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Between Accommodation and Secession: Explaining the Shifting Territorial Goals of Nationalist Parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia
Between accommodation and secession: Explaining the shifting territorial goals of nationalist parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia Anwen Elias Reader at Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University Email: [email protected] Ludger Mees Full Professor at Department of Contemporary History, University of the Basque Country Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article examines the shifting territorial goals of two of the most electoral- ly successful and politically relevant nationalist parties in Spain: the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) and Convergència i Unió (CiU). Whilst both parties have often co-operated to challenge the authority of the Spanish state, their territorial goals have varied over time and from party to party. We map these changes and identify key drivers of territorial preferences; these include party ideology, the impact of the financial crisis, the territorial structure of the state, party competition, public opinion, government versus opposition, the impact of multi-level politics and the particularities of party organisation. These factors interact to shape what nationalist parties say and do on core territorial issues, and contribute to their oscillation between territorial accommodation and secession. However, the way in which these factors play out is highly context-specific, and this accounts for the different territorial preferences of the PNV and CiU. These findings advance our understanding of persistent territorial tensions in Spain, and provide broader theoretical insights into the internal and external dynamics that determine the territorial positioning of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties in plurinational states. KEYWORDS Spain; Basque Country; Catalonia; territorial goals; party strategies; nation- alism; regional autonomy. Article received on 04/10/2016, approved on 17/03/2017. -
Basque Plan for Culture Basque Plan for Culture
Cubierta EN 11/4/05 10:04 Pagina 1 C M Y CM MY CY CMY K Basque Plan for Culture Basque Plan for Culture ISBN 84-457-2264-6 Salneurria / P.V.P.: 8 € Price: 5,57 £ KULTURA SAILA DEPARTAMENTO DE CULTURA Compuesta BASQUE PLAN FOR CULTURE KULTURA SAILA DEPARTAMENTO DE CULTURA Eusko Jaurlaritzaren Argitalpen Zerbitzu Nagusia Servicio Central de Publicaciones del Gobierno Vasco Vitoria-Gasteiz, 2005 Basque plan for culture. – 1st ed. – Vitoria-Gasteiz : Eusko Jaurlaritzaren Argitalpen Zerbitzu Nagusia = Servicio Central de Publicaciones del Gobierno Vasco, 2005 p. ; cm. + 1 CD-ROM ISBN 84-457-2264-6 1. Euskadi-Política cultural. I. Euskadi. Departamento de Cultura. 32(460.15):008 Published: 1st edition, april 2005 Print run: 500 © Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoko Administrazioa Kultura Saila Administración de la Comunidad Autónoma del País Vasco Departamento de Cultura Internet: www.euskadi.net Published by: Eusko Jaurlaritzaren Argitalpen Zerbitzu Nagusia Servicio Central de Publicaciones del Gobierno Vasco Donostia-San Sebastián, 1 – 01010 Vitoria-Gasteiz Photosetting: Rali, S.A. – Bilbao Printed by: Estudios Gráficos Zure, S.A. – Bilbao ISBN: 84-457-2264-6 L.D.: BI-830-05 Contents PROLOGUE . 7 PRESENTATION . 9 1. CULTURAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK . 13 1.1. A broad vision of culture . 15 1.1.1. Culture, heterogeneity and integration . 15 1.1.2. Culture and identity . 15 1.1.3. Culture and institutions . 16 1.1.4. Culture and economy . 16 1.1.5. Basque culture in the broad sense . 17 1.2. The Basque cultural system . 17 1.2.1. Cultural and communicative space . 17 1.2.2. -
The Lehendakari
E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 3/5/01 16:08 P‡gina 1 Issue 49 YEAR 2001 TheThe LehendakariLehendakari callscalls forfor anan electionelection inin thethe BasqueBasque CountryCountry onon MayMay 13th13th E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 4/5/01 08:53 P‡gina 2 Laburpena SUMMARY Laburpena SUMMARY EDITORIALA■EDITORIAL – Supplementary statement to the Decree dissolving Parliament ...................... 3 GAURKO GAIAK■CURRENT EVENTS – Instructions for voting by mail .................................................................................. 5 – Basque election predictions according to surveys................................................ 6 PERTSONALITATEAK■PERSONALITIES – The Sabino Arana Awards for the year 2000........................................................ 8 EUSKAL ETXEAK – The Human Rights Commissioner visited the Basque Country ....................... 8 ISSUE 49 - YEAR 2001 URTEA – Francesco Cossiga received the "Lagun Onari" honor ...................................... 9 EGILEA AUTHOR Eusko Jaurlaritza-Kanpo – The Government of Catalonia receives part of its history Harremanetarako Idazkaritza Nagusia from the Sabino Arana Foundation ....................................................................... 10 Basque Government-Secretary General for Foreign Action – The Secretary of State of Idaho calls for the U.S. C/ Navarra, 2 to mediate in the Basque Country......................................................................... 11 01007 VITORIA-GASTEIZ Phone: 945 01 79 00 ■ [email protected] ERREPORTAIAK ARTICLES ZUZENDARIA DIRECTOR – The -
