9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 23

doi: 10.2143/AWE.6.0.2022792 AWE 6 (2007) 23-41

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA

F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

Abstract The Luwian hieroglyphic inscription incised in the natural rock at Topada, just south of the Halys bend in Central (present-day ), describes in considerable detail the war waged by Great King Wasusarmas of , a contemporary of the Assyrian Great King Tiglathpileser III (745-727 BC), with three of his loyal vassals against as many as eight rebel- lious vassal kings of junior and senior rank, using the town of Parwita across the Halys river in presumably Phrygian territory as the centre of their activities. The inscription is one of our earliest textual sources on the effective employment of cavalry in warfare, i.e. before its heyday embodied in the Cimmerian invasion of Anatolia at the end of the 8th century BC.

The Luwian hieroglyphic inscription incised in the rock at Topada in the Cappado- cian plain just south of the Halys (= Kızıl Irmak) bow was commissioned by Great King Wasusarmas of Tabal in commemoration of a series of military victories over a period of at least three years against a coalition of forces centred on the town of Parwita. Some of these victories, according to the information from phrase 2, had taken place in the neighbourhood of the monument. As it is explicitly stated in phrase 3, the incentive to military action came from the fact that Wasusarmas was confronted with a serious uprising by as many as eight of his vassal kings of junior and senior rank. On the other hand, as stipulated in phrase 4, three of his vassal kings remained loyal, namely , Kiakias and Ruwantas. Thanks to the mention of three of the four given names in the Assyrian records, the historical setting of this uprising can be dated approximately. Thus, Wassurme the Tabalian and Urballa the Tuhanean are mentioned as tributaries of the Assyrian Great King Tiglathpileser III for the year 738 BC. Subsequently, Wassurme of Tabal was deposed by Tiglathpileser III and replaced by a certain Hulli, specified as the ‘son of a nobody’, somewhere between the years 732 and 729 BC. On the other hand, Wassurme’s subordinate, Urballa of Tuhana, remained in position and is still mentioned in a letter of Sargon II to his governor at Que dating to the years 710- 709 BC. Finally, Kiakki of Sinuhtu is recorded to have been deported to by Sargon II in the year 718 BC and replaced by Kurti of Atuna.1 On the basis of this

1 Hawkins 2000, 427-28. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 24

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evidence, then, the internal crisis in Wasusarmas’ reign necessarily occurred before his deposition in the years 732-729 BC, which obviously serves as a terminus ante quem for the Topada memorial; whilst a reference to Wassurme’s father Tuatte together with Urballa in a letter dated to the early years of Tiglathpileser III’s reign, which means between 745 and 738 BC, provides us with a terminus post quem.2 The realms of the two loyal vassals mentioned in the Assyrian records, Tuhana and Sinuhtu, can be further specified thanks to their inscriptions in Luwian hiero- glyphic. Of Warpalawas, whose realm in Anatolian sources reads Tuwana, Luwian hieroglyphic inscriptions have been found in Ivriz and Bor; that of one of his vassals in Bulgarmaden.3 Accordingly, he ruled over the region south of Topada and to the west of the Cilician Gate, with Tuwanuwa (classical ) as its main centre. As opposed to this, a Luwian hieroglyphic inscription commissioned by Kiakias has been found in Aksaray,4 so that his realm is likely to be situated to the south-west of Topada. The territory ruled directly by Wasusarmas himself was probably situated adjacently to the north and east of that of his two loyal vassals, centring on Kayseri and Kululu; at any rate, a Luwian hieroglyphic inscription by one of his servants was discovered in Sultanhan, located in between these two sites.5 Further topographical data can be derived from the Topada text itself. After some initial skirmishes, in which the enemy, based on a mountain apparently in the neighbourhood of Wasusarmas’ frontline (phrases 5-9) and constantly harassed by the latter’s cavalry (phrases 10-12), succeeded at least once in breaking through the defences, burning down some fortifications and buildings, and looting some women and children (phrases 13-15), Wasusarmas won a decisive battle, having been preceded by the gods in true Late Bronze Age annalistic style (phrases 17-18). This allowed him to lay siege to the town Ta-? in the second year and cross the river near this town in the third year (phrases 19-20) – all this time the vanguard of his cavalry being free to move (phrase 21). After the crossing of the aforesaid river, Wasusarmas advanced with his infantry and cavalry into the territory of Par- wita, the main centre of the enemy, which he subsequently burned down and from which he carried off women and children, etc. (phrases 23-25). Within the general context, then, it seems most likely that the river in question is the Halys, and that Parwita must be located within the bend of this river, at that time presumably Phrygian territory.

2 Hawkins and Postgate 1988, 39; cf. Hawkins 2000, 443. 3 Hawkins 2000, 516-25; cf. Woudhuizen 2004b, 101-04. 4 Hawkins 2000, 475-78. 5 Hawkins 2000, 463-72; Woudhuizen 2004b, 86-90; cf. Bryce 2003, 97. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 25

