The 2018 Presidential Election in Russia
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Strategic Management of Political Communications--The Communist Party of the Russian Federation Experience
2019 International Conference on Politics, Economics and Management (ICPEM 2019) Strategic Management of Political Communications--The Communist Party of the Russian Federation Experience Sergey G. Korkonosenko1,*, Zalina F. Khubetcova1 1 Saint Petersburg State University, 7-9, Universitetskaya nab., Saint Petersburg, Russia *corresponding author Keywords: political communication, management, communist party of russia, strategic planning, media. Abstract: The paper considers the strategic management of political communications at theoretical level and at the level of practical activities. The current experience of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is in research focus. The authors’ aim is to analyze how the party plans and organizes political communications, while the ideological environment has become unfavorable for the Russian communists. For this aim, the authors present in detail media resources of the party and evaluate its communicative activity as well as examine the advanced technologies usage for contacting the target audiences. The most difficulties for Russian communists consist in involving new generations in political dialogue and political interaction following. 1. Introduction For thirty years, one of the most important consequences of the social transformations in the Russian Federation was the changing position of the Communist Party, former main political actor in the Soviet Union. Nowadays, the communist ideology is being presented to the voters as something unattractive and undemocratic, and in these conditions, -
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Russian Federation Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 INTERIM REPORT 5 February – 1 March 2018 2 March 2018 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The Russian Federation will hold a presidential election on 18 March 2018. The Central Election Commission (CEC) registered eight candidates, seven fielded by political parties and one, the incumbent president, as a self-nominated candidate standing for a second consecutive and a fourth overall term. One candidate is a woman. • Several amendments to the election legislation were adopted since the last presidential election, most recently in December 2017, responding to some previous ODIHR recommendations. A number of other recommendations, including those pertaining to guarantees for freedom of assembly, association and expression, remain to be addressed. • The campaign is generally low-key but has become more visible following the 23 February Defenders of Fatherland Day celebrations. Meanwhile, outdoor campaign events are limited in visibility. By contrast, concurrent get-out-the-vote initiatives, with a view to ensuring a high voter turnout, launched by a multitude of actors including local authorities, private and state enterprises, feature prominently across the country. • The presidential election is administered a by four-tiered election administration that serves a five- year term. Preparations for the elections are underway and legal deadlines have so far been respected. The CEC has held regular, public, at times live-streamed, sessions with extensive discussions on various issues including alleged interference by local authorities into the electoral process. A comprehensive voter information campaign, launched by the CEC, is ongoing. • The number of registered voters in the Russian Federation as of 1 January is 108,968,869, including 1,875,408 voters abroad. -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 18 March presidential election took place in an overly controlled legal and political environment marked by continued pressure on critical voices, while the Central Election Commission (CEC) administered the election efficiently and openly. After intense efforts to promote turnout, citizens voted in significant numbers, yet restrictions on the fundamental freedoms of assembly, association and expression, as well as on candidate registration, have limited the space for political engagement and resulted in a lack of genuine competition. While candidates could generally campaign freely, the extensive and uncritical coverage of the incumbent as president in most media resulted in an uneven playing field. Overall, election day was conducted in an orderly manner despite shortcomings related to vote secrecy and transparency of counting. Eight candidates, one woman and seven men, stood in this election, including the incumbent president, as self-nominated, and others fielded by political parties. Positively, recent amendments significantly reduced the number of supporting signatures required for candidate registration. Seventeen prospective candidates were rejected by the CEC, and six of them challenged the CEC decisions unsuccessfully in the Supreme Court. Remaining legal restrictions on candidates rights are contrary to OSCE commitments and other international standards, and limit the inclusiveness of the candidate registration process. Most candidates publicly expressed their certainty that the incumbent president would prevail in the election. With many of the candidates themselves stating that they did not expect to win, the election lacked genuine competition. Thus, efforts to increase the turnout predominated over the campaign of the contestants. -