Subnational Constitutionalism in Spain
SUBNATIONAL CONSTITUTIONALISM IN SPAIN Luis Moreno∗ The Kingdom of Spain is a compound national State that incorporates various degrees of internal ethnoterritorial plurality comprising a total population of around 40 million inhabitants. After a long hyper-centralist dictatorship (1939-75), a peaceful transition to democracy (1975-79), and an active European involvement following its accession to the EEC/EU (1986), Spain has undergone a deep process of administrative and political decentralization, which has aimed at providing internal territorial accommodation by combining both federal principles of self-rule and, to a lesser degree, shared rule. 1. Devolutionary federalism The Spanish 1978 Constitution1 does not include the word “federal” in any of its provisions, or in any subsequent legislation. It recognizes and guarantees the right to self-government of the nationalities and regions of which it is composed and the solidarity among them all. Since the beginning of the 1980s the dynamics of the Estado de las Autonomías (State of Autonomies) are characterized by a latent federalization, and have followed a ‘top-down’ process of decentralization. The main features of the process of home-rule-all-round in Spain concord with those of devolutionary federalism. They also follow the federative criterion that legitimacy of each autonomous layer of government is constitutionally guaranteed. Thus, Spain is a democracy where two tiers of government --central and regional-- enjoy constitutionally separate powers and representative parliamentary institutions. 2. Subnational units ∗ Senior Research Fellow, Spanish National Research Council (CSIC), www.iesam.csic.es; [email protected]. 1 In the popular referendum held on 6 December 1978, the Spanish Carta Magna received 87.9% ‘yes’ votes, 7.8% ‘no’ votes, and 4.3% null or blank votes. -
How Can a Modern History of the Basque Country Make Sense? on Nation, Identity, and Territories in the Making of Spain
HOW CAN A MODERN HISTORY OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY MAKE SENSE? ON NATION, IDENTITY, AND TERRITORIES IN THE MAKING OF SPAIN JOSE M. PORTILLO VALDES Universidad del Pais Vasco Center for Basque Studies, University of Nevada (Reno) One of the more recurrent debates among Basque historians has to do with the very object of their primary concern. Since a Basque political body, real or imagined, has never existed before the end of the nineteenth century -and formally not until 1936- an «essentialist» question has permanently been hanging around the mind of any Basque historian: she might be writing the histo- ry of an non-existent subject. On the other hand, the heaviness of the «national dispute» between Basque and Spanish identities in the Spanish Basque territories has deeply determined the mean- ing of such a cardinal question. Denying the «other's» historicity is a very well known weapon in the hands of any nationalist dis- course and, conversely, claiming to have a millenary past behind one's shoulders, or being the bearer of a single people's history, is a must for any «national» history. Consequently, for those who consider the Spanish one as the true national identity and the Basque one just a secondary «decoration», the history of the Basque Country simply does not exist or it refers to the last six decades. On the other hand, for those Basques who deem the Spanish an imposed identity, Basque history is a sacred territory, the last refuge for the true identity. Although apparently uncontaminated by politics, Basque aca- demic historiography gently reproduces discourses based on na- - 53 - ESPANA CONTEMPORANEA tionalist assumptions. -
Self-Determination for the Basque People
THE HUMAN RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION AND THE LONG WALK OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY TO A DEMOCRATIC SCENARIO ―Law is a living deed, not a brilliant honors list of past writers whose work of course compels respect but who cannot, except for a few great minds, be thought to have had such a vision of the future that they could always see beyond their own times‖. Judge Ammoun ―Separate Opinion‖ Advisory Opinion of the ICJ Jon Namibia, 1971 Introduction Let me start with some considerations. The case of the right to self determination is the case of human rights and history shows us that human rights are the cause of the oppressed, the cause of the colonized, the subalterns, and the cause of those on the other side of the borderline. Human rights have always been opposed by those in power, by the states of the capitalist world system. And so the recognized human rights are not but the consequences of long term struggles for non-recognized rights. And same pass with the right to self determination. Those who today consider this right only to be applied to colonies or occupied territories, are the same who opposed to the struggles for national liberation. Those who consider right now the right to self determination recognized in art 1 of the UN International Covenants on Civil and Political rights and Social, Cultural and Ecomic Rights are the same who opposed in the UN to the stablishment of art.1 and those who right now try to limit the right of indigenous peoples to self determination. -