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 25

With the sack of Parwita, however, the war was not over yet: the enemy’s cavalry and infantry were still intact and actually advancing against Wasusarmas’ frontline (phrase 26). Backed up by divine support, again, Wasusarmas won the ensuing final battle (phrases 28-30), and, to thank the gods for their support and for his own glorification, he set up the memorial as we know it at Topada (phrases 31-33). As usual, the inscription ends with a damnation formula againts possible future violation of the monument (phrases 34-38). The transliteration of the Topada text is based on its drawing as presented by J.D. Hawkins in his recent corpus of Luwian hieroglyphic Iron Age inscriptions,6 which supersedes previous attempts. As duly noted by Hawkins,7 the inscription is characterised by a substantial number of otherwise rare signs, the values of most of which are easily deducible from the context. In the numbering of these signs, how- ever, I deviate slightly from Hawkins. Thus with respect to the w-series, I work 8 from E. Laroche’s wa5 for *280, consider *204 as a more elaborate variant of *201 wa6, prefer wa8 for *138 and wa9 for the once occurring sign not included in Laroche’s catalogue of the signs; whereas I side with P. Meriggi9 in reading *432, 2 as a secondary wi, leading to its transliteartion as wí, instead of Laroche’s zu, which

is valid only for *432, 1. Similarly, concerning the s-series, I start from sa8 for *25, and hence prefer sa9 for the sign in the form of a small vertical stroke, I take sí for *360 and therefore *456 is rendered as sì, whereas I consider *417 as a mere writing variant of *370 su. Furthermore, *179 is transliterated as HWÀ, *314 regu- larly expresses ká, *241 reads kí, *455 là, *155 pà, and *41, 6 is taken for a variant of *39/40 ta (note in this connection that *41, 4 ‘the hand that grabs’ tà is clearly distinguished from it). Finally, *181 TURPI ‘bread’ obviously renders the value pa in

the present text, and is hence transliterated as pa4, though tu would have been the expected value according to the acrophonic principle; apparently, we are confronted here with an instance of polyphony as paralleled, for example, for *199 TARHUNT,

TESUP, hà, *214 HAPA, ná, *360/*362 MASANA, ma4, sí, *376 i, zi, and *377 i, za. As far as its general system is concerned, the transliteration of the Topada text as given below adheres to the one developed by me in previous publications on Luwian hieroglyphic.10 Further (minor) deviations from its transliteration as pre- sented by Hawkins11 (whose distinction of 39 individual phrases in my opinion is correct) as well as the given interpretation, will be defended in the commentary,

6 Hawkins 2000, pl. 253. 7 Hawkins 2000, 461. 8 Laroche 1960. 9 Meriggi 1967. 10 Woudhuizen 2004a, 8, 167-70; 2004b, 7-12. 11 Hawkins 2000, 452-54. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 26

26 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

which, however, for brevity’s sake will be limited to the essentials. In effect, this means that I will take Hawkins’ interpretation and commentary as a starting point.12

Topada

1. [URA+]HANTAWAT ‘[Great] King Wasusarmas,

wa4-su-SARU+R+MI-ma-sa Great King, hero, son of URA+HANTAWAT heros tu-wa4-ti-sa7 Tuwatis, Great King, hero.’ URA+HANTAWAT heros-li-sa infans

2. wa4-su-SARU+R+MI-ma-sa7 -wa6 ‘Wasusarmas was beloved MUWATALI i-ti PARA-na time and again in front of

ASIA-wa8-sà-ta the stronghold here.’

3. wa -mu pà+r-wí-taUMINA ‘For me (at) Parwita 8 HANTAWAT-ti-sa APA+r-i 8 kings, junior and senior (in HANTA-lá-i -ha […] sa-ta rank), were [hostile].’

4. wa -mu i ta+r HANTAWAT-ti-i ‘For me these 3 kings were

KATA+s(i)-nà wa6-sa7-ta favourable: Warpalawas, wa6+r-pà-là-wa-su kí-a-kí-a-sa4-ha Kiakias and Ruwantas (with ru-wa7-ta-sa -ha *92 their) chariotry.’

5. á-mu -ha/pa?-wa HANTAWAT+r-ti ‘I took position with (my) animalASUWA-wa-ti u-pà-ha royal cavalry.’

6. à-wa á-mì-a-na4 ar+r+ha-ha-li ‘And I placed my (army) HARNAS-nà-sa7 TUWA-wa-ha (in) borderline fortresses.’

UMINA 7. pà+r-wí-ta-sì-sa6[ ] -wa -mu -ta ‘The Parwitassian (enemy) ar+hi currusHWA-ta drove up against me there.’

8. wa -sa TIWA2-a+r(a) á-pà-sa5-ti ‘And he came with his animalASUWA-wa-ti TANAMI-mi-ti cavalry and (his) entire

KULANA-lá-ti -ha á-pa4-sì-na army (and) strengthened ar+r+hi-na4 i-ara ta-a+r-ta his frontier here.’

9. TUWA-wa-ta -pà-wa -ta WATI-ti ‘And he put them on a mountain.’

12 Hawkins 2000, 451-61. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 27

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 27

10. á-mu -pa4-wa9 -mi -ta áx-mì-a+r(i) ‘But I continuously harassed HANTAWAT+r-ti animalASUWA-wa-ti this (place) with my royal ki-í USA-na-ha-su-ká cavalry.’

11. à-wa 2-sú sa6<-ha> i-tì ‘And 2 times I actually was here.’

12. KATA+s(i)-ta -ta -pà-wa ‘And I continuously harassed

KATA+mì USA-na-ha-sa5-ha it together with (the ones) with me.’

UMINA 13. wa -sa pà+r-wí-ta-wa-na5<-sa> ‘And he, the Parwitean, TASHUWAR-HWA+r(i) WARPA-ti went with force into the

TIWA2-a+r(a) territory.’

TAMA 14. wa6 -ta UMINA(+MI) ta-na ‘And he burned (down) ignislà-há-nu-wa-ta fortification(s) (and) building(s).’

15. *274-a -pà-wa WANATI infans-i -ha ‘And he looted royal belongings, mí<-tí>-sa TIWAu-pà-ta women and children (and) slave(s).’

16. URA+r-i -pà-wa -mu animalASUWA-sa ‘But the commanders of the APA+r ar+hi-ti i TIWA+s(i)a+r-ta cavalry afterwards brought these back into the border for me.’

