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Great King Wasusarmas' Victory Memorial at Topada

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Great King Wasusarmas' Victory Memorial at Topada 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 23 doi: 10.2143/AWE.6.0.2022792 AWE 6 (2007) 23-41 GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA F.C. WOUDHUIZEN Abstract The Luwian hieroglyphic inscription incised in the natural rock at Topada, just south of the Halys bend in Central Anatolia (present-day Turkey), describes in considerable detail the war waged by Great King Wasusarmas of Tabal, a contemporary of the Assyrian Great King Tiglathpileser III (745-727 BC), with three of his loyal vassals against as many as eight rebel- lious vassal kings of junior and senior rank, using the town of Parwita across the Halys river in presumably Phrygian territory as the centre of their activities. The inscription is one of our earliest textual sources on the effective employment of cavalry in warfare, i.e. before its heyday embodied in the Cimmerian invasion of Anatolia at the end of the 8th century BC. The Luwian hieroglyphic inscription incised in the rock at Topada in the Cappado- cian plain just south of the Halys (= Kızıl Irmak) bow was commissioned by Great King Wasusarmas of Tabal in commemoration of a series of military victories over a period of at least three years against a coalition of forces centred on the town of Parwita. Some of these victories, according to the information from phrase 2, had taken place in the neighbourhood of the monument. As it is explicitly stated in phrase 3, the incentive to military action came from the fact that Wasusarmas was confronted with a serious uprising by as many as eight of his vassal kings of junior and senior rank. On the other hand, as stipulated in phrase 4, three of his vassal kings remained loyal, namely Warpalawas, Kiakias and Ruwantas. Thanks to the mention of three of the four given names in the Assyrian records, the historical setting of this uprising can be dated approximately. Thus, Wassurme the Tabalian and Urballa the Tuhanean are mentioned as tributaries of the Assyrian Great King Tiglathpileser III for the year 738 BC. Subsequently, Wassurme of Tabal was deposed by Tiglathpileser III and replaced by a certain Hulli, specified as the ‘son of a nobody’, somewhere between the years 732 and 729 BC. On the other hand, Wassurme’s subordinate, Urballa of Tuhana, remained in position and is still mentioned in a letter of Sargon II to his governor at Que dating to the years 710- 709 BC. Finally, Kiakki of Sinuhtu is recorded to have been deported to Assyria by Sargon II in the year 718 BC and replaced by Kurti of Atuna.1 On the basis of this 1 Hawkins 2000, 427-28. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 24 24 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN evidence, then, the internal crisis in Wasusarmas’ reign necessarily occurred before his deposition in the years 732-729 BC, which obviously serves as a terminus ante quem for the Topada memorial; whilst a reference to Wassurme’s father Tuatte together with Urballa in a letter dated to the early years of Tiglathpileser III’s reign, which means between 745 and 738 BC, provides us with a terminus post quem.2 The realms of the two loyal vassals mentioned in the Assyrian records, Tuhana and Sinuhtu, can be further specified thanks to their inscriptions in Luwian hiero- glyphic. Of Warpalawas, whose realm in Anatolian sources reads Tuwana, Luwian hieroglyphic inscriptions have been found in Ivriz and Bor; that of one of his vassals in Bulgarmaden.3 Accordingly, he ruled over the region south of Topada and to the west of the Cilician Gate, with Tuwanuwa (classical Tyana) as its main centre. As opposed to this, a Luwian hieroglyphic inscription commissioned by Kiakias has been found in Aksaray,4 so that his realm is likely to be situated to the south-west of Topada. The territory ruled directly by Wasusarmas himself was probably situated adjacently to the north and east of that of his two loyal vassals, centring on Kayseri and Kululu; at any rate, a Luwian hieroglyphic inscription by one of his servants was discovered in Sultanhan, located in between these two sites.5 Further topographical data can be derived from the Topada text itself. After some initial skirmishes, in which the enemy, based on a mountain apparently in the neighbourhood of Wasusarmas’ frontline (phrases 5-9) and constantly harassed by the latter’s cavalry (phrases 10-12), succeeded at least once in breaking through the defences, burning down some fortifications and buildings, and looting some women and children (phrases 13-15), Wasusarmas