The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Regime in The
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- 'O &p z La-rp«-n¡y r)~ ' A. ll amiyo~ d~ M7t'J¡.t7tÓ r.IT L-taav, 01tou -~ Sptu t -to l:Tpa't;"l) ye:¡ov rij~ '0¡;.6. o<; ¡;.tpapzLwv 1< . ~ 1-: ::: 1 \ :' Avno:tpo7tO pLxov 7tup o ~6 ).ov f. v Spáae: L. 4 'O :cfwOu ::- ou?yl~ 'A. J ( ,.p~?;~ 11ni -r,,ij 1<. l{!'lñ:li (lmoOt.v r.i ptanptX) Jl.a.! -rtoií ft: tt~pylou A. llM:ztoo (tia--<.rn(JÜt;, 3t~l&.). 5 l. Soldados griegos de permiso tras la for freedom. lnstitute 0( the Greek 3. El generalísimo Alex. Papagos en Papaconstantinou, The Battle of Greece campaña de Albania dan una cálida bien· Parliamen~Atenas , 2005. Bobostitsa, Cuartel General del grupo divi· 1940-1 94 1, Keramikos, Atenas, 1966. venida a los australianos en Atenas. 2. El Comandante General R. Scobi y el sional K. Th. Papaconstantinou, The Battle 5. El primer ministro A. Korizis con marzo 1941. Del libro 60 years alter the secretario general del EAM D. Partsalides of Greece 1940-1941 , Keramikos, K. Kotzias (detrás a la izquierda) y George end of World War 11: Greeks and (segundo por la izquierda). (Cortesía del Atenas, 1966. A. Vlahos (sin sombrero, derecha). Th. Australians in the common struggle IWM). 4. El rey jorge 11 desayunando sobre un Papaconstantinou, The Battle of Greece peñasco en Kleisoura, Th. 1940-1941 , Keramikos, Atenas, /966. POÚTICAS DE LA IMAGEN FOTOGRÁFICA ~ Fotografía y política: Grecia 1940-1944 Procopis Papastratis es catédrático de Historia de la Procopis Papastratis Panteion University de Atenas. Es autor de British policy towards Greece during the Second World War 1941-1944 (Cambridge University Press, /984; 2' edición, 2008). -
UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Greek Body in Crisis: Contemporary Dance as a Site of Negotiating and Restructuring National Identity in the Era of Precarity Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0vg4w163 Author Zervou, Natalie Publication Date 2015 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE The Greek Body in Crisis: Contemporary Dance as a Site of Negotiating and Restructuring National Identity in the Era of Precarity A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Critical Dance Studies by Natalie Zervou June 2015 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Marta Elena Savigliano, Chairperson Dr. Linda J. Tomko Dr. Anthea Kraut Copyright Natalie Zervou 2015 The Dissertation of Natalie Zervou is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgments This dissertation is the result of four years of intensive research, even though I have been engaging with this topic and the questions discussed here long before that. Having been born in Greece, and having lived there till my early twenties, it is the place that holds all my childhood memories, my first encounters with dance, my friends, and my family. From a very early age I remember how I always used to say that I wanted to study dance and then move to the US to pursue my dream. Back then I was not sure what that dream was, other than leaving Greece, where I often felt like I did not belong. Being here now, in the US, I think I found it and I must admit that when I first begun my pursuit in graduate studies in dance, I was very hesitant to engage in research concerning Greece. -
The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years*
■ Assaig] ENTREMONS. UPF JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY Barcelona ﺍ Universitat Pompeu Fabra Número 6 (juny 2014) www.entremons.org The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years* Enric UCELAY-DA CAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) abstract The following essay examines the political development in Spain and Greece between the World War I and World War II, comparing these two Mediterranean countries and placing them in a broader European and global context. The conflict between the supporters of monarchy and republic as forms of government was extremely important in the political debate in both countries, and shaped their history in a quite remarkable way. The discussion of these intricate dynamics will help to appreciate the problems that Spain and Greece faced at that time, and can also contribute to a deeper understanding of some key features of the historical change in these two countries. resumen El siguiente ensayo examina el desarrollo político en España y Grecia en el período entre la Primera y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, comparando estos dos países mediterráneos y situándolos en un contexto europeo y global más amplio. El conflicto entre los partidarios de la monarquía y la república como formas de gobierno fue muy importante en el debate político de ambos países, influyendo en su historia de una manera muy notable. La discusión de estas dinámicas complicadas ayudará a apreciar mejor los problemas a los que España y Grecia se enfrentaban en ese momento, contribuyendo asimismo a una comprensión más profunda de algunas de las características clave del cambio histórico en estos dos países. -
