of national socialism. As we shall see, its tenets, positions and contacts place it closer to those parties that were leaning towards fascism and right-wing totalitarianism and seeking the support of and association with Italy, the “great and mighty” state that was the chief protagonist and unchallenged model for the system: “The National Socialist Party of Greece turns spontaneously to the principles of Fascist belief and embraces it fraternally ”. 7 George Merkouris himself admired the dictator Mussolini, felt himself “drawn sympathetically” towards the Italian state, and sought to introduce many of its principles into the Greek reality. Let us, then, take a closer look at this newly founded political entity. Its purpose, as declared in its Constitution, was to “restore National Unity, Social Solidarity and Discipline as a means of achieving the fuller moral and material well-being of the people”. This aim would be pursued through labour in the service of the country’s interests, the moral and political education of the people, strengthening patriotic, religious and family feeling and inspiring national self-confidence. Another point worth noting is the fact that one element of the organisational structure described in that Constitution was the “National Socialist Combat Units” that were to be set up at the party headquarters in each prefecture, 8 in obvious imitation of the corresponding “Italian Fasci di combattimento”, the political organisations through which Mussolini entrenched his authority at local level before his October 1922 ‘March to Rome’, and the German paramilitary “Freikorps”. Their founder and leader was, of course, George Merkouris. The party flag was a white cross on a blue ground with the figure of Herakles severing the heads of the Lernaean Hydra in the centre, a symbol intended – according to Merkouris – to express the party’s determination to “fight evil and anarchy in every imaginable form and variety”. 9 As for the party’s name, it proclaimed precisely its ideological and programmatic orientation: it signalled on the one hand the activation of the nation as an historic entity and cultural value, as the projection of the individual, the family, the community, the homeland, national traditions, and on the other the defence of social justice. It aimed, in other words, at uniting all social groups in common action, at an ideal union of not only capital and labour but indeed of all the country’s productive forces: 10 “ Our movement is a national one… We are indeed a political and a social revolution ”. 11 The state envisioned by the National Socialist Party was a paternal one, which would devote itself to the improvement of the people and to public health, which would seek to heal society from corruption and modernisation, which would provide the means “to create a valiant Youth” and give it a healthy education in accordance with the traditional values of religion, family, country and devotion to God, which would encourage Greek women to be good wives and mothers, and which would defend the Greek language against vulgarisation.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years*
    ■ Assaig] ENTREMONS. UPF JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY Barcelona ﺍ Universitat Pompeu Fabra Número 6 (juny 2014) www.entremons.org The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years* Enric UCELAY-DA CAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) abstract The following essay examines the political development in Spain and Greece between the World War I and World War II, comparing these two Mediterranean countries and placing them in a broader European and global context. The conflict between the supporters of monarchy and republic as forms of government was extremely important in the political debate in both countries, and shaped their history in a quite remarkable way. The discussion of these intricate dynamics will help to appreciate the problems that Spain and Greece faced at that time, and can also contribute to a deeper understanding of some key features of the historical change in these two countries. resumen El siguiente ensayo examina el desarrollo político en España y Grecia en el período entre la Primera y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, comparando estos dos países mediterráneos y situándolos en un contexto europeo y global más amplio. El conflicto entre los partidarios de la monarquía y la república como formas de gobierno fue muy importante en el debate político de ambos países, influyendo en su historia de una manera muy notable. La discusión de estas dinámicas complicadas ayudará a apreciar mejor los problemas a los que España y Grecia se enfrentaban en ese momento, contribuyendo asimismo a una comprensión más profunda de algunas de las características clave del cambio histórico en estos dos países.