won a decisive battle, having been preceded by the gods in true Late Bronze Age annalistic style (phrases 17-18). This allowed him to lay siege to the town Ta-? in the second year and cross the river near this town in the third year (phrases 19-20) – all this time the vanguard of his cavalry being free to move (phrase 21). After the crossing of the aforesaid river, Wasusarmas advanced with his infantry and cavalry into the territory of Par- wita, the main centre of the enemy, which he subsequently burned down and from which he carried off women and children, etc. (phrases 23-25). Within the general context, then, it seems most likely that the river in question is the Halys, and that Parwita must be located within the bend of this river, at that time presumably Phrygian territory. 2 Hawkins and Postgate 1988, 39; cf. Hawkins 2000, 443. 3 Hawkins 2000, 516-25; cf. Woudhuizen 2004b, 101-04. 4 Hawkins 2000, 475-78. 5 Hawkins 2000, 463-72; Woudhuizen 2004b, 86-90; cf. Bryce 2003, 97. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 25 GREAT KING WASUSARMAS’ VICTORY MEMORIAL AT TOPADA 25 With the sack of Parwita, however, the war was not over yet: the enemy’s cavalry and infantry were still intact and actually advancing against Wasusarmas’ frontline (phrase 26). Backed up by divine support, again, Wasusarmas won the ensuing final battle (phrases 28-30), and, to thank the gods for their support and for his own glorification, he set up the memorial as we know it at Topada (phrases 31-33). As usual, the inscription ends with a damnation formula againts possible future violation of the monument (phrases 34-38). The transliteration of the Topada text is based on its drawing as presented by J.D. Hawkins in his recent corpus of Luwian hieroglyphic Iron Age inscriptions,6 which supersedes previous attempts. As duly noted by Hawkins,7 the inscription is characterised by a substantial number of otherwise rare signs, the values of most of which are easily deducible from the context. In the numbering of these signs, how- ever, I deviate slightly from Hawkins. Thus with respect to the w-series, I work 8 from E. Laroche’s wa5 for *280, consider *204 as a more elaborate variant of *201 wa6, prefer wa8 for *138 and wa9 for the once occurring sign not included in Laroche’s catalogue of the signs; whereas I side with P. Meriggi9 in reading *432, 2 as a secondary wi, leading to its transliteartion as wí, instead of Laroche’s zu, which is valid only for *432, 1. Similarly, concerning the s-series, I start from sa8 for *25, and hence prefer sa9 for the sign in the form of a small vertical stroke, I take sí for *360 and therefore *456 is rendered as sì, whereas I consider *417 as a mere writing variant of *370 su. Furthermore, *179 is transliterated as HWÀ, *314 regu- larly expresses ká, *241 reads kí, *455 là, *155 pà, and *41, 6 is taken for a variant of *39/40 ta (note in this connection that *41, 4 ‘the hand that grabs’ tà is clearly distinguished from it). Finally, *181 TURPI ‘bread’ obviously renders the value pa in the present text, and is hence transliterated as pa4, though tu would have been the expected value according to the acrophonic principle; apparently, we are confronted here with an instance of polyphony as paralleled, for example, for *199 TARHUNT, TESUP, hà, *214 HAPA, ná, *360/*362 MASANA, ma4, sí, *376 i, zi, and *377 i, za. As far as its general system is concerned, the transliteration of the Topada text as given below adheres to the one developed by me in previous publications on Luwian hieroglyphic.10 Further (minor) deviations from its transliteration as pre- sented by Hawkins11 (whose distinction of 39 individual phrases in my opinion is correct) as well as the given interpretation, will be defended in the commentary, 6 Hawkins 2000, pl. 253. 7 Hawkins 2000, 461. 8 Laroche 1960. 9 Meriggi 1967. 10 Woudhuizen 2004a, 8, 167-70; 2004b, 7-12. 11 Hawkins 2000, 452-54. 9863-07_AncientW&E_02 07-11-2007 15:27 Pagina 26 26 F.C. WOUDHUIZEN which, however, for brevity’s sake will be limited to the essentials. In effect, this means that I will take Hawkins’ interpretation and commentary as a starting point.12 Topada 1. [URA+]HANTAWAT ‘[Great] King Wasusarmas, wa4-su-SARU+R+MI-ma-sa Great King, hero, son of URA+HANTAWAT heros tu-wa4-ti-sa7 Tuwatis, Great King, hero.’ URA+HANTAWAT heros-li-sa infans 2. wa4-su-SARU+R+MI-ma-sa7 -wa6 ‘Wasusarmas was beloved MUWATALI i-ti PARA-na time and again in front of ASIA-wa8-sà-ta the stronghold here.’ 3. wa -mu pà+r-wí-taUMINA ‘For me (at) Parwita 8 HANTAWAT-ti-sa APA+r-i 8 kings, junior and senior (in HANTA-lá-i -ha […] sa-ta rank), were [hostile].’ 4.
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