17. wa -mu á-mì-sa4 dominus-nà-sa ‘My Lord Tarhunt, MASANATARHUNT-i-sag Sarrumas, the rain-god, MASANASARU+R+MI-sag and Muwa-*206-pa- ran MASANA *198-sa6 before me.’ MASANA MUWA-*206-pa4-sa9 -ha PARA-na HWÀ-a-ta

18. wa -mi -ta tù-pà-sa6-ti wa6-sú-ha ‘And I was favoured in battle.’

19. à-mi-sa -há-wa6 -tu -ta ‘And in the 2nd year, my animal HANTAWAT+r-sa7 ASUWA-sa4 royal cavalry, the front of HANTA-ti-a-sì-sa HANTA-ti-sa7 the vanguard, laid a siege USA-na 2-i TASHUWAR-HWA+r(i) à-ta against him in the territory UMINA *274 ta4-*? sà-ta (of) the town Ta-?.’

20. wa7 -tù-à USA ta+r-i ‘And in the 3rd year they UMINA TASHUWAR+HWA+r(i) ta4-*? à-ta crossed the river against him TA6+HAPA-ta in the territory (of) the town Ta-?.’ 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 28

28 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

animal 21. wa -tà 3-sa4 USA-i URA- ASUWA-i ‘And (all the given) 3 years the HANTA-ti-a-sa5+r(i) HANTA-ti-a+r(i) cavalry commanders were free (to ARA-sì sa-ta move) with the front of the vanguard.’

22. wa -mu -ta 3 là+mi-i sa-pà-i ‘For me the 3 loyal vassals

PARA-na WARPA-pà<-na> mi-na4 serve[d] for the benefit of ta-ta[-tà] my force.’

23. i-tà -pà-wa -ta *86 animalASUWA-ti ‘In this manner the infantry pà+r-wí-ta-wa-na<-ti>UMINA went down together with the TASHUWAR-HWA+r(i) KATA-ta-ta cavalry into the Parwitean TIWA2pà-i-ta territory.’

UMINA 24. [wa6 -ta pà+r-wí-ta] ‘And they burned (down) [ignis]là-ha-nu-wa-ta [Parwita].’

25. *74-wa7-sà -pà-wa HWA-ta ‘And therefrom the (part of the army) *274 WANATI infans -ha carried off royal belonging(s), mí<-tí>-wa ARHA u-pà[-ta] women and children (and) slave(s).’

UMINA 26. pà+r-wí-ta-wa5-nà-sa ‘But the Parwitean cavalry animal -pà-wa -ta ASUWA-sa9 and all enemies attacked *219ha+r-pà-i -ha TANAMI-mi-i our frontiers.’

á-wí-sa7-na ar+hi-i TA6+r(a)

27. wa -ti-a -na na4+r pá-a+r(a) ‘And they did not break through it for themselves.’

MASANA 28. TARHUNT-hu-i-sa4 ‘But Tarhunt took away -pà-wa -tu -ta WARPA+r(i) TARHA-na from him the victory by ar+ha tà-ta force.’

29. à-wa6 na4 HWA-ha mu-wa-ta ‘And he did not make any a-i-a-tà conquest.’

30. á-mu -pà-wa MASANATARHUNT-hu-sa ‘But to me Tarhunt, MASANASARU+R+MI-ma-sa Sarrumas, the rain-god MASANA*198-sa (and) Muwa-*206-pa- MASANA MUWA-*206-pa4-sa gave victory by force.’ WARPA+r(i) TARHA-na PIA-ta 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 29

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 29

MASANA 31. wa6 -mì-a á-sí TARHUNT-hu-na ‘And in future I will MASANASARU+R+MI-ma-na continuously repay the MASANA*198-na aforesaid Tarhunt, MASANA MUWA-*206-pa4-na á-sí-na Sarrumas, rain-god, (and) TÀ APA+r-ta argentum[- ]-sà-wa6 Muwa-*206-pa-.’

32. á-tí -ha-wa -mu wa+r-lí-na ‘And the memorial shall URA+r-i-na WARPA+r TARHA-na [make] for me the great [a-i-a]-ti victory by force my own.’

33. wa -mì á-tí MASANATARHUNT-hu-na ‘And the memorial [shall MASANASARU+R+MI-ma-na honour] Tarhunt, Sarrumas, [MASANA*198-na [the rain-god, (and) Muwa- MASANA MUWA-*206-pa4-na a-i-a-sa-ti] *206-pa-] for me.’

34. [ ] -tà [ ] HWA-sà ar+ha ‘(He) who will destroy ha+r-a+r(i) [this memorial],’

35. wa -sa HWA-a HANTAWAT-ti-sa ‘if he (is) a king,’

36. wa -ta à-pà-sa-na vasta+r-a-na ‘may Tarhunt, Sarrumas,

á-pà-sa7<-na> TASHUWAR-HWA-na the [rain]-god, (and) Muwa- MASANATARHUNT-hu[-sa] *206-pa- destroy his person MASANA SARU+R+MI-ma-sa6 (and) his realm!’ MASANA[*198-sa] MASANA MUWA-*206-pa4-sa ar+ha ha+r-tu-u

37. HWA-a -pà-wa APA+r-sa ‘But if he (is) an inferior HARMAHI-ti[-sa] man,’

38. wa -ta á-pà-sa-na vasta+r-na ‘may Tarhunt, Sarrumas, à-pà-sa -ha PARNA-na-i the rain-god, (and) Muwa- MASANATARHUNT-hu-sa *206-pa- destroy his person MASANASARU+R+MI-ma-sa and his houses!’ MASANA*198[-sa] MASANA MUWA-*206-pa4[-sa] ar[+ha] ha+r-tu[-u]