    [Show full text]
  • Sujet Mergey L1
    Université Paris II Panthéon-Assas Veuillez reporter le numéro de votre code-barres : ……………………………………………………………… EXAMEN D’HISTOIRE CONTEMPORAINE POLITIQUE ET SOCIALE (3035) Mai 2017 Licence 1 Cours de M. le professeur A. Mergey Durée de l’épreuve : 1h30 Aucun document n’est autorisé CONSIGNES - N’oubliez pas de reporter le numéro de votre code-barres en haut de cette page . - Vous devez consigner vos réponses directement sur ce document . - Le sujet comporte trois parties : I. Un questionnaire à choix multiples (sur 25 points) II. Des questions à réponse courte (sur 25 points) III. Des questions à réponse développée (sur 10 points) La note obtenue sera sur 60, puis divisée par 6 pour arriver à une note sur 10. - Une fois l’épreuve terminée, insérez ce document dans votre copie. 1 I. QUESTIONNAIRE A CHOIX MULTIPLE Il n’y a qu’une seule bonne réponse par question. Une bonne réponse rapporte 0,5 point. Une mauvaise réponse ne coûte aucun point. Une absence de réponse n’enlève aucun point. 1. Qui remporte les élections législatives de 1869 ? □ Les libéraux □ Les républicains □ Les bonapartistes □ Les royalistes 2. Qui est le leader du camp républicain lors des élections de février 1871 ? □ Léon Gambetta □ Auguste Blanqui □ Adolphe Thiers □ Jules Grévy 3. Quel titre est attribué à Adolphe Thiers au début de l’année 1871 ? □ Chef du pouvoir exécutif de la nation française □ Président de la République française □ Chef du pouvoir exécutif de la République française □ Président du gouvernement provisoire de la République française 4. Laquelle de ces raisons n’explique pas la colère de la population parisienne lors de la Commune ? □ Elle se sent humiliée par l’installation de l’Assemblée nationale à Versailles □ Elle se sent insultée par la clause de l’armistice prévoyant un défilé des Allemands sur les Champs-Élysées □ Elle se sent trahie par les provinciaux qui ont préféré une paix humiliante avec l’Allemagne plutôt que de résister □ Elle se sent mortifiée, par solidarité, par l’annexion de l’Alsace-Lorraine 2 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Extremism in the 1920S and 1930S: Do German Lessons Generalize?G 
    Political Extremism in the 1920s and 1930s: Do German Lessons Generalize?G ALAN DE BROMHEAD, BARRY EICHENGREEN, AND KEVIN H. O’ROURKE We examine the impact of the Great Depression on the share of votes for right- wing extremists in elections in the 1920s and 1930s. We confirm the existence of a link between political extremism and economic hard times as captured by growth or contraction of the economy. What mattered was not simply growth at the time of the election, but cumulative growth performance. The impact was greatest in countries with relatively short histories of democracy, with electoral systems that created low hurdles to parliamentary representation, and which had been on the losing side in World War I. he impact of the global credit crisis and Great Recession has been Tmore than just economic. In both parliamentary and presidential democracies, governments have been ousted. Hard economic times have increased political polarization and bred support for nationalist and right-wing political parties. All this gives rise to fears that economic hard times will feed political extremism, as it did in the 1930s. Memories of the 1930s inform much contemporary political commentary, just as they inform recent economic commentary. But exactly what impact the interwar depression and economic crisis had on the electoral fortunes of extremist parties has not been systematically studied.1 Many of our intuitions about the links between The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 73, No. 2 (June 2013). © The Economic History Association. doi: 10.1017/S0022050713000302. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution license (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
    [Show full text]
  • The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Dictatorship in the Context of Fascism and Nazism, 1936–41
    23tmp09a.qxd 04/04/2002 14:43 Page 143 9 The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Dictatorship in the Context of Fascism and Nazism, 193641 MOGENS PELT In October 1935, Italy launched a fully-fledged attack on Abyssinia, threatening Britains position in Egypt and the supremacy of the Royal Navy in the eastern Mediterranean. Three years later, in 1938, Germany established her dominance over Central Europe in a series of short-of-war operations, incorporating Austria and the Sudetenland into the Reich by Anschluss and the Munich agreement. The dismemberment of Czechoslovakia dealt a fatal blow to the French security system in south-eastern Europe, la petite entente with Prague serving as its regional power centre. While the credibility of France as a great power almost completely eroded overnight, Vienna and Prague suddenly provided ready-made platforms to an invigorated and resurgent Germany to project her power into south- eastern Europe, and to rearrange that area in line with Berlins plans for a new European Order. This, in turn, gave a boost to national vindication in the revisionist states, Bulgaria and Hungary, while it generated shock waves of national insecurity and internal instability in the status quo states, Greece, Romania and Yugoslavia. On 10 October 1935, only a week after the beginning of Mussolinis African enterprise, a military coup détat in Greece reinstated the monarchy, which had been abolished in the wake of the First World War, and some ten months later, on 4 August 1936, King George II established what was meant to be a permanent dictatorship under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas, a prominent royalist.