Pathways out of Violence Desecuritization and Legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Bourne, Angela
Roskilde University Pathways out of violence Desecuritization and legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Bourne, Angela Published in: Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Publication date: 2018 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Bourne, A. (2018). Pathways out of violence: Desecuritization and legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country. Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, 17(3), 45-66. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 01. Oct. 2021 Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 17, No 3, 2018, 45-66. Copyright © ECMI 2018 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/201 8/Bourne.pdf Pathways out of Violence: Desecuritization and Legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Angela Bourne Roskilde University Abstract In this article, I examine political processes leading to the legalization of the Batasuna- successor parties, Bildu and Sortu. -
Comparing the Basque Diaspora
COMPARING THE BASQUE DIASPORA: Ethnonationalism, transnationalism and identity maintenance in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Peru, the United States of America, and Uruguay by Gloria Pilar Totoricagiiena Thesis submitted in partial requirement for Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2000 1 UMI Number: U145019 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U145019 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Theses, F 7877 7S/^S| Acknowledgments I would like to gratefully acknowledge the supervision of Professor Brendan O’Leary, whose expertise in ethnonationalism attracted me to the LSE and whose careful comments guided me through the writing of this thesis; advising by Dr. Erik Ringmar at the LSE, and my indebtedness to mentor, Professor Gregory A. Raymond, specialist in international relations and conflict resolution at Boise State University, and his nearly twenty years of inspiration and faith in my academic abilities. Fellowships from the American Association of University Women, Euskal Fundazioa, and Eusko Jaurlaritza contributed to the financial requirements of this international travel. -
Nationalism and Democracy. Manuel Irujo Ollo: the Leadership of a Heterodox Basque Nationalist
Nationalism and Democracy. Manuel Irujo Ollo: The Leadership of a Heterodox Basque Nationalist LUDGER MEES UPV/EHU, University of the Basque Country l Abstract Manuel Irujo Ollo was one of the most prominent leaders of moderate Basque nationalism. Irujo, who was born in 1891 and died in 1981 at the age of 89, had a Basque, Spanish, and European dimension to his political career, which was perhaps the most enduring and intensive of any leader to emerge during the entire history of this socio-political movement. Yet Irujo’s political life remains largely quite unknown: no comprehensive academic biography has been written on his political work. Obviously, this article does not pretend to fill this void. Instead, it aims to cast a light on the nationalist leader’s political life from the twofold perspective of his individual political activity and the lessons that can be learned for a broader understanding of Basque nationalism in particular and of the relationship between nationalism and democracy in general. Resumen Manuel Irujo Ollo fue uno de los más significativos líderes del nacionalismo vasco moderado. En la historia de este movimiento socio-político probablemente no existe otro líder con una trayectoria política tan duradera e intensa con una dimensión vasca, española y europea como la de Irujo, quien nació en 1891 y murió en 1981 a la edad de 89. Pese a ello, hoy día la vida política de Irujo sigue siendo en buena parte desconocida, puesto que hasta la fecha no existe una biografía completa escrita con rigor científico. Obviamente, este artículo no pretende subsanar este déficit, pero sí aspira a arrojar luz sobre la biografía política del líder nacionalista desde una doble perspectiva: no sólo se analizará su actividad política individual, sino que también se preguntará sobre las conclusiones que se pueden extraer de este análisis para la historia del nacionalismo vasco y, más en general, sobre la relación entre naciona- lismo y democracia. -
00-190 Eng Briefing Notes Jan