39. HWI<-ta> -pà-wa +r(a) la-sa7 ‘Las inscribed it, (servant) wa4-su-SARU+R+MI-ma-sa7 of Great King Wasusarmas.’ URA+HANTAWAT 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 30

30 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

Commentary

Phrase 2 MUWATALI: logographic writing of the noun muwatali- ‘stronghold’ as attested for Darende, phrase 2,13 here probably representing the D sg. because of its depend- ence on the postpostion PARA-na ‘before, in front of’. i-ti: D sg. in -ti of the demonstrative pronoun i- ‘this’. This form either is lined with the preceding MUWATALI or, in view of its postposition perhaps more likely, functions independently as the locative adverb ‘here’.

The first sign of the combination -wa8-sà-ta is closest to *9 ASIA, whereas 14 *138 piscis likely renders the value wa8. Accordingly, we have here the 3rd person sg. of the past tense in -ta of the iterative in -sa- of the verb asia- ‘to (be) love(d)’, usually written á-s(i)-i-, lengthened by the morpheme -wa-.

Phrase 3 The N(m/f) sg. in -sa of HANTAWAT-ti-sa, associated with the numeral 8, seems due to a scribal error, especially since the following APA+r-i HANTA-lá-i both show the expected N(m/f) pl. in -i (or, alternatively, we might be dealing here with an instance of incongruence in number, as apparently paralleled for phrase 26).

Phrase 4 Note that the N(m/f) pl. of the demonstrative pronoun, i, constitutes a shorthand variant of regular i-i, perhaps induced by a conscious attempt to emulate Late Bronze Age scribal practices which do not distinguish *376 i from *377 i. Notwithstanding the fact that *92 for depicting two wheels from a lateral view suggests reference to a four-wheeled vehicle, we likely have a reference here to chariotry.

Phrase 5 In contrast to the situation in Late Bronze Age texts, where an adjectival derivative of asu(wa)- ‘horse’ probably refers to charioteers,15 the basic root here likely denotes a cavalry force. If rightly so, we are actually dealing here with the earliest Anatolian textual evidence for horsemen organised in military units worthy of being called a cavalry, preceded only by that of Assyrian and North Syrian reliefs from the 9th

13 Woudhuizen 1992-93, 184-85; 2004b, 69. 14 Woudhuizen 1992-93, 210 (Suvasa, phrase 1: ARA-wa8-tá-wa-sa6, a variant of the MN Arnu- wantas). 15 Woudhuizen 2004a, 43 (Yalburt, phrase 13). 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 31

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 31

and 10th centuries BC.16 The basic meaning of the verb upa- is ‘to found’, but in the present context ‘to take position’ seems preferable.

Phrase 6 The noun to which the A(m/f) sg. of the possessive pronoun of the 1st person sg.,

á-mì-a-na4, belongs is not written but implied only, and, in the light of the closest parallel,17 can only be surmised to be a reference to the army, in particularly its most common unit, the infantry. 18 HARNAS-nà-sa7: A(n) pl. in -a of harnas- ‘fortress’. This form is specified by ar+ha- ha-li, an adjectival derivative in -(a)li- of arha- or arhi- ‘border, frontier’.

Phrase 7 ar+hi: variant form of the adverb arha. The root of the verb is rendered by a stylised variant of HWA. In combination with the determinative currus, the sense of hwá- ‘to run’ evidently changes into ‘to drive’.

Phrase 8

Next to the sense ‘to go’, the verbal root TIWA2- also expresses the meaning ‘to come’,19 which better suits the present context. The meaning of the second verb, ta-a+r-, appears to be ‘to strengthen, fortify’; at any rate, it may well be related to ta-a+r-ti- ‘to be strong’ as attested for Sultanhan, phrase 23.20

Phrase 9 -ta: ‘them’.21

Phrase 10 The verbal form USA-na-ha-su-ká is characterised by the ending of the 1st person sg. of the past tense in -ka, instead of regular -ha, and in this manner appears to be subject to Lycian influence, where the same ending reads -ka or -ga.22 From the context, the verbal root most plausibly renders the meaning ‘to harass’. Note that it receives a durative aspect from the presence of the iterative morpheme -s-.23

16 Drews 2004, 65-67. 17 Woudhuizen 2004a, 43 (Yalburt, phrase 14). 18 Woudhuizen 2004b, 117, with reference to Çineköy, phrase 8; , phrases 19 and 25. 19 Woudhuizen 2004b, Part 2, Index, s.v. 20 Woudhuizen 2004b, 88. 21 Woudhuizen 2004b, Indices, s.v. 22 Meriggi 1980, 340, §199. 23 Meriggi 1966, 60-61, §112. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 32

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The sign on top of *335 í preceding the verb clearly reads *446 ki, so that we have here a form ki-í, which calls to mind the Hittite N-A(n) sg. of the demonstrative pronoun kî.24 For Hittitisms infiltrating in Luwian hieroglyphic texts from the Early Iron Age, see especially Karahöyük-Elbistan, phrases 1, 3, and 6, with corre- sponding forms of Hittite lamni, wemiya-, dannatta-, and mukessar-.25

Phrase 11

This phrase is enigmatic for its shortness. In my opinion, the sa6 below the combi- nation 2-sú ‘2 times’ and followed by a column with the combination i-tì ‘here’ renders the root sa- of the verb ‘to be’ in like manner as in Köylütolu, phrase 7, either representing here the 1st person sg. of the past tense saha or a participial for- mation.26 At any rate, the porté of the phrase is that Wasusarmas, in the course of harassing the basis of the enemy on top of the mountain mentioned in phrase 9, 2 times actually reached this spot in person.