    [Show full text]
  • Archives Contemporaines (Postérieures À 1940)
    Pierrevives – Département Archives et Mémoire La Résistance dans l'Hérault Relevé des cotes conservées aux Archives départementales de l'Hérault Montpellier, octobre 2012 Illustration de couverture : affichettes anti-gouvernementales (1000 W 238) 2 Introduction CONTEXTE HISTORIQUE1 Lorsque le 3 septembre 1939, la France déclare la guerre contre l’Allemagne, le département de l’Hérault, lui, est déjà sensibilisé fortement à la guerre d’Espagne par l’accueil dès janvier 1939 des milliers de réfugiés regroupés dans des conditions précaires au camp d’Agde. Dès l’attaque allemande du 10 mai 1940, qui prend la France par surprise, le département de l’Hérault doit à nouveau faire face à l’arrivée massive de réfugiés venus de Belgique et des départements du nord de la France. Après la signature de l’armistice avec l’Allemagne, le 22 juin 1940, et avec l’Italie le 24 juin 1940, le régime de la IIIe République s’achève par le vote des pleins pouvoirs au maréchal Pétain, le 10 juillet 1940. Trois parlementaires héraultais s’opposent à ce vote : Paul Boulet, Jules Moch et Vincent Badie. A Londres, le 18 juin 1940, le général de Gaulle, isolé, lance son appel à la Résistance. Pour le département de l’Hérault, alors en zone libre, commence une période difficile avec l’apparition des problèmes de ravitaillement et du manque de main-d’œuvre, la dégradation de l’état sanitaire de la population, l’absence des prisonniers de guerre puis leur relève, la situation mitigée de l’industrie d’un côté accaparée par l’Allemagne, de l’autre affligée d’une baisse d’activité.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of the 5/42 Regiment of Evzones: a Study on National Resistance and Civil War in Greece 1941-1944
    The Rise and Fall of the 5/42 Regiment of Evzones: A Study on National Resistance and Civil War in Greece 1941-1944 ARGYRIOS MAMARELIS Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy The European Institute London School of Economics and Political Science 2003 i UMI Number: U613346 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613346 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 9995 / 0/ -hoZ2 d X Abstract This thesis addresses a neglected dimension of Greece under German and Italian occupation and on the eve of civil war. Its contribution to the historiography of the period stems from the fact that it constitutes the first academic study of the third largest resistance organisation in Greece, the 5/42 regiment of evzones. The study of this national resistance organisation can thus extend our knowledge of the Greek resistance effort, the political relations between the main resistance groups, the conditions that led to the civil war and the domestic relevance of British policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
    The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus.
    [Show full text]
  • FASCISM, and the Doctrine of NATIONAL SOCIALISM Also by H
    FASCISM, and The Doctrine of NATIONAL SOCIALISM Also by H. R. Morgan: Fascism, The Total Society – Codex Fascismo Parts Two & Three Fascism, Integralism, and the Corporative Society – Codex Fascismo Parts Four, Five & Six American Radical Apostasy Fascism, and the Doctrine of National Socialism – Codex Fascismo Parts Seven & Eight The Codex Fascismo Collections of Poetry: Murdered Dreams (1993) Stark, Raving Mad (1994-95) The Long Walk Home (1997) Glimpses Through the Glass (1989) FASCISM, and The Doctrine of NATIONAL SOCIALISM Codex Fascismo Parts Seven and Eight Volume 4 Compiled, Edited, with Introduction and Commentary by H. R. Morgan Copyright © 2015 by H. R. Morgan. Library of Congress Control Number: 2015918312 ISBN: Hardcover 978-1-5144-2355-4 Softcover 978-1-5144-2354-7 eBook 978-1-5144-2353-0 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the copyright owner. Special note: All translations and interpretations contained herein are the sole property of H. R. Morgan. All rights to this translation reserved Any people depicted in stock imagery provided by Thinkstock are models, and such images are being used for illustrative purposes only. Certain stock imagery © Thinkstock. Print information available on the last page. Rev. date: 12/09/2015 To order additional copies of this book, contact: Xlibris 1-888-795-4274 www.Xlibris.com
    [Show full text]
  • The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Regime in The
    23tmp09a.qxd 04/04/2002 14:43 Page 143 9 The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Dictatorship in the Context of Fascism and Nazism, 193641 MOGENS PELT In October 1935, Italy launched a fully-fledged attack on Abyssinia, threatening Britains position in Egypt and the supremacy of the Royal Navy in the eastern Mediterranean. Three years later, in 1938, Germany established her dominance over Central Europe in a series of short-of-war operations, incorporating Austria and the Sudetenland into the Reich by Anschluss and the Munich agreement. The dismemberment of Czechoslovakia dealt a fatal blow to the French security system in south-eastern Europe, la petite entente with Prague serving as its regional power centre. While the credibility of France as a great power almost completely eroded overnight, Vienna and Prague suddenly provided ready-made platforms to an invigorated and resurgent Germany to project her power into south- eastern Europe, and to rearrange that area in line with Berlins plans for a new European Order. This, in turn, gave a boost to national vindication in the revisionist states, Bulgaria and Hungary, while it generated shock waves of national insecurity and internal instability in the status quo states, Greece, Romania and Yugoslavia. On 10 October 1935, only a week after the beginning of Mussolinis African enterprise, a military coup détat in Greece reinstated the monarchy, which had been abolished in the wake of the First World War, and some ten months later, on 4 August 1936, King George II established what was meant to be a permanent dictatorship under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas, a prominent royalist.