Political Extremism in the 1920S and 1930S: Do German Lessons Generalize?G
Political Extremism in the 1920s and 1930s: Do German Lessons Generalize?G ALAN DE BROMHEAD, BARRY EICHENGREEN, AND KEVIN H. O’ROURKE We examine the impact of the Great Depression on the share of votes for right- wing extremists in elections in the 1920s and 1930s. We confirm the existence of a link between political extremism and economic hard times as captured by growth or contraction of the economy. What mattered was not simply growth at the time of the election, but cumulative growth performance. The impact was greatest in countries with relatively short histories of democracy, with electoral systems that created low hurdles to parliamentary representation, and which had been on the losing side in World War I. he impact of the global credit crisis and Great Recession has been Tmore than just economic. In both parliamentary and presidential democracies, governments have been ousted. Hard economic times have increased political polarization and bred support for nationalist and right-wing political parties. All this gives rise to fears that economic hard times will feed political extremism, as it did in the 1930s. Memories of the 1930s inform much contemporary political commentary, just as they inform recent economic commentary. But exactly what impact the interwar depression and economic crisis had on the electoral fortunes of extremist parties has not been systematically studied.1 Many of our intuitions about the links between The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 73, No. 2 (June 2013). © The Economic History Association. doi: 10.1017/S0022050713000302. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution license (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. -
General Papagos and the Anglo-Greek Talks of February 1941 by JOHN S
General Papagos and the Anglo-Greek Talks of February 1941 by JOHN S. KOLIOPOULOS The Anglo-Greek talks of February 1941 are one of the most con- troversial issues in the historiography of World War II. The talks were held in Athens to discuss Britain's decision earlier in that month to help Greece against a possible German attack, and to agree on a line of defense which could be reasonably expected to check the enemy ad- vance. In addition to the strength of the forces required to hold the enemy and the allocation of these forces, the representatives of the two 'countries were obliged to take into account two important factors: (a) the attitude of Yugoslavia; and (b) the time factor. In accordance with the agreement reached late on February 22, the British would send to Greece, in addition to their air force units already operating in the country, five squadrons of aircraft and land forces equal to four divisions. The British troops would arrive in three installments, and would be deployed on a line to the west of Salonika, running from northwest to southeast along Mt. Vermion and Mt. Olympus, the "Aliakmon line," as it was called. The Greeks, on the other hand, would provide four additional divisions (thirty-five battalions) from Thrace and eastern Macedonia for the defense of the Aliakmon line, and one division in reserve at Larissa. By the same agreement, Anthony Eden, the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, undertook to approach Yugoslavia in order to enlist its military cooperation with Britain and Greece. -
1 Alexander Kitroeff Curriculum Vitae – May 2019 Current Position: Professor, History Department, Haverford College Educa
Alexander Kitroeff Curriculum Vitae – May 2019 History Department, Haverford College, 370 Lancaster Avenue, Haverford PA, 19041 Mobile phone: 610-864-0567 e-mail: [email protected] Current Position: Professor, History Department, Haverford College Education: D.Phil. Modern History, Oxford University 1984 M.A. History, University of Keele 1979 B.A. Politics, University of Warwick 1977 Research Interests: Identity in Greece & its Diaspora from politics to sport Teaching Fields: Nationalism & ethnicity in Modern Europe, Mediterranean, & Modern Greece C19-20th Professional Experience: Professor, Haverford College 2019-present Visiting Professor, College Year in Athens, Spring 2018 Visiting Professor, American College of Greece, 2017-18 Associate Professor, History Dept., Haverford College, 2002-2019 Assistant Professor, History Dept., Haverford College, 1996-2002 Assistant Professor, History Dept. & Onassis Center, New York University, 1990-96 Adjunct Assistant Professor, History Department, Temple University, 1989-90 Visiting Lecturer, History Dept., & Hellenic Studies, Princeton