Phrase 12 KATA+mì ‘with me’. This ligature, which reads from bottom to top, is paralleled for Yalburt, phrases 14 and 29, and Südburg, phrase 3,27 and, with the shorthand writ- ing of the demonstrative pronoun, may belong to a conscious attempt at emulating Late Bronze Age scribal practices. The expression implies the presence of the most common unit of the army, the infantry, hence we should emend ‘(the ones) with me’.

Phrase 13 The rhotacised variant of the verbal ending of the 3rd person sg. in +r(a) indicates that the subject switches from Wasusarmas back to the Parwitean enemy, which, on the analogy of phrase 26, allows us to emend the N(m/f) sg. ending -sa in the

otherwise endingless form pà+r-wí-ta-wa-na5. Note that serious military action from the side of Wasusarmas only starts from phrase 17 onwards, being triggered in truly Late Bronze Age annalistic style by the formula that the gods ran before him.

Phrase 14 UMINA(+MI) and TAMAta-na are two different types of buildings, the first one, con- form its use in Yalburt and Karahöyük-Elbistan,28 military and the second, on the

24 Meriggi 1980, 322, §144. 25 Woudhuizen 2004a, 147, 152-53. 26 Woudhuizen 2004a, 25. 27 Woudhuizen 2004a, 29 n. 17, 87. 28 Woudhuizen 2004a, 41 (Yalburt, phrase 6), 154 (Karahöyük-Elbistan, phrase 9). 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 33

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 33

analogy of its use in Karahöyük-Elbistan (be it here with the A(n) pl. ending in -sa, attested for inscriptions in Late Bronze Age scribal tradition only),29 civilian. Both endingless forms probably represent the A pl., the second one surely that of the neuter in -a.

Phrase 15 As noted in the commentary to phrase 5, the basic meaning of the verb upa- is ‘to found’. In the present context, however, it occurs with the determinative TIWA, which indicates movement. Furthermore, there can be no doubt that the object, consisting of *274-a, WANATI, infans-i and mí<-tí>-sa, is taken away as loot, so that we arrive at the meaning of the verb as ‘to loot’. Of the various items looted, the first is characterised by the A(n) pl. ending in -a, and hence refers to goods. The ending of the A(m/f) pl. -i associated with infans- ‘child’ may well apply to the preceding WANATI, too. The A(n) sg. ending -sa attached to mí<-tí>- ‘servant, slave’ may indicate that this category is considered as on the one hand a collective (sg.) and on the other as goods (n).

Phrase 16 The object of this phrase is to minimise the effect of the aforesaid successful raid by the enemy: the URA+r-i (N(m/f) pl. in -i) ‘commanders’ animalASUWA-sa (G sg. in -sa) ‘of the cavalry’ APA+r ‘afterwards’ TIWA+s(i)a+r-ta (3rd person pl. of the past tense in -nta) ‘brought back’ i (= shorthand variant of i-i, the A(m/f) pl. in -i of the demonstrative pronoun i-) ‘these’ (= the looted women and children) ar+hi-ti (Abl. sg. in -ti) ‘into the border(zone)’.

Phrase 17 The expression -mu GN(s) PA™RA-na HWÀ-a-ta ‘GN(s) ran before me’, which, in variant writing HWA a- for the root of the verb, is well known from a Late Bronze Age text in annalistic tradition like Yalburt,30 introduces a really significant victory for the dedicator of the text. So, from here on, Wasusarmas, after some incidental loss (phrases 13-15), is definitely in the advance.

Phrase 19 From the context, I infer that it is USA-na 2-i ‘in the 2nd year’ after the successful bat- tle referred to in the preceding phrase, that the front of the vanguard of Wasusarmas’ royal cavalry *274sà-ta ‘laid a siege’ against the enemy in the territory of the town Ta-?.

29 Woudhuizen 2004a, 156 (Karahöyük-Elbistan, phrase 17). 30 Woudhuizen 2004a, 32-36, 38 (Yalburt, phrases 4, [7], 11, 20, [28], 32). 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 34

34 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

Phrase 20 As a corollary to the previous phrase, it seems likely to me that it is USA ta+r-i ‘in the 3rd year’ after the successful battle referred to in phrase 18 that this front

of the vanguard of Wasusarmas’ royal cavalry TA6+HAPA-ta ‘crossed the river’ TASHUWAR+HWA+r(i) ta4-*? à-ta ‘in the territory of the town Ta-?’, which, in the given geographical situation, likely indicates a movement across the Halys river into at that time presumably Phrygian territory.

Phrase 21 In my opinion what Hawkins considers an unclear sign consists of a variant of *131

ARA, which leads us to the interpretation that for a period of 3-sa4 USA-i ‘(all) 3 years’ just mentioned URA-animalASUWA-i ‘the cavalry commanders’ ARA-sì sa-ta ‘were free

(to move)’ HANTA-ti-a-sa5+r(i) HANTA-ti-a+r(i) ‘with the front of the vanguard’.

Phrase 22 The verb tata- definitely means ‘to serve’, as in Südburg, phrases 8, 10 and 11, and Karatepe, phrase 21,31 so that 3 là+mi-i sa-pà-i, the latter two elements of which sequence are characterised by the N(m/f) pl. in -i, is not a temporal indication, as Hawkins wants to have it, but refers back to the 3 loyal vassals mentioned in phrase 4, who during the given period kept serving PARA-na ‘for the benefit of’ Wasusarmas’ warpa-. Note that, as we have experienced earlier, the scribe is some- times sloppy in writing the endings properly, as we would have expected WARPA-pà<-

na> mi-na4.