    [Show full text]
  • 93323765-Mack-Ridge-Language-And
    Language and National Identity in Greece 1766–1976 This page intentionally left blank Language and National Identity in Greece 1766–1976 PETER MACKRIDGE 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Peter Mackridge 2009 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose the same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mackridge, Peter.
    [Show full text]
  • Fantasque Time Line | 1940
    Chapitres 16-17 – Le naufrage de l’empire italien Octobre 1940 En France occupée La Collaboration prend ses aises 1 er octobre La Collaboration Le Temps entre deux chaises Lyon – Malgré les sollicitations de Pierre Laval et son insistance, la direction du Temps, non sans avoir hésité et consulté de plusieurs côtés – y compris le cardinal primat des Gaules, les dirigeants de la presse lyonnaise, divers consuls étrangers et un homme de mauvaise mine qui s’affirme l’agent officieux du Deuxième Bureau d’Alger – décide de ne pas regagner Paris et, jusqu’à nouvel ordre, de demeurer “entre Saône et Rhône”. Elle accepte cependant de recevoir des subsides sur les fonds secrets du Nouvel Etat Français pour compenser la baisse de la publicité, et ne refuse pas une allocation de papier exceptionnelle qui lui permettra de tirer tous les jours sur seize pages. Le quotidien sera acheminé sur la capitale par train postal à 14 heures, dès sa sortie de l’imprimerie, et disponible à Paris en kiosque le lendemain matin, sauf les jours de caviardage. 2 octobre La Collaboration Louis Renault contre Drieu la Rochelle Paris – Après d’intenses tractations entre les hommes du PPF (Doriot), ceux du RNP (Déat), les anciens de la Cagoule et ceux de l’Action Française, la liste des membres de l’Assemblée des Forces Vives de la Nation est enfin publiée. Cette Assemblée doit entériner (il n’est pas question de débattre…) la Charte Fondamentale. Sa composition comprend notamment, dans des proportions qui ont été âprement débattues, des représentants des Corporations Industrielles et Agricoles (tout juste créées), des Anciens Combattants, des Mères de Famille et des « Artistes Authentiquement Français ».
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936
    fascism 8 (2019) 36-60 brill.com/fasc Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective: The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936 Martin Kristoffer Hamre Humboldt University of Berlin and King’s College London [email protected] Abstract Following the transnational turn within fascist studies, this paper examines the role German National Socialism and Italian Fascism played in the transformation of the Norwegian fascist party Nasjonal Samling in the years 1933–1936. It takes the rivalry of the two role models as the initial point and focusses on the reception of Italy and Germany in the party press of the Nasjonal Samling. The main topics of research are therefore the role of corporatism, the involvement in the organization caur and the increasing importance of anti-Semitism. One main argument is that both indirect and direct German influence on the Nasjonal Samling in autumn 1935 led to a radi- calization of the party and the endorsement of anti-Semitic attitudes. However, the Nasjonal Samling under leader Vidkun Quisling never prioritized Italo-German rivalry as such. Instead, it perceived itself as an independent national movement in the com- mon battle of a European-wide phenomenon against its arch-enemies: liberalism and communism. Keywords Norway – Germany – Italy – Fascism – National Socialism – transnational fascism – Nasjonal Samling – Vidkun Quisling © Martin Kristoffer Hamre, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22116257-00801003 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication. Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:35:40AM via free access <UN> Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective 37 In October 19331 – five months after the foundation of the party Nasjonal Sam- ling [NS; National Unity]2 – Norwegian merchant Johan Wilhelm Klüver sent a letter from Tientsin in China addressed to the NS headquarters in Oslo.
    [Show full text]