National Constitutional Avenues for Further Eu Integration

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

National Constitutional Avenues for Further Eu Integration DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT C: CITIZENS' RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS LEGAL AFFAIRS CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS NATIONAL CONSTITUTIONAL AVENUES FOR FURTHER EU INTEGRATION STUDY Abstract This study investigates national constitutional limits to further EU integration and explores ways to overcome them. It includes an in-depth examination of the constitutional systems of 12 Member States (Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and the United Kingdom) and a bird’s eye view of all Member States. EU integration can be advanced by avoiding substantive constitutional obstacles in various ways. Overcoming the substantive obstacles requires managing national procedural constitutional hurdles. This is possible to the extent that the required broad political consensus exists. PE 493.046 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committees on Legal Affairs and on Constitutional Affairs. AUTHOR(S) Mr Leonard F.M. BESSELINK Mrs Monica CLAES Mrs Šejla IMAMOVIĆ Mr Jan Herman REESTMAN RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Mrs Rosa RAFFAELLI Policy Department C: Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] EDITORIAL ASSISTANCE Marcia MAGUIRE Policy Department C: Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR To contact the Policy Department or to subscribe to its monthly newsletter please write to: [email protected] European Parliament, manuscript completed in February 2014. Brussels, © European Union, 2014. This document is available on the Internet at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/studies DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice and sent a copy. National Constitutional Avenues for Further EU Integration ___________________________________________________________________________________________ CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 1. INTRODUCTION 14 2. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS 22 2.1. The situation under the current system 22 2.1.1. Substantive limits 22 2.1.2. Overcoming the substantive obstacles under the ccurrent treaties 25 2.1.3. Procedural limits 26 2.1.4. Overcoming procedural obstacles 27 2.2. Further treaty reform 28 2.2.1. Substantive reservations 28 2.2.2. Procedural hurdles foor further integration 31 2.2.3. Overcoming the hurdles 33 3. CONSTITUTIONAL AVENUES FOR FURTHER EUROPEAN INTEGRATION: SOME FINAL CONCLUSIONS 35 3.1. Avoiding substantive constitutional obstacles 36 3.1.1. Further integration under the current treaty frameework 36 3.1.2. Further integration beyond the current treaty framework 38 3.1.3. Overcoming substantive constitutional obstacles 38 ANNEX I: IN-DEPTH STUDY OF SELECTED MEMBER STATES 41 1. CROATIA 41 1.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 41 1.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 42 1.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 48 1.4. REFERENCES 51 2. THE CZECH REPUBLIC 53 2.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 53 2.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 54 2.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 63 2.4. REFERENCES 67 3 Policy Department Ciitizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 3. ESTONIA 68 3.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 68 3.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 69 3.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 75 3.4. REFERENCES 80 4. FINLAND 82 4.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 82 4.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 84 4.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 90 4.4. REFERENCES 92 5. FRANCE 93 5.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 93 5.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 94 5.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 104 5.4. REFERENCES 109 6. GERMANY 111 6.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 111 6.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 111 6.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 118 6.4. REFERENCES 125 7. HUNGARY 126 7.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 126 7.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 127 7.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 133 7.4. REFERENCES 135 8. IRELAND 136 8.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 136 8.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 137 8.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 145 8.4. REFERENCES 146 4 National Constitutional Avenues for Further EU Integration ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 9. ITALY 147 9.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 147 9.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 147 9.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 154 9.4. REFERENCES 157 10. THE NETHERLANDS 158 10.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 158 10.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 158 10.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 165 10.4. REFERENCES 170 11. POLAND 172 11.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 172 11.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 172 11.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 180 11.4. REFERENCES 182 12. THE UNITED KINGDOM 183 12.1. GENERAL CONSTITUTIONAL FEATURES 183 12.2. THE SITUATION UNDER THE CURRENT SYSTEM 183 12.3. FURTHER TREATY REFORM 193 12.4. REFERENCES 196 ANNEX II: BIRD’S EYE VIEW 197 1. AUSTRIA 197 2. BELGIUM 200 3. BULGARIA 202 4. CROATIA 205 5. CYPRUS 206 6. THE CZECH REPUBLIC 209 7. DENMARK 212 8. ESTONIA 214 9. FINLAND 216 5 Policy Department Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs ___________________________________________________________________________________________ 10. FRANCE 218 11. GERMANY 221 12. GREECE 224 13. HUNGARY 226 14. IRELAND 227 15. ITALY 230 16. LATVIA 232 17. LITHUANIA 234 18. LUXEMBOURG 236 19. MALTA 238 20. THE NETHERLANDS 242 21. POLAND 243 22. PORTUGAL 246 23. ROMANIA 249 24. SLOVAKIA 252 25. SLOVENIA 253 26. SPAIN 255 27. SWEDEN 257 28. THE UNITED KINGDOM 261 ANNEX III: SCHEMATIC OVERVIEW OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE MEMBER STATES 263 ANNEX IV: GLOSSARY OF TECHNICAL TERMS 274 ANNEX V: LIST OF EXPERTS 277 6 National Constitutional Avenues for Further EU Integration ___________________________________________________________________________________________ LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BVerfGE Entscheidungen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts CJEU Court of Justice of the European Union CREAA Constitution of the Republic of Estonia Amendment Act EAW European Arrest Warrant ECHR European Convention of Human Rights ECtHR European Court of Human Rights ECSC European Coal and Steel Community EEA European Economic Area EEC European Economic Community EFSF European Financial Stability Facility ESM European Stability Mechanism GG Grundgesetz (Basic Law of Germany) SAA Stabilization and Association Agreement SEA Single European Act TEU Treaty on the European Union TFEU Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union 7 Policy Department Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs ___________________________________________________________________________________________ EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. The central research question of this study is whether, and to what extent, national constitutions provide guidance for further European integration and reversely how the latter can take place in full respect for national constitutional identities. 2. The research involved an in-depth analysis of a representative selection of Member States: Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and the UK; and a bird’s eye view of all Member States. The study conducts a cross-national comparative analysis of the national constitutional approaches to EU integration, on the basis of which some final conclusions are offered. 3. This study deals with the relationship between the EU and national constitutions mainly from a national perspective. But there is also another side of the story, taking the EU perspective. The EU Treaties (TEU and TFEU) acknowledge the central role of national constitutions, for instance when they require ratification by all the Member States ‘in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements’ for their entry into force, for their amendment and for the accession of new Member States. This presumably implies more than a mere procedural rule and acknowledges that the Treaties should also substantively be in accordance with national constitutions, or at least, it grants the Member States the opportunity, if their constitution so requires, to ensure that they do not enter into Treaties which would be unconstitutional. On a more general level, the EU expects its Member States to comply with the common fundamental constitutional values that all Member States share, and which also apply to the European Union (Arts. 2 and 7 TEU). More specifically with respect to fundamental rights protection, the Treaty, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and the CJEU case law explicitly seek to connect EU human rights to the common constitutional traditions of the Member States. Yet, under the Treaties, the EU is not only bound to respect the common constitutional values of the Member States. In addition, Article 4(2) TEU obliges the Union to respect ‘their national identities, inherent in their fundamental structures, political and constitutional, inclusive of regional and local self-government’. Accordingly, if the Union should fail to respect these national identities as inherent in their fundamental constitutional and political structures, it would infringe not only those identities, but also
Recommended publications
  • 'UK-USA Mutual Defence Agreement'. House Of
    UK-USA Mutual Defence Agreement Standard Note: SN/IA/3147 Last updated: 30 July 2004 Author: Paul Bowers International Affairs and Defence Section The Agreement between the UK and the USA for Cooperation in the Uses of Atomic Energy for Mutual Defence Purposes 1958, also known as the Mutual Defence Agreement (MDA), allows the USA and the UK to exchange nuclear materials, technology and information. It was the result of an amendment to post-War US non-proliferation law, which exempted allies that had made substantial progress in developing nuclear weapons from the general ban on exchanges that might lead to nuclear proliferation. The most important part of the MDA is time limited, and it is due to expire at the end of 2004. The UK and the USA have signed a new treaty to extend this deadline to 2014. This treaty must be ratified by both states. Critics argue that the MDA as amended contravenes the parties’ obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons 1968 (Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, or NPT). Further information on the NPT is in SN/IA/491, Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, 23 March 2004, at: http://hcl1.hclibrary.parliament.uk/notes/iads/snia-00491.pdf The procedure in the USA allows Congress an opportunity to veto the ratification. No such opportunity exists in the UK. This Note describes the MDA, its history, the current amending treaty, the procedures surrounding ratification of that treaty, and the concerns over its relationship with the NPT. Contents A. MDA 3 B.
    [Show full text]
  • Redressing the Democratic Deficit in Treaty Law Making: (Re-)Establishing a Role for Parliament
    Redressing the Democratic Deficit in Treaty Law Making: (Re-)Establishing a Role for Parliament Joanna Harrington* Treaties are a significant source of law on a wide Les traités sont une importante source de droit dans range of subjects, but traditionally do not become domestic bien des domaines, mais ne s’intègrent traditionnellement law without national implementation. Nevertheless, the pas au système juridique intérieur sans une mise en œuvre legal character of treaty rules does place pressure on a nationale. Quoi qu’il en soit, le caractère juridique des state’s domestic institutions to ensure compliance. Given règles issues d’un traité exerce une certaine pression sur les the influence of treaty law, several Commonwealth states institutions nationales afin d’en assurer le respect. Étant provide a role for Parliament in treaty making even though donné l’influence du droit des traités, plusieurs états du at common law, the decision to make a treaty clearly rests Commonwealth accordent au Parlement un rôle dans with a government’s executive branch. Such reforms to the l’élaboration des traités, même si d’après le droit commun, treaty-making process attempt to address complaints that a la décision de rédiger un traité appartient clairement à “democratic deficit” exists, including an additional “federal l’exécutif du gouvernement. De telles réformes du democratic deficit” in federal states arising from the processus d’élaboration des traités tentent de répondre aux absence of a requirement for consultation between the critiques suivant lesquelles il existe un «déficit central and regional bodies. A review of the experiences in démocratique», en plus d’un «déficit démocratique fédéral» Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia leads to dans des états fédéraux, issu de l’absence d’une obligation several suggested reforms to secure greater legislative de consultation entre l’état central et les gouvernements scrutiny, enhance public awareness, and improve locaux.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliament's Role in Ratifying Treaties
    BRIEFING PAPER Number 5855, 20 January 2017 Parliament's role in By Arabella Lang ratifying treaties Contents: 1. The Government makes treaties 2. Parliament makes any implementing legislation 3. Parliament can object to ratification 4. No requirement for a debate or vote 5. Role of devolved executives and legislatures 6. Different rules for specific types of treaty 7. More parliamentary scrutiny of treaties? www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Parliament's role in ratifying treaties Contents Summary 3 1. The Government makes treaties 5 2. Parliament makes any implementing legislation 7 3. Parliament can object to ratification 8 3.1 Introduction 8 3.2 The Government must lay treaties before Parliament 8 3.3 The Commons can block ratification 9 3.4 Limits of the 2010 Act 9 4. No requirement for a debate or vote 10 5. Role of devolved executives and legislatures 12 6. Different rules for specific types of treaty 13 6.1 Exceptional cases 13 6.2 Memorandums of Understanding 13 6.3 EU Treaties 13 Treaties that amend the EU Treaties 13 EU external agreements 14 6.4 Double taxation agreements 14 7. More parliamentary scrutiny of treaties? 16 7.1 Introduction 16 7.2 Other countries 16 7.3 More debates and votes? 16 Affirmative resolution procedure 16 Other formal requirements for a debate 17 7.4 Before signature? 17 No formal role for Parliament before signature 17 Proposals 18 Cover page image copyright Click & browse to copyright info for stock image 3 Commons Library Briefing, 20 January 2017 Summary The Government makes treaties, but Parliament has a role Although the UK Government is responsible for negotiating, signing and ratifying international treaties, Parliament has a statutory role in ratifying them, and can also be involved in other ways.
    [Show full text]
  • Treaty-Making and the British Parliament -Europe
    Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 67 Issue 2 Symposium on Parliamentary Participation in the Making and Operation of Article 9 Treaties June 1991 Treaty-Making and the British Parliament -Europe Chicago-Kent Law Review Templeman The Right Honourable The Lord Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Chicago-Kent Law Review Templeman The Right Honourable The Lord, Treaty-Making and the British Parliament -Europe, 67 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 459 (1991). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol67/iss2/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. TREATY-MAKING AND THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD TEMPLEMAN* I. INTRODUCTION Under English law the capacity to negotiate and conclude treaties falls entirely to the executive arm of government. Nominally Parliament plays no role at all in this process. This paper will explain the British system, the different functions of the executive and legislature, the pro- cess of concluding and implementing treaties, and finally the role played by the courts in upholding this system. An understanding of how trea- ties are entered into and implemented in British law depends on an ap- preciation of the division between the international aspects of treaty- making and the domestic aspects of implementation.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix D – Speech by the Hon Alexander Downer MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs
    D Appendix D – Speech by the Hon Alexander Downer MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs The Lobby Restaurant, Canberra, Thursday 30 March 2006 (unchecked against delivery) Ladies and gentlemen, Fellow Parliamentarians. Whichever party we come from or support, Liberal, National, Labor or a minor party, I believe we share common ground in wanting to see democracy thrive. Abroad, we see democracy being exercised by millions previously subjected to tyranny and oppression. Australia is playing its part in this liberation. It is equally important that we safeguard democratic principles and institutions at home. Tonight, we gather to put aside party differences for a moment and celebrate the strength of the Australian Commonwealth and our democratic traditions on this, the tenth, anniversary of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties. 138 TREATY SCRUTINY: A TEN YEAR REVIEW It was back in May 1996 that I set out in Parliament the case for a package of reforms aimed at improving parliamentary scrutiny and public consultation in Australia’s treaty-making process. JSCOT was a major part of that package and has, in its ten years, helped fill what had been seen as a “democratic deficit”, which was undermining public confidence. No longer can Australian Governments legitimately be accused of entering into binding international obligations without adequate democratic consultation. At the same time, the Executive’s capacity to act decisively to further the national interest has been maintained. Tonight, I would like to pay tribute to the key contributions to the public good made by JSCOT and the parliamentarians who have served on it. Ladies and gentlemen, It was with great conviction that the eminent 18th century jurist, Sir William Blackstone, declared that legislative assemblies should never be involved in the conclusion of treaties.
    [Show full text]
  • Reforming the Prerogative in the UK, by Robert Hazell DRAFT: Not for Wider Circulation, Without Consulting [email protected]
    Reforming the Prerogative in the UK, by Robert Hazell DRAFT: Not for wider circulation, without consulting [email protected] Reforming the Prerogative in the UK Paper for Ottawa Workshop October 2019 by Prof Robert Hazell, Constitution Unit, UCL v2 January 2020 Note: Other prerogative powers not considered in this paper: Diplomacy, ceding territory; Passports; Honours; Pardons; Public Inquiries; National Emergencies. Introduction 1 This is a factual account of how the prerogative powers in the UK have gradually been made subject to tighter regulation over the last 20 years. It is confined to tighter political regulation: Sebastian Payne will talk about control of the prerogative by the law and the courts. And it is confined to the main prerogative powers: lesser powers, to issue passports, grant Honours, and pardons are for the moment omitted. PART I: Tighter regulation of the prerogative powers exercised by ministers 2 The first part of this paper considers the main prerogative powers exercised on behalf of the Crown by ministers. They still enjoy considerable discretion, but in recent years most of the important prerogative powers have come under tighter parliamentary control. The initiative for this came originally from the House of Commons Public Administration Select Committee (PASC), chaired by Tony Wright MP, with the baton then being taken up by Gordon Brown. In his first week as Prime Minister in 2007 he published a bold constitutional reform agenda in The Governance of Britain, in which he stated that ‘The Government believes that in general the prerogative powers should be put onto a statutory basis and brought under stronger parliamentary scrutiny and control’.1 The white paper went on to enumerate what it called the ‘prerogative executive powers’ which were going to be more tightly circumscribed: organisation of the civil service; ratification of treaties; going to war; and making public appointments.
    [Show full text]
  • Treaties, Brexit and the Constitution Proceedings
    TREATIES, BREXIT AND THE CONSTITUTION PROCEEDINGS JESUS COLLEGE, OXFORD 23 MARCH 2018 TREATIES, BREXIT AND THE CONSTITUTION Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................... 3 PANEL ONE – Parliamentary Sovereignty and the Implications of Miller ..................................... 6 1. Nick Barber (NB) ............................................................................................................................. 6 2. Gerry Facenna (GF) ......................................................................................................................... 7 3. Alison Young (AY) ........................................................................................................................... 8 4. Martin Chamberlain (MC) ............................................................................................................ 10 5. Discussion 1 .................................................................................................................................. 12 PANEL TWO: Parliament’s Role in Negotiating, Concluding and Implementing Treaty Obligations and the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010 ........................................................ 14 6. Jill Barrett (JB) ............................................................................................................................... 14 7. Sylvia de Mars (SdM) ...................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Law Society of Scotland's Response
    The Law Society of Scotland’s Response The Progress of the UK’s Negotiations on EU Withdrawal – Role of Parliament Inquiry April 2019 Introduction The Law Society of Scotland is the professional body for over 11,000 Scottish solicitors. With our overarching objective of leading legal excellence, we strive to excel and to be a world-class professional body, understanding and serving the needs of our members and the public. We set and uphold standards to ensure the provision of excellent legal services and ensure the public can have confidence in Scotland’s solicitor profession. We have a statutory duty to work in the public interest, a duty which we are strongly committed to achieving through our work to promote a strong, varied and effective solicitor profession working in the interests of the public and protecting and promoting the rule of law. We seek to influence the creation of a fairer and more just society through our active engagement with the Scottish and United Kingdom Governments, Parliaments, wider stakeholders and our membership. Our Constitutional Law sub-committee welcomes the opportunity to consider and respond to the inquiry by the Exiting the European Union Committee Progress of the UK’s Negotiations on EU Withdrawal – Role of Parliament Inquiry. The sub-committee has the following comments to put forward for consideration. General Comments • What legislation Parliament needs to pass ahead of withdrawal to provide for a functioning statute book Leaving with a Withdrawal Agreement In the event of exit with a Withdrawal Agreement in place there will need to be a statute ratifying the Withdrawal Agreement.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. Craig Prescott
    Title Page ENHANCING THE METHODOLOGY OF FORMAL CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN THE UK A thesis submitted to The University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2014 CRAIG PRESCOTT SCHOOL OF LAW Contents Title Page 1 Contents 2 Table of Abbreviations 5 Abstract 6 Declaration 7 Copyright Statement 8 Acknowledgements 9 Introduction 10 1. ‘Constitutional Unsettlement’ 11 2. Focus on Procedures 18 3. Outline of the Thesis 24 Chapter 1 - Definitions 26 1. ‘Constitutional’ 26 2. ‘Change’ 34 3. ‘Constitutional Change’ 36 4. Summary 43 Chapter 2 - The Limits of Formal Constitutional Change: Pulling Iraq Up By Its Bootstraps 44 1. What Are Constitutional Conventions? 45 Page "2 2. Commons Approval of Military Action 48 3. Conclusion 59 Chapter 3 - The Whitehall Machinery 61 1. Introduction 61 2. Before 1997 and New Labour 66 3. Department for Constitutional Affairs 73 4. The Coalition and the Cabinet Office 77 5. Where Next? 82 6. Conclusion 92 Chapter 4 - The Politics of Constitutional Change 93 1. Cross-Party Co-operation 93 2. Coalition Negotiations 95 3. Presentation of Policy by the Coalition 104 4. Lack of Consistent Process 109 Chapter 5 - Parliament 114 1. Legislative and Regulatory Reform Act 2006 119 2. Constitutional Reform Act 2005 133 3. Combining Expertise With Scrutiny 143 4. Conclusion 156 Chapter 6 - The Use of Referendums in the Page "3 UK 161 1. The Benefits of Referendums 163 2. Referendums and Constitutional Change 167 3. Referendums In Practice 174 4. Mandatory Referendums? 197 5. Conclusion 205 Chapter 7 - The Referendum Process 208 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Treaty Scrutiny: Working Practices
    HOUSE OF LORDS European Union Committee 11th Report of Session 2019-21 Treaty scrutiny: working practices Ordered to be printed 7 July 2020 and published 10 July 2020 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords HL Paper 97 The European Union Committee The European Union Select Committee and its five sub-committees are appointed each session to consider EU documents and draft laws; to consider other matters relating to the UK’s relationship with the EU, including the implementation of the UK/EU Withdrawal Agreement,and the Government’s conduct of negotiations on the United Kingdom’s future relationship with the European Union; and to consider matters relating to the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements generally. The five Sub-Committees are as follows: EU Environment Sub-Committee EU Goods Sub-Committee EU Security and Justice Sub-Committee EU Services Sub-Committee International Agreements Sub-Committee Membership The Members of the European Union Select Committee are: Baroness Brown of Cambridge Lord Kerr of Kinlochard Lord Sharkey Lord Cavendish of Furness Earl of Kinnoull (Chair) Lord Teverson Baroness Couttie Lord Lamont of Lerwick Lord Thomas of Cwmgiedd Baroness Donaghy Baroness Neville-Rolfe Baroness Verma Lord Faulkner of Worcester Lord Oates Lord Wood of Anfield Lord Goldsmith Baroness Primarolo Baroness Hamwee Lord Ricketts The Members of the International Agreements Sub-Committee are: Lord Foster of Bath Lord Kerr of Kinlochard Lord Oates Lord Fraser of Corriegarth Lord Lansley Lord Robathan Lord Gold Baroness Liddell of Coatdyke The Earl of Sandwich Lord Goldsmith (Chair) Lord Morris of Aberavon Lord Watts Further information Publications, press notices, details of membership, forthcoming meetings and other information is available at http://www.parliament.uk/hleu.
    [Show full text]
  • Waging War: Parliament’S Role and Responsibility
    HOUSE OF LORDS Select Committee on the Constitution 15th Report of Session 2005–06 Waging war: Parliament’s role and responsibility Volume I: Report Ordered to be printed 19 July and published 27 July 2006 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords London : The Stationery Office Limited £price HL Paper 236-I Select Committee on the Constitution The Constitution Committee is appointed by the House of Lords in each session with the following terms of reference: To examine the constitutional implications of all public bills coming before the House; and to keep under review the operation of the constitution. Current Membership Viscount Bledisloe Lord Carter Lord Elton Lord Goodlad Baroness Hayman (until 4 July 2006) Lord Holme of Cheltenham (Chairman) Baroness O’Cathain Lord Peston Lord Rowlands Earl of Sandwich Lord Smith of Clifton Lord Windlesham Publications The reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee are available on the internet at: http://www.parliament.uk/parliamentary_committees/lords_constitution_committee.cfm Parliament Live Live coverage of debates and public sessions of the Committee’s meetings are available at http://www.parliamentlive.tv General Information General Information about the House of Lords and its Committees, including guidance to witnesses, details of current inquiries and forthcoming meetings is on the internet at: http://www.parliament.uk/parliamentary_committees/parliamentary_committees26.cfm Contact Details All
    [Show full text]
  • Parliamentary Scrutiny of Treaties: up to 2010
    Parliamentary scrutiny of treaties: up to 2010 Standard Note: SN/IA/4693 Last updated: 25 September 2009 Author: Arabella Thorp Section International Affairs and Defence Section IMPORTANT NOTE Parliament now has a new statutory role in the ratification of treaties, under part 2 of the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010 (which came into force on 11 November 2010). As well as putting parts of the Ponsonby Rule on a statutory footing, it gives the House of Commons the power to block ratification indefinitely. Standard Note SN/IA/5855, Parliament’s new statutory role in ratifying treaties, 8 February 2011, describes the new system. Many international treaties, conventions, protocols and agreements have major implications for domestic law and policy. However, the UK Parliament currently has no formal role in the ratification of most treaties, which is a matter for the Government under the Royal Prerogative. EU treaties aside, there is no legal obligation on the Government to inform Parliament or involve it in treaty-making or ratification. Moreover, there is no legal requirement to consult the devolved executives or legislatures. The lack of formal parliamentary involvement in treaty-making differentiates the UK Parliament from most other national legislatures. There are several less formal ways in which a treaty may be scrutinised by Parliament before the Government ratifies it, for example under the ‘Ponsonby Rule’ which states that any treaty subject to ratification to be laid before Parliament for at least 21 sitting days before ratification is carried out by the executive and that in certain circumstances such treaties will be debated.
    [Show full text]