Phrase 23 The conjunction i-tà ‘in this manner’ at the start of the phrase, which is paralleled for Karatepe, phrase 31,32 strikingly recalls Latin ita of the same meaning. In con- trast with its normal use, the double leg sign *86 does not function here as the verb ‘to pass (down)’, but apparently refers to the infantry of the army, which, given the form of the sign, seems well within the range of possibilities. The verbal root pai- ‘to go’ is, for its correspondence in form to Hittite pai- of the same meaning,33 a clear instance of a Hittitism—a phenomenon we already encountered in connec- tion with the demonstrative kií in phrase 10 above. Note that only after winning a decisive battle and the subsequent crossing of the river in the territory of the town

31 Woudhuizen 2004a, 79, 89. 32 Woudhuizen 2004b, 97. 33 Friedrich 1991, s.v. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 35

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 35

Ta-? as mentioned in phrases 18-20 above Wasusarmas’ army KATA-ta-ta TIWA2pà-i- ta ‘went down’ pà+r-wí-ta-wa-na<-ti> TASHUWAR-HWA+r(i) ‘into the Parwitean territory’—i.e. the region where the centre of the enemy forces was located. Note that KATA-ta-ta, if identical with Hittite katta,34 might be one of the rare cases of double consonant writing in Luwian hieroglyphic, already observed in connec- tion with the correspondence of TANAMI-mi-ma- to cuneiform Luwian tanimma/i- ‘all’.35

Phrase 24 The emendation of Parwita as the lost town name seems inferable from the context. The phrase is parallel to phrase 14, be it that the roles are inversed now and that the enemy town is burned down instead of locations in Wasusarmas’ realm.

Phrase 25

The first sign of the subject of the phrase, *74-wa7-sà, is enigmatic, but reference to a part of Wasusarmas’ army seems warranted by the context. With the same proviso as observed in connection with the previous phrase, this phrase is parallel to phrase 15. In the light of this parallelism, the wa following mí<-tí>- ‘servant, slave’ seems a scribal error for sa.

Phrase 26 The root of *219ha+r-pà-i ‘enemies’ is rightly connected by Hawkins with Hittite LUharpanalli- of the same meaning. The i preceding the verb marks the ending of ar+hi- ‘border, frontier’, thus indicating that it renders the A(m/f) pl. The ending

-na of the possessive pronoun á-wí-sa7- ‘our’, which is lined with ar+hi-i, remains puzzling, as the A(m/f) pl. ending would be expected instead of what appears to be that of the A(m/f) sg. Apparently, we are dealing here with incongruence in number.

Phrase 27 The first sign of the verb seems to be *462 pá. At any rate, from the context it is clear that it must render the meaning ‘to break through’ as the enclitic -na refers back to the frontiers mentioned in the previous phrase. Note that the enclitic, for being in A(m/f) sg., is apparently ruled by the possessive awisan ‘our’ rather than the noun it qualifies, arhii ‘frontiers’.

34 Friedrich 1991, s.v. 35 Woudhuizen 2004b, 13 n. 14. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 36

36 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

Phrase 28

Note that the present variant form of the GN Tarhunt, TARHUNT-hu-i-sa4, corre- sponds to Lycian Trqqiz.36

Phrase 30 Note that the rain-god also appears alongside Tarhunt in Karahöyük-Elbistan, phrase 15.37

Phrase 31 The use of ‘the hand that grabs’ as a determinative of the verb should not lead us to the assumption that something is taken: the same sign is used in the figura etymologica tà-tá tà-nu-i ‘he dedicated dedications’ for the act of giving in Karahöyük-Elbistan, phrase 7.38 And this latter sense is of relevance here, because it is entirely clear from the context that the dedicator of the text, Wasusarmas, in accordance to the materialistic principle that characterises ancient religion, will give something to the gods in return for the victory they granted him, hence our trans- lation ‘to repay’ for the damaged verbal root based on the logogram argentum. Note also that enough of the verb is preserved to establish that it is characterised by the iterative morpheme -s-, already referred to in the commentary to phrase 10. The object of the phrase formed by the sequence of the four gods mentioned earlier in phrases 17 and 30 is enclosed by the expression á-sí … á-sí-na, which should perhaps be emended á-sí<-na> … á-sí-na, bearing testimony of the Hittite 39 40 demonstrative pronoun asi- ‘the said person’, which lives on in Lydian esi1- ‘this’. In this manner, then, very explicit back reference is made to these four gods which in phrases 17 and 30 were held responsible for Wasusarmas’ victory in a decisive battle.

Phrases 32-33 From the context it seems clear that with the subject á-tí reference is made to the memorial itself: this shall on the one hand celebrate Wasusarmas’ victory (lit.: ‘to make his own’) and on the other hand honour the four protective deities. Accord- ingly, in phrase 32 the verbal root a-i-a- ‘to make’ may be emended in the lacuna above the ending of the 3rd person sg. of the present/future in -ti, and in phrase 33 the two missing deities in A(m/f) sg. -na and the verbal form a-i-a-sa-ti ‘it shall honour’ may be emended in its missing final section.

36 Woudhuizen 1984-85, 111. 37 Woudhuizen 2004a, 155. 38 Woudhuizen 2004a, 147-48. 39 Friedrich 1991, s.v. 40 Gusmani 1964, s.v.; cf. Woudhuizen 1984-85, 92-97. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 37

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 37

Phrases 34-39 The remaining section, consisting of the damnation formula (phrases 34-38) and the maker formula (phrase 39), has been satisfactorily been dealt with by Hawkins.41

Index

a-i-a- ‘to make’ 29, [32]. a-i-a-sa- ‘to honour’ [33].