Paul De La Morinerie MGIMO's French Connection He Relationship Between France and Russia Has “Tsomething Unique
#2/2018 The Trianon Dialogue in Versailles Aleksandar Vučić “Serbia is a genuine friend of the Russian people” MGIMO – Patrick Sciences Po Pouyanné 25 years “We need a renaissance of Excellence of courage in our leaders” Paul de La Morinerie MGIMO's French connection he relationship between France and Russia has “Tsomething unique. It arises from the attraction and mutual recognition of two peoples enamored of absolute, beauty and truth” Jacques Chirac CONTENTS A number of anniversaries 34 26 were celebrated at MGIMO: School of International Relations has turned 75, School of International Economy – 60, Journalism School – 50 101 12 MGIMO’s exchange agreement with Sciences Po 128 and Business School of Konstantin Palace is the state residence of Nancy opened doors for the Russian President just outside St. international students to 210 Petersburg. It is often referred to as Russia and France ‘Russian Versailles’. And it is no coincidence that V. Putin chose this venue for negotiations with his French counterpart 206 Anton Tokovinin (left) is in charge of MGIMO’s Proxenos Chorus. In 1948, a most high-profile Boris Belozerov is a member of diplomatic scandal took place two clubs – of the popular Russian between USSR and USA, which TV game show “What? Where? resulted in the consulates being When?” and of “World Energy 202 closed down 52 Policy” club START History and Modernity of the State Early in 2020, the current MGIMO VIP SERBIA Dialogue, which has emerged from a of Israel. The Ambassador of Israel Development Strategy will expire, meeting -
Freedom in the World 2019
Freedom in the World 2019 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/russia A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 0 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 The 1993 constitution established a strong presidency with the power to dismiss and appoint, pending parliamentary confirmation, the prime minister. As with his past elections, President Putin’s campaign for a new six-year term in 2018 benefited from advantages including preferential media treatment, numerous abuses of incumbency, and procedural irregularities during the vote count. His most potent rival, Aleksey Navalny, had been disqualified before the campaign began due to a politically motivated criminal conviction, creating what the Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe (OSCE) called “a lack of genuine competition.” The funding sources for Putin’s campaign were notably opaque. He was ultimately credited with 77 percent of the vote, followed by the Communist Party’s Pavel Grudinin with 12 percent, Vladimir Zhirinovsky of the ultranationalist Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) with 6 percent, and five others—including token liberals—who divided the remainder. The Kremlin’s preferred candidates lost in four of the year’s 22 gubernatorial elections, though the nominal opposition contenders who were permitted to participate were also approved by the federal leadership. In Vladimir and Khabarovsk, LDPR candidates ousted United Russia incumbents, and a Communist challenger defeated a United Russia incumbent in Khakasia. In Primorsky Kray, the results of a September runoff election were annulled due to blatant manipulation meant to prevent Communist challenger Andrey Ishchenko’s victory over the incumbent, Andrey Tarasenko. -
Small Business Collective Action and Its Effects on Administrative Modernization in Putin’S Russia from “Grabbing Hand” to “Helping Hand”?
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Small Business Collective Action and Its Effects on Administrative Modernization in Putin’s Russia From “Grabbing Hand” to “Helping Hand”? Brian Aitchison A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science, London, May 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 64,203 words. A note on transliteration: this dissertation employs the “BGN/PCGN” transliteration system of the United States Board of Geographic Names (BGN) and the Permanent Committee on Geographical Names (PCGN) of the British government. 2 Abstract Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, epidemic corruption hindered Russia's economic performance. At the grassroots level, low-level administrative agents preyed on small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), exploiting Russia's ever-changing and loophole-ridden legal codes to extort rents from these relatively powerless firms who lacked the political connections necessary to protect themselves from these predations. -
Seven Economic Challenges for Russia
Seven economic challenges for Russia Breaking out of stagnation? IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Martin Russell Members' Research Service PE 625.138 – July 2018 EN This publication describes the current condition of the Russian economy, which has suffered recently from external shocks, such asa collapse in oil prices and Western sanctions. However, it argues that poor economic performance has more to do with long-term internal problems, including a lack of competitive markets, low levels of investment, an absence of innovation and excessive dependence on natural resources. Finally, it discusses President Putin's promises of economic reforms to tackle such issues, and evaluates the probability of major change. AUTHOR Martin Russell, External Policies Unit, Members' Research Service This paper has been drawn up by the Members' Research Service, within the Directorate-General for Parliamentary Research Services (EPRS) of the Secretariat of the European Parliament. To contact the authors, please email: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN Translations: DE, FR Manuscript completed in July 2018. DISCLAIMER AND COPYRIGHT This document is prepared for, and addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament as background material to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and the European Parliament is given prior notice and sent a copy. Brussels © European Union, 2018. Photo credits: © logoboom / Fotolia. -
RUSSIA & CAUCASUS March 2018
RUSSIA & CAUCASUS March 2018 No News, Bad News Russian presidential elections are approaching. They do not present any surprise since there is no real competition. The outgoing President Putin has the certainty of being elected and as a result of the change in the Constitution that led to the 6-year presidential term already in force during the previous election, he will remain in office until 2024. With four presidential mandates (2000-2004 / 2004-2008 / 2012-2018 / 2018-2024) and one as Prime Minister 2008-2012, the Putin era is expected to reach a record length of quarter of century. If he will be tempted to get elected president for life like his Chinese colleague Xi Jinping, another constitutional change will be needed. With a parliament, already controlled through 75% of the seats by United Russia’s faithful deputies (339 out of 450), and an opposition of 105 deputies, more formal than substantial, it will not be difficult to pass such an amendment. The topic has not yet emerged, but the timing of the Chinese constitutional change that taking place during the same month makes us reflect. In the Russian political debate, open criticism to Putin is absent and no issues that might overshadow the President are raised. All seemingly alternative candidates, even on television, in advertising and on social networks, understand that it is not rewarding to criticize a leader who has a 70% popularity in the polls and they will have to settle for percentages that can reach 3% in the best case. All the attention is therefore concentrated not on issues, not on politics, but on voting turnout. -
Putin's Next Six-Year Term
- REPORT The Changing Nature of the Russian Electoral System: Past, Present and Future Putin’s next six-year term “legitimisation” policy REPORT The Changing Nature of the Russian Electoral System: Past, Present and Future Putin’s next six-year term “legitimisation” policy The Changing Nature of the Russian Electoral System: Past, Present and Future Putin’s next six-year term “legitimisation” policy © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PREPARED BY ARUUKE URANKYZY PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE MAY 2018 TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY www.trtworld.com TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM www.trtworld.com TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1620 I STREET NW, 10TH FLOOR, SUITE 1000, 20006 WASHINGTON DC / UNITED STATES www.trtworld.com 4 The Changing Nature of the Russian Electoral System: Past, Present and Future Putin’s next six-year term “legitimisation” policy Abstract his report examines the The main question that is being asked is, “why and how” development of the electoral Putin was re-elected for a fourth term, making him the system in Russia, with particular longest serving leader after Joseph Stalin. Russia has emphasis on the election culture always been known to have an undemocratic political since the establishment of structure, however to fully understand it, we must the Russian Soviet Federative take into consideration its history and its evolution. TSocialist Republic to the recent 2018 elections. It The past decades have shown that Russian leaders analyses changes during six administrations (Lenin, have manipulated the electoral system to ensure Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, and Putin) maintenance of the status quo by using different and explores the role each have played in moulding campaigns, channels and strategies. -
Eurasian Economic Integration: Origins, Patterns, and Outlooks 42 Tatyana Valovaya 3
Eurasian intEgration YEarbook annual publication of the Eurasian Development bank Eurasian Integration Yearbook Annual publication of the Eurasian Development Bank УДК 338 ББК 65.9 Е 91 Eurasian Integration Yearbook 2012. – Almaty, 2012. – p. 360 ISBN 978-601-7151-30-0 Annual publication of the Eurasian Development Bank Edited by Evgeny Vinokurov The Eurasian Development Bank is an international financial institution established to promote economic growth and integration processes in Eurasia. The Bank was founded by the intergovernmental agreement signed in January 2006 by the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan. Tajikistan, Belarus, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan joined the Bank in 2009- 2011. Electric power, transportation infrastructure and high-tech and innovative industries are key areas for Bank’s financial activity. In line with its charter, the Bank views information and research support for integration in Eurasia as a priority of its analytical work. ISBN 978-601-7151-30-0 УДК 338 ББК 65.9 © Eurasian Development Bank, 2012 Eurasian Development Bank Address: 220, Dostyk ave., Almaty, 050051, Republic of Kazakhstan, Telephone: +7 (727) 244 40 44, Fax: +7 (727) 244 65 70, 291 42 63 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.eabr.org Coordinator: Gulnaz Imamniyazova, EDB Design, layout, and printing: RUAN Publishing Company The EDB’s special acknowledgements go to Tatyana Ossennikova, Ekaterina Kopylova, Hannah Dyson and Jonathan Elliot Stephany Droop for translating and editing materials for the Yearbook in English. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form, including reprinting and recording of any kind, without due reference to this publication. -
Xenophobia, Freedom of Conscience and Anti-Extremism in Russia in 2011
SOVA Center fOr InfOrmAtion And AnAlySIS Xenophobia, Freedom of Conscience and Anti-Extremism in Russia in 2011 A collection of annual reports by the SOVA Center for Information and Analysis moscow may 2012 UDC 323.1(470+571)(082.1)”2011” Contents BBC 66.094я43+66.3(2Рос),54я43 X44 Xenophobia, freedom of Conscience and Anti-extremism in russia in 2011: A collection of annual reports by the SOVA Center for Information and Analysis; [Alperovich Vera, Sibireva Olga, Verkhovsky Alexander, Yudina Natalia] – М.: SOVA Center, 2012. – 151 pp.: tables (Academic publication) Vera Alperovich, Alexander Verkhovsky, Natalia Yudina Between Manezhnaya and Bolotnaya: Xenophobia and radical ISBN 978-5-98418-024-5 nationalism in Russia, and efforts to counteract them in 2011 ........................5 This collection of reports summarizes all the major areas of work addressed by the Summary ...............................................................................................5 SOVA Center for Information and Analysis in 2010, in a similar fashion to collections in previous years. Criminal manifestations of racism and xenophobia .................................7 There are three reports on themes which have become traditional for the SOVA Systematic racist and neo-nazi violence ....................................... 7 Center in this collection: The first report addresses radical nationalism and hate crime, and the efforts of government and society to combat these phenomena. The second report Anti-State terrorist activities ...................................................... 10 addresses problems relating to freedom of conscience in contemporary Russia. The third Threats to public officials and civic activists, report addresses the misuse and abuse of ‘anti-extremism’ measures. The reports are updated versions of original texts on the SOVA Center website. punishing “traitors” ................................................................... 11 The appendix provides details about hate crimes and the prosecution of such crimes. -
“Systemic” and “Non-Systemic” Left in Contemporary Russia
“SYSTEMIC” AND “NON-SYSTEMIC” LEFT IN CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA MOSCOW 2019 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Alexandra Arkhipova graduated from the Historical-Philological Department of the Russian State University for the Humanities (RSUH). She got her PhD in philology from the RSUH in 2003, and now she is an associate professor at the RSUH’s Centre for Typological and Semiotic Folklore Studies. She also works as a senior researcher at the Research Laboratory for Theoretical Folklore Studies of the School of Advanced Studies in the Humanities at the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA) and at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences. She is the author of over 100 articles and books on folkloristics and cultural anthropology, including Jokes about Stalin: Texts, Comments, Analysis (2009, in Russian; co-authored with M. Melnichenko) and Stirlitz went along the corridor: How we invent jokes (2013, in Russian). She co-edited (with Ya. Frukhtmann) the collection of articles Fetish and Taboo: Anthropology of Money in Russia (2013) and Mythological Models and Ritual Behaviour in the Soviet and Post-Soviet Sphere (2013). She has been studying protests in Russia since 2011. She edited a multi-author book We Are Not Mute: Anthropology of Protest in Russia (2014). Ekaterina Sokirianskaia graduated from the Department of Foreign Languages of the Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia (Herzen University) and completed her postgraduate study at the Department of Philosophy of the St. Petersburg State University. She holds Master’s and PhD degrees in political science from the Central European University. She is the director at the Conflict Analysis and Prevention Centre.