University, Fall 1988 Adj. Asst. Professor, Byz. & Modern Greek Studies, Queens College CUNY, 1986-89 Fellowships & Visiting Positions: Venizelos Chair Modern Greek Studies, The American College in Greece 2011-12 Research Fellow, Center for Byz. & Mod. Greek Studies, Queens College CUNY 2004 Visiting Scholar, Vryonis Center for the Study of Hellenism, Sacramento, Spring 1994 Senior Visiting Member, St Antony’s College, Oxford University, Trinity 1991 Major Research Awards & Grants: Selected as “12 Great Greek Minds at Foreign Universities” by News in Greece 2016 Jaharis Family Foundation, 2013-15 The Stavros S. Niarchos Foundation, 2012 Immigrant Learning Center, 2011 Bank of Piraeus Cultural Foundation, 2008 Proteus Foundation, 2008 Center for Neo-Hellenic Studies, Hellenic Research Institute, 2003 1 President Gerald R. -
John S. Koliopoulos Unwanted Ally: Greece and the Great
JOHN S. KOLIOPOULOS UNWANTED ALLY: GREECE AND THE GREAT POWERS, 1939-1941 Greece’s international position and national security, from the spring of 1939 when the Axis powers initiated a policy of outright conquest in Europe until the German invasion of the country two years later, have, until recently, been examined mainly from the point of view of contemporary official Greek policy, leading thus to the development of a semi - official Greek historiography1. Most of the governing as sumptions and premises of this historiography grew out of both war time rhetoric and the post - war requirements of Greek policy, to be come in time axiomatic. Some of these assumptions and premises are: a) that Greece followed, before the' Italian attack, a neutral policy towards the great European powers; b) that the Italian attack was unprovoked ; c ) that Anglo - Greek cooperation was subsequent — and consequent — to the Italian attack ; d ) that the Greek Government, although resolved to resist a German attack, did everything to avoid it, and e) that the German invasion was unprovoked and undertaken to rescue the defeated Italians in Albania. In this paper I propose to examine these assumptions in the light of evidence newly made avail able, and see particularly whether Greece followed a really neutral policy until the Italian attack, and whether the Greco - Italian war was, until Germany decided to intervene and extinguish the poten tially dangerous conflict in the Balkans, more than a local war loosely connected with the strategical interests of Britain and Germany. Greece’s foreign relations before World War II were first put to the test in April 1939, on the occasion of the Italian occupation of Al bania. -
Gender Voting Gap in the Dawn of Urbanization: Evidence from a Quasi-Experiment with Greek Special Elections
GreeSE Papers Hellenic Observatory Discussion Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe Paper No. 146 Gender voting gap in the dawn of urbanization: evidence from a quasi-experiment with Greek special elections Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides March 2020 Gender voting gap in the dawn of urbanization: evidence from a quasi-experiment with Greek special elections Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides GreeSE Paper No. 146 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Hellenic Observatory or the LSE © Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides Contents Abstract_______________________________________________________________ii 1. Introduction ________________________________________________________1 2. Theoretical considerations_____________________________________________5 2.1 Gender gap in political preferences and the effect of female labour force participation_________________________________________________________5 2.2 The U-shaped relationship between economic development and female labour force participation____________________________________________________6 2.3 Greece in the dawn of urbanization: The case of an economy in transition____9 3. Empirical design____________________________________________________10 3.1 Data and variables _______________________________________________10 3.2 Empirical model specification_______________________________________15 -
The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Dictatorship in the Context of Fascism and Nazism, 193641
23tmp09a.qxd 04/04/2002 14:43 Page 143 9 The Establishment and Development of the Metaxas Dictatorship in the Context of Fascism and Nazism, 193641 MOGENS PELT In October 1935, Italy launched a fully-fledged attack on Abyssinia, threatening Britains position in Egypt and the supremacy of the Royal Navy in the eastern Mediterranean. Three years later, in 1938, Germany established her dominance over Central Europe in a series of short-of-war operations, incorporating Austria and the Sudetenland into the Reich by Anschluss and the Munich agreement. The dismemberment of Czechoslovakia dealt a fatal blow to the French security system in south-eastern Europe, la petite entente with Prague serving as its regional power centre. While the credibility of France as a great power almost completely eroded overnight, Vienna and Prague suddenly provided ready-made platforms to an invigorated and resurgent Germany to project her power into south- eastern Europe, and to rearrange that area in line with Berlins plans for a new European Order. This, in turn, gave a boost to national vindication in the revisionist states, Bulgaria and Hungary, while it generated shock waves of national insecurity and internal instability in the status quo states, Greece, Romania and Yugoslavia. On 10 October 1935, only a week after the beginning of Mussolinis African enterprise, a military coup détat in Greece reinstated the monarchy, which had been abolished in the wake of the First World War, and some ten months later, on 4 August 1936, King George II established what was meant to be a permanent dictatorship under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas, a prominent royalist. -
West European Politics the Transformation of the Greek Party
This article was downloaded by: [Harvard University] On: 11 July 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 915668586] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK West European Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713395181 The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951 Takis S. Pappasa a Politics at the Aristotle University, Thessaloniki, Greece To cite this Article Pappas, Takis S.(2003) 'The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951', West European Politics, 26: 2, 90 — 114 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/01402380512331341121 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341121 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
The Rise and Fall of the 5/42 Regiment of Evzones: a Study on National Resistance and Civil War in Greece 1941-1944
The Rise and Fall of the 5/42 Regiment of Evzones: A Study on National Resistance and Civil War in Greece 1941-1944 ARGYRIOS MAMARELIS Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy The European Institute London School of Economics and Political Science 2003 i UMI Number: U613346 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613346 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 9995 / 0/ -hoZ2 d X Abstract This thesis addresses a neglected dimension of Greece under German and Italian occupation and on the eve of civil war. Its contribution to the historiography of the period stems from the fact that it constitutes the first academic study of the third largest resistance organisation in Greece, the 5/42 regiment of evzones. The study of this national resistance organisation can thus extend our knowledge of the Greek resistance effort, the political relations between the main resistance groups, the conditions that led to the civil war and the domestic relevance of British policies. -
1055315.En Pe 553.776
Question for written answer E-004628/2015 to the Commission Rule 130 Eleftherios Synadinos (NI) Subject: State and European aid for foundations established by former Greek Prime Ministers According to recent articles,1 2 3 six foundations established by former Greek Prime Ministers, namely Eleftherios Venizelos, Georgios Papandreou, Konstantinos Karamanlis, Andreas Papandreou, Konstantinos Mitsotakis and Kostas Simitis, are currently operating in Greece. These foundations have always enjoyed absurd privileges totally out of keeping with their (non- existent) work, especially as the founders’ progeny sit on their boards of directors. One of those privileges is that they are ‘administratively and financially independent’, meaning that they can be paid government grants but are not obliged to render account or report financial data to the Greek Government. They also enjoy what can only be described as insulting tax immunity under an unprecedented and unfair system of tax relief at the Greek people’s expense. Finally, the Greek State has handed over property and land to these foundations absolutely free of charge under a completely non-transparent system. In view of the above, and given that these foundations are entitled to participate in Community programmes funded by the EU (80 %) and from national resources (20 %), will the Commission say: – whether it intends to request official figures on the amount and method of funding of these foundations and financial statements for reasons of transparency and to inform the public? 1 http://www.newsbomb.gr/ellada/apokalypseis/story/277964/lefta-gia-to-lao-haristikan-se-idrymata-proin 2 http://www.newsbomb.gr/ellada/apokalypseis/story/277645/harizoyn-ellada-kai-se-pethamenoys- prothypoyrgoys 3 http://elevengr.blogspot.be/2013/09/blog-post_9.html 1055315.EN PE 553.776 .