á-mì-, à-mi-, á-mì-a-, áx-mì-a- ‘my’ (see also mi-) 6, 10, 17, 19. á-mu ‘I’ 5, 10, 30. animal (determinative of animal) 5, 8, 10, 16, 19, 21, 23, 26. APA+r ‘back, re-’, adverb 16. APA+r- ‘junior, lesser’, adjective 3, 37. APA+r-ta ‘in future’ 31.

á-pà-sa-, á-pà-sa5-, á-pà-sa7-, á-pa4-sì-, à-pà-sa- ‘his’ 8 (2x), 36 (2x), 38 (2x). a+r- c. APA+r ‘to bring back’ 16. ARA-sì ‘free’ 21. argentum[- ]-sà- ‘to continuously repay’ 31. ARHA, ar+ha ‘away, de-’, adverb 25, 28, 34, 36, 38. ar+r+ha-ha-li ‘borderline’, adjective 6. ar+hi ‘against’, adverb 7. ar+hi-, ar+r+hi- ‘border, frontier’ 8, 16, 26. á-sí- ‘the aforesaid’ 31 (2x).

ASIA-wa8-sà- ‘to be beloved time and again’ 2. ASUWA-, ASUWA-wa- ‘horse; cavalry’ 5, 8, 10, 16, 19, 21, 23, 26. à-ta ‘in’, pre- or postposition 19, 20. á-tí- ‘memorial’ 32, 33.

à-wa, à-wa6 (sentence introductory particles, cf. wa-) 6, 11, 29. á-wí-sa7- ‘our’ 26. currus (determinative of verb of driving) 7. dominus-nà- ‘Lord’ 17. heros, heros-li- ‘hero’ 1 (2x). -ha ‘and’ (see also -ha-wa) 3, 4 (2x), 8, 15, 17, 25, 26, 38. HANTA-lá- ‘senior, foremost’, adjective 3. HANTA-ti-, HANTI-ti-a- ‘front, vanguard’ 19, 21.

41 Hawkins 2000, 454, 460. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 38

38 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

HANTA-ti-a-sa5-, HANTA-ti-a-sì- ‘of the front, vanguard’, adjective 19, 21. HANTAWAT+r- ‘royal’, adjective 5, 10, 19. HANTAWAT-ti- ‘king’ 3, 4, 35. ha+r-, ha+r-a- ‘to beat up’; c. ar+ha ‘to violate, destroy’ 34, 36, 38. HARMAHI-ti- ‘man, person’ 37.

HARNAS-nà-sa7- ‘fortress’ 6. ha+r-pà- ‘enemy’ 26.

-ha-wa, -há-wa6 ‘and’ (see also -ha) 19, 32. -ha/pa?-wa ‘and/but’ 5. HWA- ‘who, what’ 34. HWA-a ‘when, if’ 35, 37. HWA-, HWÀ-a- ‘to run’; c. currus ‘to drive’; c. PARA-na ‘to run before’ 7, 17. HWA- -ha ‘whoever, whatever, any’ 29. HWA-ta ‘therefrom’ 25. HWI- ‘to inscribe’ 39. i- ‘this’ 2, 4, 8, 11, 16. ignis (determinative of verb of burning) 14, [24]. infans ‘son’ 1. infans- ‘child’ 15, 25. i-tà ‘in this manner’ 23.

KATA+mì ‘with me’ 12. KATA+s(i)-nà ‘with’, adverb 4. KATA+s(i)-ta ‘(together) with’, preposition 12. KATA-ta-ta ‘down’, adverb 23. ki- ‘this’ 10. kí-a-kí-a- ‘Kiakias [MN]’ 4. KULANA-lá- ‘army’ 8. la- ‘Las [MN]’ 39. là-há-nu-wa- ‘to burn (down)’ 14, 24. là-mi- ‘loyal’, adjective 22.

MASANA (determinative of divine name) 17 (4x), 28, 30 (4x), 31 (4x), 33 (2+[2]), 36 (4x), 38 (4x). mi- ‘my’ (see also á-mi-) 22. -mi, -mì, -mì-a ‘for me, myself’ (see also KATA+mì) 10, 18, 31. mí<-tí>- ‘servant, slave’ 15, 25. -mu ‘me’ 17. -mu ‘for me, to me’ 3, 4, 7, 16, 22, 32. mu-wa-ta- ‘conquest’ 29. MUWATALI- ‘stronghold’ 2.

MUWA-*206-pa4- ‘Muwa-*206-pa- [GN]’ 17, 30, 31, [33], 36, 38. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 39

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 39

-na ‘him, it’ 27.

na4 ‘not’ 29. na4+r ‘not’ 27. pá-a- ‘to break through’ 27. pà-i- ‘to go’; c. KATA-ta-ta ‘to go down’ 23. PARA-na ‘before, in front of’, postposition 2, 22. PARA-na ‘before, pre-; for the benefit of’, adverb 17. PARNA-na- ‘house’ 38. pà+r-wí-ta- ‘Parwita [TN]’ 3, [24]. pà+r-wí-ta-sì- ‘Parwitassian’, adjective 7.

pà+r-wí-ta-wa-na-, pà+r-wí-ta-wa-na5-, pà+r-wí-ta-wa5-nà- ‘Parwitean’, adjective 13, 23, 26.

-pà-wa, -pa4-wa9 ‘but, and’ 9, 10, 12, 15, 16, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, 37, 39. PIA- ‘to give’ 30. +r(a) ‘it’ 39.

ru-wa7-ta- ‘Ruwantas [MN]’ 4.

sa-, sa6- ‘to be’; c. *274 ‘to besiege, lay a siege’ 3, 11, 19, 21. -sa ‘he’ 8, 13, 35. sa-pà- ‘vassal’ 22. SARU+R+MI-, SARU+R+MI-ma- ‘Sarrumas [GN]’ 17, 30, 31, 33, 36, 38. -ta ‘it’ 12. -ta ‘there’ 7. -ta ‘them’ 9. -ta, -tà (unclear function) 10, 14, 18, 19, 21, 22, [24], 26, 28, 34, 36, 38. TÀ (determinative of verb argentum[- ]-sà- ‘to continuously repay’) 31. tà- ‘to take’; c. ar+ha ‘to take away’ 28.

TA6- ‘to go; to come; to attack’ 26. TA6+HAPA- ‘to cross a river’ 20. TAMA (determinative of building) 14. ta-na- ‘building’ 14. TANAMI-mi- ‘all’, adjective 8, 26. ta+r- ‘3’ 4, 20. ta-a+r- ‘to strengthen’ 8. ta+r-, ta+r-a- ‘person, image’ 36, 38. TARHA- ‘victory’ 28, 30, 32. TARHUNT-hu-, TARHUNT-i- ‘Tarhunt [GN]’ 17, 28, 30, 31, 33, 36, 38. TASHUWAR-HWA- ‘territory, realm’ 13, 19, 20, 23, 36. ta-ta- ‘to serve’ 22.

ta4-*?- ‘Ta-? [TN]’ 19, 20. -ti-a ‘for themselves’ 27. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 40

40 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

TIWA , TIWA2 (determinative of verb of movement) 15. TIWA2-a- ‘to go; to come’ 8, 13. TIWA+s(i) (determinative of verb of movement) 16. -tu, -tù-à ‘from him, against him’ 19, 20, 28.

tù-pà-sa6- ‘battle’ 18. TUWA-wa- ‘to place, put’ 6, 9.

tu-wa4-ti- ‘Tuwatis [MN]’ 1.

UMINA (determinative of town name) 3, [7], 13, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26. UMINA(+MI)- ‘fortification’ 14. u-pà- ‘to found; to take position’; c. ARHA ‘to carry off’; c. TIWA ‘to loot’ 5, 15, 25. URA-, URA+r- ‘commander’ 16, 21. URA+r-i- ‘great’, adjective 32. URA+HANTAWAT- ‘great king’ 1 (3x), 39. USA- ‘year’ 19, 20, 21.

USA-na-ha-sa5-, USA-na-ha-su- ‘to harass continuously’ 10, 12. vas (determinative of noun ta+r(-a)- ‘person’) 36, 38.

wa-, wa6-, wa7-, -wa, -wa6 (sentence introductory particle, see à-wa) 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 13, 14, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, [24], 27, 31, 33, 35, 36, 38. WANATI- ‘woman’ 15, 25. wa+r-lí- ‘own’ 32. WARPA-, WARPA-pà- ‘force’ 13, 22, 28, 30, 32.

wa6+r-pà-là-wa- ‘Warpalawas [MN]’ 4. wa6-sa7- c. KATA+s(i)-nà ‘to be favourable, on one’s side’ 4. wa6-sú- ‘to be favoured’ 18. wa4-su-SARU+R+MI-ma- ‘Wasusarmas [MN]’ 1, 2, 39. WATI- ‘mountain’ 9.

*74-wa7- (part of the army) 25. *86- ‘infantry’ 23. *92- ‘cart, chariot’ 4. *198- ‘the rain-god [GN]’ 17, 30, 31, [33], [36], 38. *219 (determinative of noun ha+r-pà- ‘enemy’) 26. *274 (determinative of military action) 19. *274- ‘royal belonging’ 15, 25. *384- ‘2’ 19. *384-sú ‘2 times’, numeral adverb 11. *388- ‘3’ 21, 22. *393 ‘8’ 3. […] 3. [ ] 34. [ ] 34. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 41

GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 41

Bibliography

Bryce, T. 2003: Letters of the Great Kings of the Ancient Near East: The Royal Correspondence of the Late Bronze Age (London/New York). Drews, R. 2004: Early Riders, The Beginnings of Mounted Warfare in Asia and Europe (New York/Lon- don). Friedrich, J. 1991: Kurzgefaßtes Hethitisches Wörterbuch (Heidelberg). Gusmani, R. 1964: Lydisches Wörterbuch (Heidelberg). Hawkins, J.D. 2000: Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions I: Inscriptions of the Iron Age, Parts 1-3 (Berlin/New York). Hawkins, J.D. and Postgate, J.N. 1988: ‘Tribute from Tabal’. State Archives of Assyria. Bulletin II.1, 31-40. Laroche, E. 1960: Les hiéroglyphes , Première partie: l’écriture (Paris). Melchert, H.C. 2003: The (Leiden/Boston). Meriggi, P. 1966: Manuale di Eteo Geroglifico. I.1 Grammatica, 1a serie (Rome). —. 1967: Manuale di Eteo Geroglifico. I.2 Testi, 1a serie (Rome). —. 1980: Schizzo grammaticale dell’Anatolico (Rome). Woudhuizen, F.C. 1984-85: ‘Lydian: Separated from Luwian by three signs’. Talanta 16-17, 91-103. —. 1992-93: ‘On the Dating of Luwian Great Kings’. Talanta 24-25, 167-219. —. 2004a: Luwian Hieroglyphic Monumental Rock and Stone Inscriptions from the Hittite Empire Period (Innsbruck). —. 2004b: Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic Texts (Innsbruck).

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