ETA violence and the Basque Country: Does federalism offer a solution? BY GURUTZ JAUREGUI The Spanish system of regional and federal models of government. The problem of territory autonomies has had very positive effects Its complex and ambiguous nature is a The Basque region is located for the Basque Country. The progress constant source of clashes between the geographically in Spanish and French made over the years in the recovery of federal and community governments. territory. Traditionally, the strategic Basque identity has been very significant. Rather than a list of powers, the aspiration of Basque nationalism has The system, however, has been unable to Constitution establishes a distribution of been to establish an independent State solve the ‘Basque problem’. The conflict functions. In many areas, the Constitution that covers the whole territory. between Basque separatists and Spain qualifies the functions of the autonomous has left hundreds dead, and has caused Not only is the division between France regions with phrases such as ‘in the untold suffering. and Spain a contentious issue, but frame of’ or ‘according to’ (other there are also problems regarding the Today’s conflicts between the Basque authorities). The upshot is that the federal territorial boundaries of the Basque region and the Spanish government are government has established regulations, region inside Spain. chiefly, although not exclusively, based on directives and controls that have led to a three aspects: distribution of powers, terri- real reduction in the powers of the The Autonomy Statute identifies the tory, and the right to self-determination. autonomous regions. provinces of Alava, Guipuzcoa and Vizcaya as comprising the Basque region, The regions have very few possibilities and also mentions Navarra, giving it the Distribution of powers for participating in overall federal choice of joining this region. -
The Spanish Constitution and the New Statutes of Autonomy. Changes In
The Spanish Constitution and the new Statutes of Autonomy. Changes in the scope of the linguistic official status1 Alba Nogueira López, Universidade of Santiago de Compostela, Spain I. THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF LINGUISTIC OFFICIALITY. I.1. The Constitution of 1978: transferral to the Statutes of Autonomy of the declaration of other official languages. The passing in 1978 of the Spanish Constitution opened the path for the recognition in Spain of those languages different from Spanish. However, the constitutional acknowledgement of the possibility of establishing other official languages apart from Spanish is undermined by a calculated ambiguity which, like in so many other aspects, leaves for later interpretation the scope, content and limits of the linguistic rights and duties. Now, thirty years after it was passed, the Constitution is a frame sufficiently wide and vague to allow an interpretation much closer to an equality of the different languages of Spain, which should favour their normalisation. The recent passing of the new Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, together with the ratification by Spain of the European Charter of Regional or Minority Languages, should be taken into consideration for the interpretation of the constitutional framework of linguistic rights and duties in the territories which have an autochthonous language. The Spanish Constitution, as it is well known, establishes in its Preliminary Title, Section 3 the constitutional character of the languages of Spain. It establishes that: 1. Spanish is the official language of the State. All the Spaniards have the duty to know it and the right to use it. 2. The other languages of Spain will also be official in their respective Autonomous Communities according to their statutes. -
Catholic Mediation in the Basque Peace Process: Questioning the Transnational Dimension
religions Article Catholic Mediation in the Basque Peace Process: Questioning the Transnational Dimension Xabier Itçaina 1,2 1 CNRS—Centre Emile Durkheim, Sciences Po Bordeaux, 11 allée Ausone, 33607 Pessac, France; [email protected] 2 GEZKI, University of the Basque Country, 20018 San Sebastian, Spain Received: 30 March 2020; Accepted: 17 April 2020; Published: 27 April 2020 Abstract: The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the self-dissolution in 2018 of ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom). The role played by some sectors of the Roman Catholic Church in the mediation efforts leading to this positive outcome has long been underestimated, as has the internal pluralism of the Church in this regard. This article specifically examines the transnational dimension of this mediation, including its symbolic aspect. The call to involve the Catholic institution transnationally was not limited to the tangible outcomes of mediation. The mere fact of involving transnational religious and non-religious actors represented a symbolic gain for the parties in the conflict struggling to impose their definitions of peace. Transnational mediation conveyed in itself explicit or implicit comparisons with other ethnonationalist conflicts, a comparison that constituted political resources for or, conversely, unacceptable constraints upon the actors involved. Keywords: Basque conflict; nationalism; Catholic Church; Holy See; transnational mediation; conflict resolution 1. Introduction The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the definitive ceasefire (2011), decommissioning (2017), and self-dissolution (2018) of the armed organization ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom).