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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 I I I I 77-2527 WALDRON, Harry Neff, III, 1943- EXPRESSIONS OF RELIGIOUS CONVERSION AMONG LAYMEN REMAINING WITHIN SECULAR SOCIETY IN GAUL, 400-800 A.D. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1976 History, church

Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48ioe

© Copyright by Harry Neff Waldron. III 1976 EXPRESSIONS OF RELIGIOUS CONVERSION AMONG LAYMEN

REMAINING WITHIN SECULAR SOCIETY IN GAUL, 400-800 A.D.

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By Harry Neff Waldron, III, B.A., ffl.A,

• # # • *

The Ohio State University 1976

Reading Committee Approved By Franklin J* Pegues Joseph H. Lynch Marilyn R. Ualdman ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to thank the members of my reading committee, Professors Joseph H. Lynch, Franklin J. Pegues, and Marilyn R. Waldman, who have assisted me in preparing this dissertation. I am especially grateful to Professor Lynch, who has guided me in both research and writing. The errors of the work are my own. My mother-in-law, Mildred M. Talmadge, has typed and re-typed this manuscript with enormous patience. I am deeply thankful for their help.

ii VITA

28 March 1943 . . . • • Born - New Orleans, Louisiana 1970...... »• B.A., Northwestern State University of Louisiana, Natchitoches, Louisiana 1970-1971 University Fellowship, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1971-1973 ...... Teaching Associate, Department of History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1972 . . Kl.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1973-1974 >•••••• Research Associate, Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1974-1975 ...... Dissertation Year fellowship, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1975-1976 • Teaching Associate, Department of History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: History of Medieval Europe* Professors Franklin J. Pegues and Joseph H. Lynch History of Ancient Rone. Professor Cyrus F. St.Clair History of Ancient Israel. Piofessor Marc L. Raphael History of Byzantium and Medieval Islam. Professors Timothy E. Gregory and Marilyn R. UJ aid man

ill TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS il VITA lii INTRODUCTION 1 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 9 Chapter I. CONVERSIO 11 NOTES TO CHAPTER I 15 II. DISCERNIBLE EXPRESSIONS OF LAY CONVERSION . . 18 1. In domibus propriis 18 2. Living in Churches and Shrines 19 3. Continence 21 4. Clothing 25 5. Secrecy 30 6. Companions and Spiritual Directors . • . • 35 7. Alms 38 8. Fasts and Diet 41 9. Vigils, Prayers, and Readings 45 10. Other Austerities and Activities 53 11. Redeeming Captives, Freeing Slaves .... 56 12. Tendency to Become Monks 57 13. Conversi as Hermits and Pilgrims 6B 14. Voluntary Servitude 72 15. Occupations 79 NOTES TO CHAPTER II 84 III. DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN VOLUNTARY PUBLIC PENITENTS AND OTHER CONVERSI . . 120 1. Conversio as a Form of Penance 120 2. Existence of Voluntary Publiu Penance . . 124 3. Communion and Church Attendance 133 4* Duration of Observance 139 5. Eligibility for Clergy 143 6. Reconciled Public Penitents and Other Conversi ..... 149 NOTES TO CHAPTER III 154 iv V

IV. CONDITIONS OF ENTRY 174

1* Motives and Inducements 174 2. Age at Entry 188 3. Vows 196 4. Tonsure 207 5. fflutare v/estimentum 218 6. Veiling 235 7. Summary of Conditions of Entry 243 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV 247 V. POSSIBILITIES OF WITHDRAWAL AND DISABILITIES. 280 NOTES TO CHAPTER V 291 VI. POSSESSION AND DISPOSAL OF PROPERTY BY CONVERTS AND HOW THEY SUPPORTED THEMSELVES 296 NOTES TO CHAPTER VI 313 VII. EPISCOPAL SUPERVISION 321 NOTES TO CHAPTER VII 328 VIII. NUMBERS AND DISTRIBUTION 332 NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII 343 IX. CONCLUSION 349 NOTES TO CONCLUSION 366 BIBLIOGRAPHY 367 INTRODUCTION

The Church entered the Middle Ages having already de­ fined specializations of the religious life. By the Fifth century, Christians could think of the function of the laity in the economy of salvation as different from that of the clergy and of the rapidly emerging order of monks. Vet it is a mistake to see the laity of the pre-Carolingian western Church as a purely passive substratum. 1 The layman as well as the cleric and monk could manifest a total self-dedication to the divine, which he perceived as utteily different from his ordinary worldly experience. More explicitly, it is a mistake to see him as having no recourse but to avoid the extremes of contamination with his secular environment. A turning toward God, an internal resolve to adhere more closely to religion, could find expression within a secular environment in the tradition of conversio. Though it is convenient to translate the term sometimes as "conversion", one must beware of reading an anachronistic, less passionate meaning into it. In the specialized sense in which we shall use the word, conversion did not refer to a mere assent to the doctrines of a different faith and an 2 enrollment among its followers. Nor shall we use it to refer primarily to adult entry int i a monastic community* i 2 though that is the sense in which it has been most often 3 studied. It was instead a tradition of active expression of a heightened religiosity which might vary in individual manifestations but which maintained a common core of devotional and ascetic practices based on a spiritual transformation experienced by laymen. It is convenient to restrict a study of lay religiosity to a particular time and geographical area in order to minimize confusions over regional variations and different patterns of evolution and to make the most efficient use of the available evidence, which consists mainly of brief allusions scattered through a variety of written genres. Gaul has been chosen because its primary sources are avail­ able in good editions and because the few previous general studies of this aspect of conversio which have been done have tended to draw evidence primarily from that region. The choice of Gaul has determined the chronological starting-point of the study because there is almost no useful evidence on Gallican lay conversion prior to the fifth century. The terminal date is more arbitrary. The Carolingian ecclesiastical reforms of the ninth century caused significant changes in expressions of lay religiosity, chiefly by enforcing a stricter concept of the division between the laity and the supervised modes of religious life. It would doubtless be valuable to discuss that period of change, but it has seemed wiser to restrict 3 the present study to the earlier period of slower development. The trends of changes under the Carolingians are already visible in sources from the eighth century. Nevertheless, one cannot be held to chronological limits too strictly. A few allusions must be made to sources before 400, and more to those after 800 as they assist in the interpretation of evidence within our period. Historical recognition of lay conversio is certainly not new. Du Cange's dictionary included a definition of the word as a stricter kind of religious life for laymen; the definition was based on some obvious references to laymen in early Gallican conciliar canons* By the middle of the nineteenth century, the general concept of early lay conversion was well known to Church historians, if imperfectly understood. Hefele commented on some of the conciliar 5 allusions to lay conversion as distinct from public penance. In commenting on the Visigothic ordo for blessing converts, Ferotin was fully aware in 1904 of the tradition of lay conversion as separate from monastic conversion.

Howeverf the first extensive treatment of lay conversi as a general class of laymen observing a special religious 7 regimen was by Poschmann in 1928. He devoted a brief chapter of his book on canonical penance in the west to conversi as a class of religious laymen who had adopted conversion as an alternative to canonical public penance. Brief as it was, it was a masterly collation and discussion 4 of evidence from the fifth century, drawing on letters, sermons and tracts in addition to conciliar canons* Unfortunately, partly because he used no hagiographical sources and stopped chronologically with the early sixth century, he defined conversio as a rattier nanowly delineated institution similar to canonical penance*

A fairly long article publishad by Galtier in 1937 is by far the most thorough study of early medieval lay conversion as a general phenomenon. He also saw conversio as an alternative to public penance* His attention was focused on the affinities between conversio and Celtic private penance, so that he emphasized the role of the clergy, gave little stress to external marks differentiating the convert from the rest of lay society, and general!/ pictured conversion ae a single rather than multifarious tradition* He carried his discussion into the Prankish period and used some hagio- graphical sources as well as letters and conciliar canons, but naturally tended to see conversion as shading into private penance in the seventh century* Though ha recognized that there were different degrees or public expression of lay conversion, he tended to see it as a rather static tradition, not only in devotional and ascetic observances, but in method of entry* He approached the problem largely by explicating texts one by one* so tliat his uioxk is more useful for proving the existence of conversion and its major characteristics than it is for analyzing the 5 variety of expressions of lay religiosity. Galtier contributed the article on "Conversi" to the second volume g of the Dictionnaire de spiritualite published in 1933, the only article on conversion in our sense of the word in a historical or religious encyclopedia. The article fortunately treated conversio as a subject in its own right rather than attempting to link it to public or private penance, and it had the additional virtue of pointing out the variety of forms the tradition took; but it was far too brief to discuss any particular manifestation of lay conversion beyond noting its existence in the most obvious source. Vogel devoted two very brief chapters of his dissertation 10 on early public penance in Gaul, published in 1952, to a discussion of conversi. Though he continued the historio- graphic tendency to discuss conversion only in relation to public penance, his purpose in doing so was not to point out the similarities between the two, but to stress their differences* He uaa determined to define canonical penance as closely ar possibleP and therefore gave most weight to conciliar legislate.'1 e id vocabulary. He suggested that conversio was a rati ^r t. \rrow, legalistically defined institution which, when precisely understood, would not cloud his sharp vision of canonical penance and its complete disappssj.'sncs in the sixth century. His failure to make much use of hagiographic sources is surprising in view of his publication in 1956 of an article on hagiographic sources 6 for public penance in Gaul. He found little evidence for the existence of canonical public penance in saints' lives, particularly after the early sixth century, since the descriptions of most penitential regimens observed by hagiographers did not meet his standards of canonical rules and vocabulary* Perhaps the most subtle and perceptive modern discussion of lay conversio is contained in a chapter of only six pages in Ladner's The Idea of Reform, first published in 1959.12 He concentrated upon the inner motivation of laymen who determined to renounce uiorldliness while living in its midst, and pointed out the wide application of the term conversio. However, he used only fifth-century sources. He was particularly interested in the attitude toward conversi held by St. Augustine, a figure outside our geographical limit. The chapter is useful as an introduction to the ancient back­ ground of early medieval conversion, as well as to its raison d'etre, but it contributes little information to our own specialized study. 13 Griffe contributed an article in 1962, reprinted as a chapter in the final volume of his work on Christian Gaul in the Roman period, which has the considerable merit of placin conversio within the cootext of lay piety in general. He added a few pages on feminine lay religiosity, which he seems to have considered as a separate phenomenon, and in hi8 book added a discussion of public penitents, among whom 7 he pointed out the existence of those who had no great sins to be expiated. While the study could be most useful in studying the background of lay piety, it is not analytical, resembling Galtier's article in confining itself largely to proving the existence of a class of lay conversi, as an extreme form of the practice of religion in Gaul* Moreover, it is confined entirely to the fifth century.

The one work which attempts to trace the continuity of lay conversion into the middle Ages is an article by 15 Meersseman in a collection of lectures sponsored by the Centro di Studi Medioevali in Milan in 1965 on the subject of the laity in the eleventh and twelth centuries. He assembled a large collection of sources from Italy, Spain, and Gaul, mainly ecclesiastical legislation with some vitae. to prove the existence of an unbroken tradition of voluntary penance from the fifth century leading to the "Penitenti" of twelfth-century Italy. Unfortunately, he saw almost all early medieval mentions of conversio as more-or-less veiled allusions to the single form of voluntary penance. He largely ignored geographical limits and consequently, some local differences and evolutionary trends. Nevertheless, his study is most valuable for assembling later texts on various aspects, particularly legal aspects, of public expressions of lay religiosity. Though that is the total extent of modern scholarly publication dealing specifically with conversio. little 8 over a hundred pages together, some narrower aspects of lay piety have been studied and will be cited in the following pages. Women following religious regimens, both inside and outside convents, have been the subject of some lengthy studies 17 but will be considered here only as part of a larger tradition of lay religiosity. Most of the studies mentioned above have discussed lay conversion primarily in relation to penance, and only one or two have gone beyond the early sixth century in Gaul. None has used hagiographical literature extensively, and none has attempted to distinguish actual practice from the canonical injunctions. These earler treatments are indispensable for the study of lay religious regimens in early medieval Gaul, but we shall take a wider view of the tradition. NOTES TO INTRODUCTION For such a description, see C. Pietri, "Le lai'cat dans l'eglise du Bas-Empire," Cahier du Centre Catholique des intellectuels francais. XLII (march, 1963), 11-21. 2 For conversion from ancient religions to Christianity, see G. Bardy, L,a conversion au Christianisme durant les premiers siecles (Paris, 1949). On conversion in the ancient world as adhesion to a new religion, but distinguished from the complete renunciation of an old life and a new start in passionate faith demanded by Judaism and Christianity, see A. D. Nock, Conversion (Oxford, 1933), 1-16 and passim. 3 The bibliography on monastic conversion is long. While a monastic conversus could be an ordinary monk in our period, the word became more specialized in the eleventh and twelfth centuries to refer to "lay brothers" in the new monastic orders. For summaries of theories on their origins and bibliography, see K. Hallinger, "Uioher kommen die Laienbruder, Analecta sacri ordinis Cisterciensis, XII (1956), 1-104 and three articles in I laici nella "societas Christiana" dei secoli XI e XII (Milan, 1968): J. Leclercq, "Comment vivaient les freres convers," p.152-182; J. Dubois, "L'institution des convers au XIIe siecle," p.183-261; C. D. Fonseca, "I conversi nelle comunita canonicali," p.262-305. 4 C. DuCange, "Conversio". Glossarium novum ad scriptores medii aevi, I (Paris, 1766), p.547. C. J. von Hefele, Concilienqeschichte, II (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1875), p.301 (Council of Aries, c.21), p.653 notes 1 and 2 (Council of Agde, c.15 and 16), p.686 (Council of Epaon, c.37). W. Ferotin, ed., Le Liber Ordinum en usaoe dans l'eglise uiisiaothique et mozarabe (Paris, 1904), col.82-86. 7 B. Poschmann, Die abendlandische Kirchenbusse im Ausoanq des christlichen Altertums (Munich, 1928), p.128-142. P. Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis' de la penitence latine a la penitence celtique," Revue d'histoire ecclesiastiaue. XXXIII (1937), 5-26, 277-305. 9 ^ P. Galtier, "Conversi," Dictionnaire de spiritualite ascetioue et mystique. II (Paris, 1953), col.2218-2224. 9 10

Ce Vogel, La discipline penitentielle en Gaule. des orioines a la fin du UIIe siecle (Paris. 1952), p.128-136, 167-169. C. Vogel, "La discipline penitentielle en Gaule des origines au IXe siecle: le dossier hagiographique," Revue des sciences relioieuses. XXX (1956), 1-26. 12 G. B. Ladner, The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers (New York, 1967 - first ed. Harvard U.P., 1959), p.366-373. 1T E. Griffe, "La pratique religieuse en Gaule au V8 siecle: saeculares et sancti," Bulletin de litterature ecclesiastique. LXIII (1962), 241-267. E. Griffe, Le Gaule chretienne a l'eooque romaine, III (Paris, 1965), p.128-163. 15 G. G. Meersseman, "I Penitenti nei secoli XI e XII," I laici nella "societas Christiana" dei secoli XI e XII (Milan, 1968), p.306-345. One should not forget that brief but helpful allusions to lay conversion have been made in other works on early medieval religion, such as J. Leclercq, et al.. La spiyitualite du moyen age (Paris, 1961), p.68-70; R. C. Mortimer, The Origins of Private Penance in the Western Church (Oxford, 1939), p.165-169; and H.G.J. Beck, The Pastoral Care of Souls in South-East France Durino the Sixth Century (Rome, 1950), p.217-218. 17 One should mention at least J. Feusi, Das Institut der Gottqeweihten Junqfrauen. sein Fortleben im (Yllttelalter (Freiburg, 1917) ; A. Rosarnbert, La veuve en droit canonique jusqu'au XIV8 siecle, (Paris, 1923); R. frletz, La consecration des vieroes dans l'Eqlise romaine (Paris, 1954) and his several articles on consecration of women in Gaul subsequently cited. CHAPTER I. CONVERS10

In early medieval understanding, conversio was a broad religious concept based on prophetic admonitions of the Old Testament* Ezekiel, for example, was a favorite of Caesarius of Aries: "As I live, says the Lord God, I swear I take no pleasure in the death of the wicked man, but rather in the nicked man's conversion, that he may live. Turn, turn [Vulgate: convertimini, convertimini] from your evil waysl" "Conversion" in this sense presupposed a life of sin and a desire to break from it thoroughly and unmistakeably. In a positive sense, it meant a spiritual reorientation toward ethical religious values.

In early medieval ecclesiastical usage, the terms conversio and converters could be, and were, applied to any adoption of a life of heightened religiosity* The council held at Orleans in 511 referred to one entering a monastery as o a "monachus in monasterio conversus." The council of Angers in 453 used "conversi" of those entering public penance under 3 the direction of the bishop. The earliest use of "conversio" in the canons of Galilean councils occurred at Orange in 441 uhere the term meant essentially a profession of chastity as a prerequisite to ordination of married men. At the Council of Chalons in 647-653 the term was used to mean entry inco 11 12 5 the clericate itself* Even in the parlance of synods, where one might expect a relatively precise and legalistic vocabulary; "conversion" was therefore a broad concept. The first point to be grasped in understanding very early medieval conversio is that it referred primarily to a mental or spiritual state. Isidore of Seville's several chapters of the Sententiae on conversi contain no regulations for a program of conversio; instead, they lead gradually and naturally into a discussion of penance. The opinions that Isidore collected were concerned with motivations: the three steps of conversion were turning from evil, doing good, and 7 obtaining the fruit of good works; from the motivation of g fear, one must move on to charity. Caesarius of Aries not only sometimes used the concepts of conversion and penance g interchangeably, he also specifically stated that genuine conversion was possible without altering one's external appearance. It is true that he insisted on almsgiving, fasting, and prayer; but he asked any pious layman to 11 practice these to some degree. Salvian gave us valuable information on contemporary expectations of the external conduct of those calling themselves conversi, but he did so in the process of condemning external change without inward change: purity of the heart was what counted; bodily abstinence excused no simultaneous social crimes* 12 To grant the primacy of the internal, mental aspect of conversiq is to obviate some of the more involved distinctions 13 between those called in the sources "conversi" and those practicing other forms of religious life. For example, contemporaries saw in a free decision to undertake public penance, whether for specific great sins or in more general contrition for unspiritual living, a definite act of conversio. A public penitent was, or should be, a conversus. A conversus need not be undergoing public penance, but the repentance implied in turning away from one's past life enabled other forms of conversio to be viewed as penance, even as a substitute for public penance. 13 Paulinus of Bordeaux, probably a contemporary of Faustus of Riez, 14 asserted in an address to monks on penance: "Public penanra is not necessary for renunciation, because the conversus has groaned and entered upon an eternal pact with God." 15 This does not mean that there were no differences between those converts who undertook public penance and those who undertook other forms of conversion within secular society. But all were options open in principle to those desiring to lead a life of heightened religiosity without withdrawing from lay society into a monastery or hermitage. There were some theoretical differences among them, which will be discussed later, but in practice penitents and other conversi living "in the world" tended to be confused with one another. Salvian made no distinction in castigating reliqiosi who sought worldly honors after undergoing public penance or worldly gain after conversio. He implied that the reputation, 14 obligations, and failings of all such non-clerical, non- 1 fi cloistered religious mere of a kind. It is easy to appreciate such lack of precision in labeling forms of religious life when one remembers that conversio was the generic term for entering any religious life. When more specific labels existed, contemporaries ordinarily used them. But when clerics, monks, hermits, cloistered virgins, and ordinary public penitents are eliminated, we are left with a vague class of laymen 17 living without immediate ecclesiastical supervision while following some religious regimen. Expectations of their conduct certainly existed; but to attempt to raise norms of behaviour into rigid, universal rules would be misleading. The very lack of organization and supervision was reflected in contemporary inability to find a more precise inclusive label than conversit and eventually led to pressure on these ill- defined reli Qiosi to enter more easily supervised modes of religious life.

Our immediate task is to discuss the conventional options open to those in the fifth to eighth centuries in Gaul who, for one reason or another, could not withdraw completely from lay society but desired to find concrete behavioural expression for their mental conversion. One must look first for discernible patterns of lay religious life rather than ecclesiastical labels. From this standpoint it is convenient to consider voluntary public penitents and all other lay conversi together before distinguishing them. NOTES TO CHAPTER I Ezekiel 33:11. Caesarius of Aries was particularly fond of quoting both Isaiah and Exekiel on conversion. See especially Sermo XVIII, ed. Dom G.IYlorin, Corpus Christianorum; Series Latina. CIII (Turnholt, 1953), p.83-86, in which he quoted Ezek. 18:21-22, Isaiah 55: 6-7, Ezek. 18:32, Ecclesiasticus 5:8-9; also Sermo XLI, CCSL. CIII, 180-184* On the early Christian and pagan philosophical uses of the word 'conversion', see P. Aubin, Le probleme de la 'conversion' (Paris, 1963). On its use in the New Testament and the early patristic period, see especially p.69-92. This study is useful in tracing changing concepts of the word itself, but it has no information on actual social expressions of conversion.

Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.21, ££S_L, CXLVIIIA, p.10: "Monachus si in monasterio conversus vel pallium comprobatus fuerit accepisse." For a detailed analysis of later medieval uses of the word conversus in connection with monastic life, see K. Hallinger, "Uioher kommen die Laienbruder," Analecta, XII (1956) p.1-104j see page 64-65 on this canon and the wider meaning of "conversus" in the early medieval period. 3 Concilium Andegavense, a.453, c.12, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.138: "Paenitentiae sane locus omnibus pateat qui conversi errorum suum voluerint confiteri, quibus perspecta qualitate peccati secundum episcopi aestimationem venia erit largienda." A Concilium Arausicanurn I, a.441, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.84: "Sedit praeterea ut deinceps non ordinentur diacones coniugati nisi qui prius conversionis proposito profess! fuerint castitatem." 5 Concilium Cabilonense, a.647-653, c.5, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.304: "Saeculares vero, qui necdum sunt ad clericato conversi..*."

6Isidore, Sententiae 11:7-12, £L» LXXXIII, cols. 606- 614. 7 Ibid.. VII: 7, col.607: "Tri'pertitus describitur esse unius cujusque conversi profectus, id est, primus, corrigendi a malo; secundus, faciendi bonum; tertius, consequendi boni operis praemium." 15 16 Q Ibidt t V/111: 1« col.608: "Trimodum genus est conversionis ad Deum, inchoationis cum dulcedine, medietatis cum labore, perfectionis cum requie." \/111: 4, col.609: "Necesse est omni converso ut post timorem consurgere ad charitatem Dei debeat, quasi filius...." The point is simply that Isidore was not concerned with externals; conversion for him was a state of mind and spirit. 9Caesarius, Sermo XVIII:2, CCSL. CI II, p.83: "Addis ad crastinum et alterum crastinum, et converti dissimulas.... Quid tu adtendis, ut diferas agere paenitentiam, et divinam dissimulas quaerere misericordiam?" Caesarius, Sermo LVI:3, CCSL. CI.II, p.250: "Vera enim conversio sine vestimentorum commutatione sufficit sibi: vestimenta vero religiosa sine bonis operibus non solum remedium habere non poterunt, sed etiam iustum die iudicium sustinebunt. Convertamur ergo ad meliora, dum in nostra sunt potestate remedia." 11Caesarius, Sermo CLXXIX:4, CCSL. CIV, p.726: "Et ideo continuis orationibus et frequentibus ieiuniis et largioribus elemosinis, et per indulgentiam eorum qui in nobis peccant, assidue redimantur.... Quicquid enim de istis peccatis a nobis redemptum non fuerit, illo igne purgandum est...." See also Sermo CLVIII, CCSL. CIV, p.645-648; Sermo CVII:4, CCSL. CIII, p.417-448; Sermo LXXXIX:5, CCSL. CHIt p.368-369.

12Salvian, De oubernatione Dei V:10, CSEL. VIII, p.119; "Summam divini cultur habitum magis quam actum existimantes, vestem tantummodo exuere non mentem. Unde illi se minore invidia criminosos putant, qui cum paenitentiam quasi egisse dicantur, sicut mores pristinos ita etiam habitum non relinquunt?... Quomodo igitur tales isti paenitentiam se egisse non paenitent, sicut etiam illi de conversione ac deo aliquid cogitasse...? Novum prorsus conversionis genus. Licita non faciunt et inlicita committunt: temperant a concubitu et non temperant a rapina. Quid agis, stulta persuasio?" Caesarius also, following Augustine, stressed the primacy of inward over outward conversion in Sermo CLXXII:3, CCSL. CIV, p.707: "Ideo prima renuntiatio est huic saeculo, et deinde conversio ad deum. Qui renuntiat fundit, qui convertitur inpletur: sed si non fiat corpora solo, sed et corde." 17 13 G. B. Ladner, The Idea of Reform (New York, 1967), p.367. P. Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," £H£. XXXIII (1937), p.26, 301-305. B. Poschmann, Die Abendlandische Kirchenbusse im Ausqanq des Christlichen Altertums (jYlunich, 1928), pp.129-131, 142. C. Vogel, La discipline pdnitentielle en Gaule (Paris, 1952), p.133. G. G. f'leersseman, 'I penitenti nei secoli XI e XII," I laici nella 'societas Christiana' dei secoli XI e XII (ftiilan. 1968), p.310-313. 14 E. Dekkers, Clavis Patrum Latinorum (Sacris Erudiri III, 1961), p.215-216, #981. 15 Paulinus Burdigalensis, "De paenitentia," PL., CIII, col.700: LVIII, col.875: "Igitur abrenuntianti penitentia publica non est necessaria, quia conversus ingemuit et cum Deo aeterno pactum iniv/it. Ex illo igitur die non memorantur ejus delicta, quae gessit in saeculo, in quo facturum se justitiam de reliquo promiserit Deo." Salvian, De oubernatione Dei V:10, CSEL. VIII, p.119: "...cum multi alii turn praecipue illi noworum honorum religiosi ambitores et post acceptum paenitentiae nomen amplissimae ac prius non habitae potestatis emptores...., qui a coniugibus propriis abstinentes a rerum alienarum persuasione non abstinent, et cum profiteantur continentiam corporum, incontinentia debacchantur animorum.... Non est hoc conversio sed aversio."

Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.283. Meerssernan, p.314. CHAPTER II. DISCERNIBLE EXPRESSIONS OF LAY CONVERSION

II>1• In domibus propriis Hilary of Aries in the early fifth century described St. Honoratus and his brother Venantius as responding to the call of conversio; yet it is clear that, until they decided to flee from the worldly honor of their local reputation for saintliness, they lived at home on their paternal estate in 2 northern Gaul. Indeed, they converted uihils still living 3 in the household of their disapproving father. Nevertheless, as a result of conversio. their social contacts were considerably altered. Friends felt that their companionship had been rejected. The brothers continued to entertain, since bishops were mentioned as sharing their dinners; but 5 even the bishops found their table austere. Visits from women, even relatives, were greatly restricted. The gist of Hilary's description is a life of semi-seclusion on a large estate. Sidonius, writing near the middle of the fifth century, evoked a rather freer atmosphere surrounding the household of his friend Vettius, a widower whom he called a 7 "religiosus," acting like a monk "by a new kind of living." He had both town and country houses, and clients as well as Q slaves. Guests frequented his table* Vettius, however, 18 "*!

19 unlike Honoratus, was the master of his estate, and able to g set a general tone of moderation in its operation* Sidonius described the life-style of onefflaximus, living on a country estate between Clermont and Toulouse, as suitable for monk, cleric, or penitent. Nevertheless, he apparently normally entertained a number of guests at meals* It would appear that normal social relations of those adopting a religious mode of life at home were not always severely curtailed* Aside from the ideals of renunciation, converts who retained their estates were not prohibited from managing and increasing them by any customs stronger than the general Christian injunction to show charity to their neighbors* What good was personal abstinence, inveighed Salvian, if a convert plundered the poor and grabbed the property of his neighbors? Paulinus of Pella, after becoming a penitent, still lived with his family and dreamed of re-acquiring his 12 lost estates. lit 2* Living in Churches and Shrines Some lay people assuming a religious life did not remain in their own homes, but lived within churches or shrines* Such an arrangement was considered an expression of intense devotion, and was assumed out of gratitude for a cure at the basilica of St* martin's, for example, and a consequent desire to render unceasing witness to the saint's powers, or 20 in fulfillment of a voui taken elsewhere* Such people came to the attention of Gregory of Tours fairly frequently. It is not completely clear what arrangements for living and sustenance were available for them; their economic arrangements will be discussed later* 13 Judging by the accommodations provided for those seeking asylum, it was possible, even normal, for a large basilica to sleep and feed residents who were not part of its staff of clerics* There are other possibilities for support* Some resident conversi may have been on the matricula of the bishop's dole or the village priest's. A passage in the Hi^toria Prancorum indicates that paupers in special religious garb were in the habit of sitting in the church and receiving there portions of food from those coming in to pray* Some religious laymen collected relics such as water from the tomb of St. Martin. One (Ingitrude, known as a relioiosa even before she founded a convent) took the water away to 17 perform a miracle with it, but it is possible that such relics were sold to pious people unable to get to the shrine* One serf, vowed to martin and freed by his master in gratitude for the serf's cure from paralysis, was described by Gregory as entering the service ("usus") of Martin. Probably he was employed in some menial capacity at the church while remaining a conversus. 19 A blind woman from Tours received her sight while praying beside the bed of St* Martin kept at the monastery of Candes. In gratitude, 21 she never departed from the place till the day of her death.2 0 Presumably she was fed either by her husband, who led her there, or by the monks. Such examples give more meaning to obscurer passages which speak of returning to the basilica to fulfill a vow (to be tonsured, for example 21) after a cure. In the pages of Gregory of Tours, it is often the humbler people who seem to spend their conversion within a church or shrine. We should think of this mode of life as one alternative for those who possessed no large estates with which to achieve seclusion or support themselves in a life of prayer while yet remaining "in the world." lit 3. Continence One distinguishing characteristic of conversio which seems to have been invariable was the practice of total abstinence from sexual intercourse. Because such abstinence was a requisite for clerics and monks also, the practice helped to assimilate converts and penitents to the concept of relioiosi. and to mark them off from the world while remaining in lay society. No text mitigates this basic commitment to conversion for both sexes, whether married or not. Salvian stated explicitly that conversi abstained even from legitimate (that is, marital) sexual intercourse. He criticized the spiritual superficiality of those who abstained from marriage without also practicing charity, but he defended his own and his wife's conversion to 22 23 chastity to his mother-and father-in-law. Conversi who were not married were expected to renounce the privilege! it was one of the first decisions made by Honoratus in embracing conversio 24 as a young man. Isidore of Seville stated the aim of conversio regarding concupiscence: "Each conversus... should desire to trample all prickings of the flesh.... He should repulse the passion of carnal desires."2 5 Sidonius wrote a letter in praise of a young man who had morally reformed himself so far as to leave a mistress'for a noble wife, but the bishop felt it would have been better if he had joined "the few" in renouncing matrimony as well as concubinage. Sexual abstinence was such a standard mark of conversio that the phrases "profiteri castitatem" and "profiteri continentiam" were sometimes used as synonyms. Thus the Council of Orange in 441 could demand that married men not be ordained as deacons "unless they first have professed chastity by a resolution of conversion." 27 The same council prescribed penance for "deserters of either sex of professed chastity," indicating the applicability of the stricture to both men and women. Bishops in synod often seem to have considered sexual abstinence the primary penitential austerity, or at least the one most likely to be broken. Thus the council under bishop Aspasius, metropolitan of Eauze, in 551 imposed excommunication on men and women so forgetful of their 23 resolution of penance ("oblitus propositae paenitentiae") as to return to marital relations. A Council of Aries (442- 506) had already anathematized both men and women penitents who married after the deaths of their spouses, or were even suspected of illicit familiarities. 30 The rule was naturally harder for younger and married persons to honor. Consequently the Council of Agde in 506 advised that youths not be readily admitted to penance. 31 Special recognition also had to be made of the marital rights of the convert's spouse. A married person was not supposed to undertake conversio or paenitentia without the consent of his spouse, which meant in practice that both partners usually became copversi. as in the case of Salvian and his wife. The Council of Orleans in 538 therefore ruled "de paenetentum conversions," that young people not be admitted to such austerities, and especially not married people unless they were both advanced in age and consented equally.3 2 Nevertheless, it should not be supposed that the practice of continence in itself made one a conversus. Gallican councils often passed decrees forbidding certain classes of people to marry, with no indication that they expected a corresponding spiritual change to take place in the persons stricken. Widows of clerics, who had presumably consented to their husbands' conversions before the latter were ordained, nera forbidden to marry again under pain of excommunication 24 of both themselves and their new husbands. The canons perhaps assume that all these women had professed continence* However* judging by the frequency of repetition of this injunction. 33 the problem must have been troublesome. many other classes of people were forbidden marriage as a punitive or preventative measure* Anyone unthinking enough to sponsor his stepchild for confirmation was to be separated from his spouse, both being refused permission to marry again. The Capitulary of l/erberie in 756 imposed permanent continence on a wife whose husband was forced to flee into another province (though her husband could remarry); anyone having sexual relations with his stepmother, her stepson, or his step- 36 daughter or sister-in-law; married slaves separated by a 37 38 sale; one who allowed his wife to take the veil* The Capitulary of Compiegne in 757 promulgated similar marriage 39 laws requiring celibacy. While these canons did not assume conversion on the part of those condemned to celibacy, many of the requirements of continence had a penitential character to them. A letter from the bishops of the province of Tours to their people urged chastity and the deferment of marriage even by betrothed couples as an extra measure of penance by the community. Even though not required to take up some form of conversio, people bound to continence would find one austerity of the conversi imposed on them already, and might be moved by contrition to enter fully into the state 25 42 of conversion. These considerations underscore the definitive importance of the mental and spiritual state of conversio as opposed to its outward forms.

11:4. Clothing One of the most general and most obvious (though not invariable) external characteristics of copversi of all types was the alteration of clothing referred to frequently in the sources as "mutare vestimentum" or "mutare habiturn." Splendor of personal attire was a mark of social rank in Gallican 43 society of the late empire and early Middle Ages. More than a privilege of wealth, it seems to have been a social requirement for upper classes; it would have been unseemly for an ordinary layman of senatorial rank to appear in public without the trappings of his station. Thus Sidonius wrote with approval of the elegant clothing of his friend l/ettius, of the rank inluster. despite the latter's deep religious 44 inclinations. To assume somber dress was therefore an expression of deep personal, and in the case of conversi. voluntary, degradation. It was an admission of personal unworthiness within the penetential concept of conversio. A shallow regard for outward show was surely one of the things Salvian had in mind in condemning some of his contemporaries' contempt for conversigt "as soon as a man changes his vestments he changes his rank."

The exact nature of the garb of conversio is difficult 26 to deduce* It was meant to contrast sharply with conventional upper-class dress, for Hilary said of Honoratus that his

"splendor of vestment was transferred to brilliance of mind." That idea is repeated in the life of Lupus of

A *7

Troyes. It was one of the first things Sidonius noticed about his acquaintance Maximus, a former palace official, who he thought might have become a penitent* The new clothes were of a dark color, perhaps black: Ruricius of Limoges suggested that conversi were "in dark clothes".4 8 The wife of bishop Namatius of Clermont, who must have become a conversa before the ordination of her husband, was described by Gregory of Tours as being "in a black garment". The same passage makes it probable that the costume of penitents and other conversi was indistinguishable from that of lowly groups recognized by the church such as the poor enrolled on the bishop's matricula. since Namatius' wife was mistaken for "one of the poor." The phrase "vestis religionis" was used to describe either the dress of conversi or that of 50 entrants into a monastery. A canon of the Council of Friuli held in 796/797, though outside of our geographical area, made a significant remark about the special religious nature. 27

the similarity, and the conservatism of the dress of women

following lay religious regimens; both widows and virgins,

or any women who had professed virginity or continence, were

to wear "as a sign of continence a black garment almost like

[quasi] a religious one, just as the ancient custom was in these regions." 51 It seems that the vestments of all female converts must have been nearly identical* Such was evidently the case in Gaul as well, at least in the fifth century, for

St* Genevieve was said to have encountered a woman consecrated to God and to have asked whether she was a virgin or a widow. 52 It is more difficult to find information on the dress of male converts. It probably did not differ in color from that of women, and it was probably often worn in great folds and drapings especially around the head, of very heavy material. Honoratus, at least, is said to have 53 hidden his neck in "stiff coverings."

Galtier was of the opinion that the characteristic dress of conversi was not a "habit" in the uniform sense of a monastic habit, but merely an alteration of secular dress 54 toward less ostentation. Aside from the fact that no source distinguishes between the dress of monks and of 28

conversi. that idea seems improbable for two reasons. First,

it was not merely the wealthy and the aristocracy who were

described as "changing vestments" upon entering conversio

and who were immediately recognizable afterward. Gregory of

Tours mentioned a washer-woman who "under the appearance of

religion had changed her garment." 55 King Charibert's queen,

Ingoberg, had in her service two daughters of a paupBr.one

of them "wearing the religious dress." 56 Since it is

apparent that both of these women were of lowly origins, and

that neither had entered a convent, it is difficult to see what splendor of personal adornment they might have given up

upon converting. Furthermore, Gregory said of a wife who converted when her husband became a cleric that she "put on 57 the religious habit." Secondly, the changing of vestments was too decisive a moment in undertaking conversjo. as will be explained later, to believe that it could involve anything so informal as ordinary but more austere attire* The dress of conversi had to be so distinctive that ordinary people who adopted it, living in their own homes, were scandalously obvious when they deserted their status to marry, and were 58 therefore excommunicated. There were some, such as the estate-owning friends of Sidonius, who converted without changing their dress, or by altering it only slightly, but for those who made the decision publicly "mutare vestimentum" the new dress was a uniform and a badge. The wearing of a religious garment was not the only expectation of dress connected with conversion, of course. Galtier was quite correct in asserting that converts were expected to eschew personal ornament. St. Genevieve was given the following advice by 8ishop Germanus after he had blessed her at her entry into conversio: "Allow no ornament of metal, neither of gold nor of silver, or of pearls to decorate your neck, not even your fingers. For if even a small ornament of this world should conquer your mind, you will be without the eternal and heavenly ornaments." 59 The sources refer much more often to women in connection with changing of vestments than to men. Clear references to male conversj who externalized their conversion by change of vestment have been mentioned, but such evidence ceases about the middle of the sixth century. The act gradually came to be more characteristic of female conversio. The phrase continued to be used frequently in connection with women. A canon of the council of Toledo from 589 (although outside the geographic limits of this study) ruled that male penitents were to be tonsured, but women were to change their vestments. The canon actually concerned only public penance for specific offences (that is, not necessarily 30 "voluntary" public penitents), but there seems to have been a close correspondence between penitential practice and conversio. The distinction indicates a growing divergence in the public labelling of men and women converts, as will be explained later*

11:5. Secrecy We are discussing the options available to laymen who wished to lead a life of heightened religiosity without withdrawing totally from society into a cloister or hermitage We have seen that their characteristic manner of life never­ theless involved some external identification and separation from ordinary behaviour. Was it possible, or did anyone try* to become a conversus secretly? Did anyone engage in fasts and other austerities "not...as the hypocrites do,... but*..so that no one will know you are fasting except your Father who sees all that is done in secret" (Matth.6:16-18)?

Gennadius of Marseilles seems to have suggested such a possibility when he mentioned as an alternative to public penance a "secreta satisfactio" which involved a change of garments (mutato.•.saeculari habitu") and the embracing of a CO religious life of correction and repentance. It would seem at first glance that either the changing of garments or the secrecy should not be taken literally* Caesarius of Aries, expressing respect for public penitents, stated that one who undertook public penance could have expiated his sins 31 secretly ("poterat earn secretius agere" ) if he had not decided for himself that they were of such accumulated magnitude that he needed the help of the community. Vogel has argued persuasively against the collation of these two texts. Caesarius, he says, was talking about expiation of minor sins by relatively private acts such as almsgiving, fasting, and daily prayer as opposed to formally and publicly entering the ordo penitentium. Gennadius, on the other hand, was talking about formally entering a way of life which was "secret" only in comparison to the opprobrium attached to public penance, and which he specifically stated was adequate to expiate the great sins which Caesarius excepted from the efficacy of his secret actions. Gennadius meant conversio. Caesarius did not. It is the "secreta" of Gennadius which should not be taken literally.

That explanation seems to be based upon an excessively rigid definition of conversio. It is not at all clear that Caesarius would not have called a sinner who mourned in private with constant prayer, frequent fasting, vigils, and abundant almsgiving a conversus. In fact, he seems to have done just that in two other sermons. What Caesarius wanted to do was to insist that public penance had its place. If a person wanted to undergo public penance out of great contrition for a multitude of minor sins, he was free to choose that option, and should be respected for doing soi but, Caesarius stated in a later sermon, if someone had 32 67 committed one of the great sins he then enumerated, he must render satisfaction through public penance. Further­ more, Gennadius did not argue for the sufficiency of a less public conversio for great crimes; he merely conceded it ("We do not deny that mortal crimes are absolved by a secret satisfaction") after first urging public penance: "Whom mortal sins committed after baptism oppress, I urge first to make amends by public penance and thus reconciled 68 to be united to communion by the judgement of the priest." Both teachers were trying to deal honestly with a very vague dogmatic tradition about the extent of the efficacy of private conversio while preserving the unpopular but more precisely delineated institution of public penance, more­ over, Gennadius has chosen his words carefully: "fflutato prius saeculari habitu...." Habitus is a rather ambiguous word; vestimentum would not have been. Gennadius probably had in mind a change in both dress and mores, but it is hard to say how much weight he attached to the more literal interpretation. Isidore of Seville was removed in time and geography from the above question, but a sentence from his Sententiae may shed some light on the question of secrecy in conversjo: "There are now certain people who have secretly converted, whose conversion, because it does not appear publicly, in the esteem of men they are thought to be still just as they mare; nevertheless in the eyes of God they have risen." u That at least makes it clear that there could be degrees of 33 public visibility in conversio. Sidonius provided some examples of those degrees. His friend Maximus, the former government official, he recognized immediately, by sight, as having become a religiosus. 71 perhaps a penitent. He had to examine the life style of his friend Vettius more closely "I examined his daily actions 72 very thoroughly and, as it were, at my leisure" before pronouncing him an "occulte delicatque religiosus." 73 His dress was not only secular but splendid: "the greatest elegance in clothing." Nevertheless, Sidonius does not seem to have exaggerated the religiosity of Vettius: he had remained a widower though wealthy, he read sacred books often and chanted psalms more often, he hunted but did not consume meat. 75 His was, in a word, what Isidore might have called a secreta conversio. Sidonius himself seems to have used a synonym for that in writing to a friend who was building a church: he hoped that his friend, after completing this vow, would take new vows "and that not only by hidden 76 religion, but also by open conversion." It would appear that Sidonius was announcing a preference for the more public kind of lay conversio. However, the next line suggests that Sidonius had in mind his friend's eventual entry into the priesthood, so that we can deduce only that Sidonius thought the honor of the clericate higher than that of a secret conversio. It happens that there was at least one expression of 34 conversio for which uue know the ideal to have been secrecy* That wss the practice of a husband and wife renouncing sexual intercourse while continuing to live and even sleep together* Paulinus of Nola, writing to bishop Victricius of Rouen, congratulated him on the presence in his city of "married couples subject to God who secretly live as brother and 77 sister." Gregory of Tours recounted the story of a married couple practicing continence, "who, joined by marriage, not by sexual union, and sleeping in one bed, were not defiled 78 the one by the other in carnal pleasure." When the wife finally died, the husband standing at the graveside addressed the corpse in his grief and exposed their secret. 79 The corpse replied, "Be silent, man of God, because it is not necessary for you to disclose our secret, no one having sn asked." If one form of conversio held an ideal of secrecy, surely other expressions of lay religious life could have embraced the New Testament suggestion that austerities known only to God, because they avoid the possibility of reward in this life, are more spiritually beneficial. By their very nature they would have left few traces in the sources. The question of secrecy, or at least of relatively low public visibility in conversio, is not of isolated interest. One must insist, like Salvian and Caesarius, on the importance of religious patterns of life as opposed to external signs in defining conversio. There are indications that by the sixth century bishops were becoming concerned 35 with the amorphous character of conversion and insisting on a formal entry into the penitential mode of life. Thus a canon of the Synod of Agde in 506 remarked that penitents who did not wish to cut their hair or change their vestments 81 were unworthy of being received by a priest into penance. However, by the mid-eighth century, public penance had largely yielded to private penance, and official concern was shifting to the supervision of laymen who had already adopted outward signs of the religious life without coming under direct ecclesiastical control. Thus the Council of Ver in 755 ruled that tonsured men and veiled women must enter 82 either a canonical order under the bishop or a monastery. As will be seen, less public patterns of life in lay conversio survived official pressure on unsupervised religious life into the ninth century. A tradition of relatively secret conversio helps to explain this persistence.

11:6. Companions and spiritual directors A frequent feature of the life of conversio was the close association of one conversus with another by the attraction of one more experienced in austerities for a novice or by the voluntary subjection of one or more conversi, to a spiritual director. The latter arrangement should not be confused with more official pastoral guidance sometimes exercised by a bishop over the religious life of laymen. Hilary's Life of Honoratus illustrates two kinds of 36 association* Honoratus, who converted as a young man still in his father's household, soon found a spiritual companion in his brother Venantius, who converted because of his brother's example and thereafter associated himself closely in all his pious practices. "The Lord, the Comforter, assisted his beginner, and did not neglect to raise up into association with him one of his own brothers, who was called by his example to conversion, and the older followed the younger.*.so that as he accompanied him in association, so also in virtue." The brothers encouraged each other by a friendly rivalry in austerities of food, clothing, and other comforts, and in prayer, study, and almsgiving. For their spiritual director, however, both sought out an older man, one Caprasius, evidently a layman and undoubtedly also a conversus; "They took an old man of perfect and consummate dignity, whom they always called their father in Christ.... This man they took as a director in the Lord and a guardian DC of their youth." There was no necessity that Caprasius be of an equal social rank. Despite his attested spiritual influence over the two youths, he had initially been chosen simply as a traveling companion for' the two young senatorial pilgrims. He may have been an old servant of the estate. He was chosen as their spiritual director despite the fact 86 that Honoratus was on intimate terms with several bishops. Two hundred years later, the informal association of conversi can still be seen in the Life of Eligius. Eligius 37 87 adopted a life of penance at the court of Chlotar II. He soon attracted the fervent admiration of two other young 88 court functionaries, Ouen and his brother Ado. They shared spiritual secrets and ascetic practices. Eligius and Quen shared rooms at the palace and perhaps also the long nightly personal worship service described by Ouen in the Life. 89 ThB spiritual bonds between these associated conversi were extremely close: Ouen said that all three were of "one heart in the Lord and one mind." 90 One unusual feature of relationships among conversi was the occasional practice of a master's associating with him­ self in conversio some of his familia of slaves and freedmen. Faustus of Riez wrote (482-485) to the conversus Felix, a praetorian prefect, suggesting that he find a couple of trusted associates, probably servants, for companionship in day and night worship and for social diversion: "If only the Lord provide even two faithful companions, with whom you may spend day and night offices and even (with whom) for two days in the week you may enjoy social calls." 91 The conversus Ruricius, before becoming bishop of Limoges, chose two such faithful servants to help manage his secular affairs, and perhaps also to read sacred texts.9 2 St. Riquisr is said to have acted as a close and beloved spiritual director for his family and servants: "All of his household, his wife as well as his sons, and the household servants, maids, and slaves 93 that he had, Christ led to his service...." Eligius was in 38 the habit* even as a court official, of ransoming captives, some of whom were sent to monasteries, some of whom remained in Eligius' service for awhile as freedmen and converts, engaging in regular worship and psalmody with him in day and night officesJ "...and many others...who, day and night in his chamber, with all eagerness solemnly applied themselves to executing the canonical cursus." 94

II:7 Alms One of the first symptoms of a newly-adopted conversio was a significant increase in an individual's alms-giving. The practice was binding upon all Christians for the redemption of peccata minuta. but the conversus or other penitent, in keeping with his heightened remorse over the past life from which he was turning away, was expected to be particularly diligent in handing out his wealth. The early sources make no real distinctions in how this expression of penance was, or should be, carried out; property might be willed to the poor or handed out in person or through slaves. Gifts to monasteries and churches also qualified as alms. 95 Salvian found it scandalous that penitents, converts, pro­ fessed widows and consecrated virgins should retain a major part of their property to be willed to their families, or worse, to strangers. He suggested that the magnitude of the offense was greater for those who styled themselves religious than for ordinary laymen. He went so far as to state that, in the case of a husband and wife practicing continence* 39 their dedication of themselves to God would be negated by the transferral of their goods to people of the world. 97 Alms-giving, for Salvian, was the primary and indispensable 98 mark of those adopting the religious life. Sidonius, in urging a friend to adopt a more openly religious life, made it clear that largess, especially to churches, should be the chief mark of preoccupation with heavenly matters. 99 Unusual generosity in alms-giving frequently signaled the beginning of conversion in the lives of saints because it symbolized the repudiation of worldly treasures while not constituting an irrevocable step in adopting a religious life. Thus, even before Honoratus' formal tonsuring and change of garments, he gave away what his father allowed him, "practicing in small things to despise the rest, and to give away all of his possessions together.' In the Life of St. Riquier, it was his act of charity in taking in two Irish perearini which allowed him to hear their message of conversion. After his adoption of a life of penance, its outstanding manifestation was his endless charity to the needy. 101 St. Pardulfus, who experienced an internal conversion connected with youthful blindness, first manifested his religiosity by walking out of the house with anything to eat or wear given him by his parents and forthwith handing it to the poor.10 9 Caesarius, similarly, was said to have begun the pattern of life which finally led to his tonsure and change of vestments by unhesitatingly giving away his clothes to paupers at the age of seven, 40 so that he frequently distressed his parents by coming home half naked.103 Material gifts were not the only possible form of alms­ giving. Caesarius of Aries never tired of stressing that there are spiritual resources out of which one may give alms if worldly resources fail: one may forgive trespasses against oneself and pray for others. Perhaps more significant for explaining the activities of conversi. another kind of alms was occasionally suggested: teaching. Caesarius seems

to have considered the option of spiritual instruction as more appropriate to priests, 105 but other sources did not. Isidore recommended spiritual instruction to all in general as a 1 n higher form of charity. ft Hilary described Honoratus in the early period of his conversion as lavishing on the needy clothes, food, and spiritual instruction, depending on 107 their greatest need. It seems likely that Eligius, while leading a penitential life in the palace of Chlotar II and Dagobert I, instructed his friends and servants in the spiritual life. Ouen and Ado could not have imitated his religious practices without some instruction, nor could his 10.B freedmen have chanted psalms with him. He was in the habit of reading scripture while at work, with his favorite servant and apprentice seated opposite him. 109 Foreign diplomats, moreover, frequently called at his lodgings for meals "or certainly seeking wholesome counsel.' The alms of spiritual instruction were frequently so linked to 41 material charities. One further point of interest in the connection between conversi and alms-giving is the fact that conversi occasionally seem to be mentioned as legitimate recipients. They were so qualified, no doubt, by the same popular regard in which monks, hermits, and pilgrims were held, as having forsaken worldly ambition^ Nothing indicates that conversi conventional took a vow of poverty. However Caesarius of Aries compared rich men to an elm tree supporting a vine representing Christ's poor, who alone could adorn the barren tree with spiritual fruit. He identified with the vine monks, clerics,

"and those who are similar to these others, who in contempt 111 of the world serve God day and night." Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to suppose that alms were generally given to support only the humbler sort of ponversi who frequented shrines and churches, for one of whom the wife of bishop Namatius of Clermont was mistaken by a poor man who gave her bread. 2

IIt8. Fasts and Diet Fasting, like alms-giving, was assumed to be part of the normal discipline of conversi and paenitentes of all types.

HereB too, they were expected to be more assidious than ordinary laymen. Almsgiving, fasting, and prayer were the first spiritual exercises which came to Caesarius* mind in 113 thinking of penance and conversion. They were, of course, 42 expected to observe carefully the fasts of the church calendar, especially Lent, but they were also expected to fast frequently on their own. The exact frequency of fasts probably varied somewhat from one private regimen to another, but it was austere enough for Julianus Pomerius to criticize conversi for trading on their wan appearance. 114 Ruricius of Limoges wrote to a woman freely embracing a life of penance, urging a regimen of "fasting often and praying always," and of subduing the body through "tireless vigils and continual fasts." 115 Faustus of Riez urged on the praetorian prefect Felix, a convsrsus. the arduous discipline 116 of fasting every other day during the winter. It is possible that a rather light-hearted question put by Sidonius to the relioiosus Philagrius also refers to fasting every other day: "Do you value fasting on alternate days? It does 117 not pain me to follow." Gregory of Tours described a certain religiosa living in her own home as imposing on 11 fi herself daily fasts and prayers; obviously she must have eaten something. An explanation of sources that refer to daily fasts is provided by a passage in the "Passio S. Patrocli," written in the sixth century: a layman of Troyes, following a religious regimen involving special attention to prayer, fasting, and alms, was said to have fasted so fiercely that "through every single day he was not refreshed with food 119 except at the twelfth hour of the day;" in other words, he ate one meal at sundown. Probably a few other converts 43 followed a similar schedule. The synod of Epaone in 517 stipulated that repentant heretics were to do two years 120 public penance, fasting every third day; it seems unlikely that the usual expectation for voluntary penitential fasting was more frequent. Of course, if someone undertook voluntary public penance for only the period of Lent, as was perhaps done by the sixth century, 121 the prescription of fasting for all was already to hand and had only to be carefully observed. However, even after completing his prescribed period of public penance, the voluntary penitent was subject to definite dietary restrictions; other conversi were certainly subject to the same expectations. Caesarius stated specifically that the public penitent was not to drink wine unless in poor health, and never to eat meat even after formal reconciliation if other food was available. He also stated that the rule was often broken. 1 22 Sidonius' acquaintance, Vettius, although a more-or-less secret conversus since he had not changed his garments, abstained from meat even though 123 v he hunted. St. Genevieve, a virgin living in her own home in Paris of the fifth century, besides following a regular schedule of fasts, ate only barley-bread and beans left in a pot for three weeks* She never drank wine* After she was fifty years old, the bishop persuaded her to add fish and milk to her diet. Vegetarianism, then, was an ideal of convsrsio. and could be dispensed with for reasons of health* 44 Clearly some converts endeavored to deny themselves even further, however. It would seem that conversi of high station were expected to entertain guests with somewhat more indulgence than they allowed themselves, but with enough abstemiousness to remind everyone of their own regimen. Sidonius remarked that a dinner hosted by his friendfflaximus, who m he had immediately classified as monk, cleric, or penitent, was more leguminous than meaty; any'sumptuousness in the meal, he said, wasfflaximus' concessio n to the guests, not to him- 125 self. Hilary described the fraternal conversi Honoratus and Venantius entertaining bishops who departed more refreshed in spirit than in body. Dietary restrictions sometimes created the appearance of exclusiveness on the part of conversi and caused them to prefer each other's tables to those of the unrepentant. The Breton King Judicael, described as a "religiosus," was said to have declined to eat with King Dagobert while on a diplomatic mission to the Franks. When the Franks began a meal, he went instead to dine at the residence of the referendary Ouen, already mentioned as Eligius' companion and famous in his own right as a lay relioiosus. Dagobert 1 27 apparently bore no hard feelings for this behaviour. It is quite possible that Judicael thought Ouen's hospitality healthier for reasons other than religious observances, but mutual table habits apparently provided an acceptable 45 excuse. As in the discussion of alms-giving, early spiritual counsellors sometimes distinguished between bodily and spiritual varieties of fasting. Faustus of Riez, in particular, urged the superiority of the latter in a letter to the conversus Ruricius. The first kind of fasting consisted of coercing the body, but the more sublime type of abstinence involved ruling the soul by curbing tumultuous thoughts, and exercising gentleness and restraint against interior excesses. He made the same distinction in almost the same words when describing the ideals of moderation to the conversus Felix. 1 29 Faustus was obviously concerned, like Caesarius, that conversi might become caught up in exterior observances of their forma vivendi without sufficient thought for the deeper meanings of abstinence, with exactly the results criticized by Salvian and Julianus Pomerius. Alcuin also was of the opinion that fasting without good works was worthless.

11:9. Vigils, Prayers and Readings Vigils were one of the pious observances usually recommended for conversion. Like alms and fasts, they were assumed to be part of ordinary lay piety but were practiced with a special fervor, and possibly in a unique way, by conversi. Caesarius in his sermons over and over urged his hearers to repent and have recourse to the healing spiritual 46 remedies of vigils, fasting, and prayers. 131 Vigils mere one of the good works which could help to cleanse a sinner from the stains of peccata minuta. 132 What did those vigils consist of? Certain passages in Caesarius' sermons make it clear that viqiliae sometimes referred to public worship services held before sunrise in the cathedral on important holy days. 133 Special groups of conversi could, on special occasions, assemble in church buildings for devotionals called viqiliae. The conversa St. Genevieve assembled some of the matrons of Paris during the invasion of Attila and persuaded them to engage in fasts, prayers and vigils for several days in the baptistry of the church. 134 Conversi might also make vows to pray in churches all night alone. Austregisil, while living a holy life in the palace of King Guntram, "in seculari abitu," is said to have persisted in praying day and night; while seeking the will of God as to whether he should take a wife, he was said to have prayed without sleeping for three nights in the basilica of St. John in Chalons. However, some conversi are known to have engaged in private, all-night devotionals consisting of prayers, psalms, and readings at home. Faustus of Riez recommended the following to the conversus Felix: "The nocturnal silences are loving sacrifices for offerings of prayer; orderly reading may follow till the third hour, so that the exercise of the spirit may not cease to be longed-for and can always 4? grow." Thus a period of prayer was followed by a period of readings. This was a private program of prayer recommended by the bishop as spiritual advisor for an individual's spiritual exercise. It cannot have been a public worship service, since Faustus went on to recommend that Felix choose two of his own servants to provide help and companionship in diurnal and nocturnal religious functions. 137 The purpose of vigils was not only to render praise to God; the prolonged mental concentration on the divine, conquest of the body's willfulness through physical exhaustion, and the solitude of the night hours in private devotionals were apparently thought to make the observant convert open to direct messages from God. Conversi were particularly given to seeking, or at least receiving, such messages, which often marked an important stage in their religious development. The communication usually came in a dream after the one keeping vigil had reached the limit of human endurance and fallen asleep on the spot. St. Trudo, who was a layman but "inwardly before the Lord on account of extreme abstinence and great cultivation of religion he appeared a 139 monk," was told by an angel that it was time to fulfill his youthful vow to build a church, give away all his property, and learn "sacras litteras." He received the vision on "a certain night, after the customary labor of vigils and prayers, when the holy man yielded to the body on account of the mingled nature of the human race." 48 Austregisilt mentioned above, was told by angels that his bride would be the gospels (that is, he should remain celibate) after a vigil of three sleepless nights. He received the vision in his sleep: "and when around the middle of the night, when by then he could not endure the numbness of sleep, with bent knee he lay upon a cot and fell asleep." 141 St. Eligius, leading a penitential life in the palace of Chlotar II, received a vision in which he was informed that his penance had been counted worthy. He was said to have been given the potency of sanctity on that night: "this was the beginning of his powers." 142 He received the vision after he had been praying at night in his chambers, lying prostrate upon a hair-cloth as was his custom, while he had momentarily dropped off to sleep. 143 St. Ouen's "Vita Eligii" is by far the most detailed source for the prayer habits of a conversus. There is no way of verifying whether some of the deatils were peculiar to Eligius or were derived from more general practice, but Eligius' habits are worth examining. One general impression is that such private vigils would have been far too involved and lengthy for ordinary pious laymen to practice with any frequency. They would hardly have been noteworthy other­ wise. Such rituals must have been a mark of dedicated conversi. First of all, Eligius' vigils were obviously private; they were described twice as taking place in his cubiculum. 49 once in his camera* 144 Since his room uuas connected to that of Quen (Dado), at least in the palace of Dagobert I, it is likely that he was sometimes joined in his devotionals by his friend,and possibly by Ouen's brother Ado and their mutual friend Desiderius. Numbers of Eligius' servants, captives he had freed, also took part in some sort of day and night worship in his room. Though his vigils were not public, it would seem that he liked company for at least part of them. As to frequency, the life says only that Eligius was in the habit of performing these nocturnal devotionals. There is no indication that they were connected with specific holy days. Indeed, one is left with the impression that Eligius 148 spent every night in prayer and reading. Eligius' ,,149 devotionals "consumed the whole space of the night, according to one passage. He started either as soon as it grew dark, or sometimes after a short rest on his cot, 150 151 so that he was frequently occupied the whole night in spiritual exercises of various kinds "in as much as human nature could permit." 152 Even when he was overcome by sleep while reading scripture, he continued to meditate on the 153 words, "quodam modo." If called away on royal business in the middle of his devotions, he went out with a prayer and the sign of the cross, and took up where he had left 1 54 off when he returned. Although Eligius performed these devotionals in his 50 private chambers rather than in a chapel, he had made some effort to sanctify his place of prayer, and to make special arrangements for his reading of sacred texts. Hanging from his ceiling was a collection of "tokens" of the saints (close together, apparently), under which he nightly spread a hair­ cloth (cilicium); lying prostrate upon the hair-cloth, under the "holy veil" of the relics of the saints, he prayed for as long as he could maintain his concentration. 155 His status as a penitent was expressed by the penitential nature of his prayers 156 and the symbol of the goat's hair cloth, a fabric draped over the heads of those entering upon public penance. 157 When praying became tedious, he sang an unspecified number of psalms in order. After singing for some time ("longe") he turned immediately to a period of reading. He had constructed a device for rapidly consulting a number of texts: holy books were placed around the perimeter of a rigid wheel which could be turned on a fixed axis. Sampling the texts "like a most prudent bee" by revolving the wheel, occasionally pausing in penitential prayer or collapsing in sleep, he read until he returned to his prostrate attitude 159 of prayer or was interrupted. The specific activities in his devotionals were thus prayer, psalms, and readings. There is no way of knowing whether the order varied with other conversi, but there is 1 fin reason to think that the content was typical. Singing of psalms is mentioned as part of the regimen of several lay 51 religious men* It would have been natural for them to seek the company of others in that part of their nightly worship, especially where the vigils held in churches featured

1 fi 1 antiphonal singing by the congregation. Eligius' freed- men are specifically stated to have assisted him in his chambers with the cursus canonicus. Sidonius wrote of his friend Waximus, the "occulte delicatque religiosus," that "frequently he rereads the Psalms—more often he chants 4 f.'Z them." Maximus also had plenty of freedmen available on his estate, and he was said to have been especially close to his servants. Some illiterate conversi of lower social classes may not have used the psalter in their private nightly devotions. Gregory of Tours recounted the dilemma of a certain Brachio, a huntsman in servitude to a powerful man; the servant adopted a secret life of prayer, hoping to become a cleric eventually but fearful of letting his master know of his conversion. His nocturnal prayers are rather reminiscent of Eligius': "rising from his bed two or three times in the night, he would pour out his prayer to the Lord prostrate on the ground." He was incapable of performing the usual intervening periods of psalmody 'for he did not know what he 1 ft A might sing because he was ignorant of letters." Such a handicap also, of course, prevented him from carrying out the third element of Eligius' devotionals, the reading of sacred texts. 52 Nevertheless, an inability to read probably did not always prevent the use of psalmody in private devotions. Psalms could be learned in church. Caesarius, indeed, is said to have brought the communal offices of tierce, sext, and none into the basilica specifically for the benefit of especially pious laymen: "so that if anyone, perchance, of the seculars or penitents might aspire to perform the holy work, he might be able to take part in the daily office 165 without any excuse. The psalter was memorized by laymen, though reading was certainly an aid in such an accomplish­ ment. Brachio himself, after secretly teaching himself to read, sought the tutelage of a certain hermit and committed 166 all the Psalms to memory in two or three years. The convert Leobard, who performed private nocturnal devotions after rising from his bed in the middle of the night, had 1 67 memorized psalms in school as a boy. Readings occupied a surprisingly large place in private devotionals. Eligius' habits have been noted. Faustus of Riez emphasized the close connection of reading to prayer: after prayer, "orderly reading may follow up to the third hour, so that the exercise of the spirit may not end by being 168 lost and can always grow." Honoratus and his brother t/enantius became rivals in study after their conversions: "which occupied his bed less, which occupied himself with reading more?" Paulinus of Pella, living penitentially according to a rule of life given to him by certain holy 53 men in Marseilles, occupied himself with "learning the ways 170 of error through bad doctrines;" Perhaps he read some patristic literature. If Paulinus was referring to readings, they were evidently felt to have some sort of penitential value, if only for teaching him what doctrines to avoid. One is reminded of Eligius' devotion to orderly comparative reading. Alcuin, in a handbook on virtues and vices written for count Wido, advised him that "whoever wishes to be with God always, ought frequently to pray and to read." 1 71 In the life of conversion, reading was connected with prayer whenever possible. There are some indications, previously noted, that some conversi observed private canonical hours of prayer and psalmody in addition to the private nocturnal devotions. Faustus of Riez referred to day and night religious functions at which lYlaximus' two servants were to assist him. Eligius* freedmen similarly assisted him both day and night in the cursus canonicus in his chambers. 1 73 Such references are comparatively rare, however. By far the most frequently mentioned characteristic of the prayer life of conversi was the private nocturnal devotional.

11:10. Other Austerities and Activities The other identifiable austerities and pious acts per­ formed by conversi do not seem to have been of sufficient importance to define them as a class. That is, though some 54 of these activities are mentioned in several sources, they were not the ones that came immediately to the minds of early medieval writers when they thought of conversion. Presumably, a conversus might engage in only some or none of these other expressions of self-denial. Nevertheless, it was characteristic of those undergoing conversion to engage in additional acts of austerity. The fact that these are mentioned in only a few texts still leaves us no way of knowing how pervasive such austerities were among conversi. since biographers and commentators tended to describe only the most prominent features of an act of conversion. The additional expressions of conversion may be divided into two overlapping classes: private austerities and acts of social charity. The spiritual strengths which private austerities were meant to foster were humility, sobriety and denial of the allurements of the world. Honoratus and his brother l/enantius were said to have been rivals in speaking infrequently; the self-discipline represented not only a spiritual exercise but an image of precocious maturity and gravity. Similarly, Sidonius recognized some kind of conversion in his friend Maximus partly by the change in his

"free language" to a "religious manner of speech" which fitted in with his somber dress, walk, and complexion. 175 The household furniture of a layman adopting a religious life was expected to be bare and comfortless. Maximus (who was a priest, but indistinguishable in manner of living from 55 a voluntary penitent) had three-legged stools instead of more 1 76 opulent chairs, and a table without purple converings. The hard lectus is a more common item in descriptions of conversion. In Maximus' case, the lectus, which had no feather pillows, was probably the dining couch. 177 Honoratus and Venantius slept on beds of hair-cloth, with stones under 1 78 their necks as pillows. Diet included some severe forms of self-mortification. St. Riquier, a conversus, was said to have eaten barley bread mixed with ashes to break his fasts, and to te"e added his tears to his cup. 179 St. Amand, while leading a religious life as a layman, also ate barley 1 BD mixed with ashes. Probably the ashes (from Biblical allusions to man's mortality and contrition) symbolized penance like the tears. Such mortifications were not con­ fined to lay conversi. of course: Germanus of Auxerre was said to have eaten ashes at every meal after becoming a 181 priest. Such austerities were engaged in by all types of conversi. those whose conversion led immediately to the clericate and those who were laymen. Conversion for some involved penitential acts of social charity. Caesarius of Aries said that penitents should sweep out the church with their own hands. Caesarius tended to emphasize such acts of humility with a practical element. According to him, penitents should take paupers and pilgrims under their own roofs and humbly wash their feet; they should also visit prisoners and the sick, and recall 56 quarrelers to concord. It seems reasonable to assume that voluntary penitents and other lay conversi would fall under these expectations as much as other penitents. Riquier was said to have "revived paupers, covered the naked, visited the sick, buried the dead, and directed that lepers be given 1 8 *S baths." Eligius obtained royal permission to send two of his servants around to all cities and villages giving burial 1 84 to executed criminals and other cadavers. Penitents •toe carried the dead from church and buried them.

11:11. Redeeming Captives, Freeing Slaves Redeeming captives was not an activity peculiar to 1 flfi conversi; the task fell most often to bishops. It was a meritorious act for all who had sufficient means and influence. St. Amand was said to have redeemed captives as part of his 187 missionary work. St. Riquier spent the money given to him by those seeking penance on redeeming captives from the 1 88 Saxons on a special trip across the Channel. Some laymen following a religious life engaged in this pious activity if they had sufficient means and the necessary political connections. Eligius, living a penitential life in the palace of Oagobert I as a gold-worker and moneyer, was particularly active in this respect; indeed, it was one of his chief interests. He was in the habit of meeting slave ships or going to other sales and buying whole groups of captives, even a hundred at a time, irrespective of 57

nationality or sex. He also, apparently, redeemed debt-

slaves. If slave prices exceeded his purse, he added

precious ornaments from his apparel. He sent large numbers

of such freedmen to churches and monasteries. For those slaves who desired it, he purchased charters of manumission

from the king and gave them a subsidy to return to their own land. Of those who elected to remain, some were trained in

his service and some eventually attained high ecclesiastical positions. For those who entered monasteries, Eligius contributed their clothing and whatever else was necessary 1 89 to gain entrance.

There was no contradiction between following a religious life as a layman and owning slaves, though conversi were expected to be especially kind to their servants; but freeing even those who had not been forced into servitude was considered a religious act. Ingoberg, the widow of King

Charibert, who was "endowed with a religious life," freed many servi in her will leaving most of her property to the church of Tours. Her will was witnessed by Gregory of Tours, 190 who described it with approval. Obviously, manumissions as an expression of conversion could only be indulged in by laymen of wealth and station.

11:12* Tendency to Become Monks

In one sense the study of those who chose a conversio while remaining "in the world" involves an artificial 58 distinction. No general social or legal norms discouraged people from withdrawing from lay society into a monastery or hermitage after undergoing conversion. Indeed, adult entry into cenobitic life was also known as a conversio, and continued to be so called throughout the Middle Ages. 191 most saints' lives containing information on lay conversio speak of it only in connection with an early period in the saint's life, before he became a monk or cleric, so that one might expect that conversion led naturally to the clericate or monastic life. Once a life of heightened spirituality had been chosen, the desire to devote all of one's time to it rather than remaining under the burden of secular responsibilities seems to have called a great many conversi into seclusion or orders sooner or later unless other circumstances prevented it. Bishop Faustus of Riez, in writing a letter of advice to Ruricius on the alternative modes of life open to a conversus, gave first place in his recommendations to the cenobitic life because of the difficulties in attempting to follow the monastic way in the 192 midst of the world. In the fifth century there was considerable fluidity among various forms of religious life. In the "Lives of the Fathers of the Jura," St. Romanus spoke of certain monks who left the community for secular society and returned two or three times until they won the "palm of victory." Others, he said, left for other reasons, some of them continuing to 59 193 observe the rule in their native regions. It seems reasonable to assume that some of these men continued to lead some sort of religious life in secular society, at least between sojourns in the monastery. Sidonius, in a letter to his friend Domnulus, at one time an imperial quaestor, mentioned that the latter was in the habit of visiting the monasteries of the Jura as a prelude of his heavenly dwelling. 194 Surely with such interests Domnulus followed some sort of religious regimen between visits. In these two examples, then, we probably encounter monks who sometimes lived among seculars, and a secular who sometimes lived with monks. Such attempts at a compromise in religious life, or at trial periods of retreat from the world, mere probably fairly common in the fifth century. Paulinus of Pella seems to have hinted at some such experience when he referred to his having rashly dared "to live in the perfect manner of a monk," then yielding to the "counsel of holy ones" and under- going a short regimen of voluntary public penance instead. 195 Was it canonically permissible for monastic converts in Gaul to leave cenobitic life in the fifth and sixth centuries? A Synod of Aries (442/506) struck with ex­ communication those who returned to the world ("ad saeculum redeunt") after entering a religious state ("post sanctam religionis professionem") until they had done penance. The canon did not, however, equate the profession of religion with the monastic state, and early canons several 60 times referred to apostasy from the penitential state, also 197 involving a professio, as a return to the world. What was forbidden, therefore, was apostasy from any form of conversio* A canon of a synod of Orleans (549) drew distinctions between three situations in which women might undertake a mutatio vestimentorurn. Its first clause stated that women entering a monastery were to remain in the vestments in which they entered for one year; that is, they were not to put on a religious habit (perform a mutatio vestimenti). Secondly, however, in those monasteries wherein they were not "perpetually confined," they were not to put on a religious vestment until after three years. The third clause referred to women, both virgins and widows, who underwent a change of vestments in their own home. If any of these subsequently left and married, that is laid aside their religious garb, 198 they were stricken with excommunication. In other words, it was the entry into the religious state by change of garments which bound one, not any prior residence in a monastic community. The reference to the second type of monastery is significant: there were, evidently, religious communities which were more open to "the world." Congrega­ tions of conversi which grew up in the neighborhood of holy places and basilicas such as St. Martin's at Tours and St. 199 Denis' may have been in that category. There is, of course, no reason to assume that there were two strictly classified types of convents; there must have been many 61 shadings including floating populations of conversi associated with more strictly enclosed communities. The greatest institutional influence upon conversio in Gaul in the fifth century was the monastery of Lerins, founded by the conversus Honoratus. It drew converts from all over Gaul and Italy like a magnet. Some entered the cenobitic community there permanently; some stayed only temporarily to be instructed in the ascetic arts and expectations of conversio before returning to the world. Honoratus seems to have had no expectation that those entering his community were making an irrevocable step. Conversio as he knew it was an internal spiritual state independent of the monastery. His converts, both at Lerins and later at Aries, though they certainly felt some attach­ ment to the community, seem to have seen as their primary bond their discipleship to him. Hilary, his successor to the bishopric of Aries, saw the perpetuation of the community at Aries as commendable, but rather surprising: "I ask, there­ fore, seeing that he was leaving in a strange land all those disciples of his whom affection had drawn to this city, why he laid no charge upon any of them either to return to the world or to remain in community-life, and gave none of them definite directions where to live. It was, indeed, as if he foresaw that they would not be dispersed, apart from those who, even while he was alive, had already made up their 201 minds to depart." 62 Some conversi who came to live in or near the monastery of Lerins temporarily, for instruction, brought their dependents. Two such married couples of continentes, with their children, are known to us. Eucherius, not yet bishop of Lyons, his wife Galla and their children Salonius and Veranus came to Lerins around 410 as part of the movement of lay conversi attracted to the example of Honoratus. His sons apparently entered a more strictly monastic community under Honoratus as abbot. At some time, perhaps after Honoratus became bishop of Aries in 426, Eucherius and Galla moved together to the neighboring island of Lerum (now Ste. marguerite) where they were living at the time they received an extant letter from bishop Paulinus of IMola. 202 It seems probable from the letter that Eucherius and Galla tuere living together: it was addressed to both, called them "perpetui coniuges," and referred to their blessed "unanimi- 20 3 tatem" in Christ. The letter also spoke of their solicitude for their "reverend intentions" (probably a reference to continence) and their studies (probably under a program given them by Honoratus). Similarly, around the same time, Salvian, his wife Palladia and their daughter Auspiciola went to Lerins to live near Honoratus. In an extant letter to Palladia's parents, Salvian referred to their mutual and, apparently, simultaneous conversion: "conversiuncula nostra."* From Salvian's references to their closeness, one may assume that they were living 63 together on Lerins. He alluded also to their continence, on f. addressing Palladia as his "sister." Two vitae of the sixth century make it clear that it was a prior and formal conversio which motivated at least some men to go to Lerins for instruction in the ascetic life; that is, their status as conversi was quite independent of the cenobitic community of Lerins. Lupus of Troyes had been married for seven years to a sister of Honoratus' when he and his wife Piminiola underwent a mutual and simultaneous conversion. 207 Lupus changed his garments and then sought out Honoratus at Lerins, where "having bowed his neck under his instruction,... he was provided with doctrines of all on D vigils and abstinences." Confirmed in his course of conversio after a year with Honoratus, Lupus was on his way to Macon to distribute the rest of his property to the poor when he was forced to become bishop of Troyes.20 9 Caesarius, later bishop of Aries, had been leading a life of inner conversion unknown to his family when, at the age of eighteen, he betook himself to bishop Sylvester of Chalons and under- 210 went a tonsure and change of garments. Only after two or more years in this lay religious state ("sub hac inchoatione") did he leave his native region for the monastery of Lerins, where he was eventually ordained deacon and then priest. 211 Why would a conversus not become a monk? In the long tradition of conversio at the Frankish courts, there was sometimes royal irritation over the loss of trained personnel 64 to cloistered life. Rewarding long and faithful service at 212 the court with a bishopric or an abbacy was one thing, but kings were insistent about being consulted on the passage of ministers out of their service, and their approval was by no means certain. St. Wandrille, who as a young man served as a tax collector or some sort of supervisor for the royal fisc, consented to his wife's taking the veil and at the same time converted and tonsured himself. 21 3 After he attempted to join a monastery, King Dagobert I ordered him to appear at the palace to explain why he had tonsured him­ self without royal permission. The author of the vita made it clear that Wandrille could expect an unfriendly, even dangerous, reception, but through divine intervention he received permission to withdraw from the world. 214 Later in the seventh century, St. Ansbert, serving in the palace of Chlotar III as a referendary, converted and decided to seek entry into the very monastery founded by Uiandrille, Fontanelle. He escaped from the palace by not divulging his intentions to his friends or even to his own servants. 215 It was not always necessary to serve in the royal palace oneself to fall under royal constraint. St. Germanus of Granfelden was born to a senatorial family of Trier. While his brother was a noble in the court of Dagobert I or Sigibert III, he was put under the tutelage of bishop Modoald of Trier* At the age of seventeen he underwent a conversion, and asked Modoald to let him enter a monastery. Modoald 65 91 fi refused "on account of the royal power." Though all of these examples are from the seventh century, the difficulties of conversi connected with the royal court in following their urgings toward a complete retreat from secular society reflected a consistent policy of the Germanic rulers. In the early sixth century, St. Hymnemodus had been filling some ministry in the Burgundian court of Gundabad or Sigismund when he underwent a conversion and finally sought entry to the monastery of Grigny. The abbot, however, did not dare to receive him "on account of the office given him by the king."217 A few canons of Frankish synods reflect royal policy toward those in the service of the state who undertook a religious life. The synod of Clichy (626/627) forbade those subject to service as tax collectors to enter a religious state ("ad religione sociare") without the permission of the 91 B rulers or their .iudices. The phrase referring to entering religion was ambiguous as far as conversi were concerned. The monarchy was interested merely in preventing those financially responsible to thB fiscus from evading their obligations. If such people could have undergone a conversio while retaining their occupations and legal liabilities, it is doubtful that the Merovingians would have concerned themselves. But when a tax collector and conversus such as toandrille attempted to leave secular concerns entirely by becoming a monk (under Oagobert I, 66 near the beginning of whose reign the Synod of Clichy was held), the king was prepared to forcibly prevent him. Charlemagne was concerned with nobles evading military service under color of religion: three synods of the year 800 endorsed the principle that nobles who received a tonsure and gave their property to a religious institution should live under its rule? those who wished to reside on their own estates were to join the army like any other layman. 219 A royal capitulary of 605 legislated that no free man was to receive a religious consecration without permission of the 220 emperor. There were reasons other than royal disfavor for influential conversi not becoming monks. One of them was family obligations. This was the reason given by Paulinus of Pella for turning from monasticism to voluntary penance: Godi he said, fortunately thwarted his intentions of "daring to live in the perfect manner of a monk, when my home was filled with dear ones who seemed to be able to claim for themselves a customary care to be protected, sons, mother-in-law, wife, with not a small flock of their 221 servants, of course....' Faced with the possibility of losing a son to monastic life, parents might actually favor the option of conversion. Achivus, a sixth-century abbot of Agaunum, had followed his father into military service as a youth. After a conversion, when he attempted to enter the monastery of Grigny, his parents urged him to accustom his 67 body to hardship first, since he was not yet abls to endure monastic discipline. We went on to attain renown in ascetic disciplines, though it is not clear at what point he defied 222 his parents wishes and joined a monastery. The close connection between lay conversio and entry into a monastery is reflected in the ritual for consecration of conversi contained in the Liber Crdinum of the Mozarabic 223 rite. Even though it is outside the geographical limits of this study, it is the only surviving early ritual that applied to men as well as women. There is no reason to assume that the ritual differed greatly in Gaul, particularly in southern Gaul, whence came most of our earliest 224 material. The order was the same for all conversi. except that men received a tonsure while women put on a 225 consecrated religious vestment. After that came prayers including a list of spiritual graces to be sought after by the conversus. A benediction was pronounced, after which communion was given to the one consecrated, who then went 227 "to the place which he wished." The instructions at the end of the rite prescribed the same order for a monk entering a cenobium, except that after he approached the altar for communion he placed upon it a "pactionis libellus" in which the abbot had written his name, promising "stabilitas." He said a special prayer as he approached the altar, prostrated himself before it, and had a final prayer pronounced over him as he knelt. The rite for entering a monastery was, 68 therefore, simply a short continuation of the consecration of lay conversi. Nothing could illustrate more clearly the similarity of expectations and the close spiritual connection of these two types of conversio. For a conversus to under­ take the additional discipline of cenobitic life was simply an additional step on the same spiritual path.

11:13. Conversi as Hermits and Pilgrims Although the intent of this study is to examine only those forms of lay religious life which did not require a complete separation from secular society, the frequency with which the sources mention conversi spending at least part of their conversion on pilgrimages or as hermits demands some explanation. It is as though separation from one's past life of sin suggested a separation from one's former home as well. That was precisely the reasoning of Isidore of Seville in his Sententiae; "A change of place is sometimes of value for conversi for the health of the soul. For often, when the place is changed, the disposition of the mind is also changed. For it is fitting to be plucked away even bodily from wherever one was a slave to allurements; for the place where one lived wrongly brings to mind something which he had always either thought or done there." 229 The type of pilgrimage here recommended by Isidore might more properly be called "exile;" it had an essentially negative value: separation from those familiar things which recalled a past life of sin. 69 A similar negative motive inspired the pilgrimage of the fraternal conversi Honoratus and Venantius to Greece. Hilary, author of the Life of Honoratus, was quite certain that the impulse behind this pereqrinatio was a fear of their own fame as holy men; he stated at least four times that they had no intention of being trapped into vainglory by the local adulation of their conversion. 230 A different type of pilgrimage also attracted conversi: the visitation of shrines and holy places. One form of this activity was the journey to a specific memorial in outstand­ ing gratitude, devotion, or petition to a specific saint. It often marked the beginning of a life of conversio. Gregory of Tours met many of those who came to render homage to St. Martin and who committed themselves to a religious life at his tomb or basilica. Near Trier Gregory met a monk and former hermit who described the manner of his conversion: Uulfolaic had led a religious life even as a youth, holding vigils and giving alms in honor of St. Martin; but it was only after a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Martin, and a consequent miracle he witnessed, that he became a stylite 231 hermit near Trier. A blind woman from Vermandois under­ took a pilgrimage to seek help from St. Martin, received her sight at the basilica in Tours, and changed her garments there. 232 An epileptic from Vienne similarly received a cure at the basilica of St. Martin's and finally tonsured 233 himself as a sign of a new purity of life. A blind 70 pilgrim from Avranches also received his sight there and 234 tonsured himself soon after. In 565 Venantius Fortunatus received a cure from an eye disease at a shrine of St. Martin's in Ravenna and fulfilled a vow of gratitude by undertaking a pilgrimage to Martin's tomb at Tours, visiting major holy places along the way. 235 Though he did not specifically call himself a conversus. he mentioned that Bishop Paul of Aquileia had "wished me to be converted from my earliest years." It is significant that he became a priest at Poitiers shortly afterwardi for a series of Gallican councils in 517, 524, and 549 had reiterated the principle that no layman was to receive ordination unless his conversio 237 had preceded by at least a year. Aside from the preceding instances of pilgrimage as a pivotal event in undertaking a conversioi wealthy conversi sometimes went on extended pilgrimages to a number of holy places, particularly to leave gifts at the tombs of saints, simply as an expression of confirmed piety. Radegund, for example, after her consecration as a deaconess following a life of secret conversio, distributed the wealth of her personal royal ornaments to the cathedral of Noyon (where bishop Medard had consecrated her), to the monastic founda­ tions of three favored holy men which she visited personally, and especially to the basilica of St. Martin and the monastery of Candes at Tours, where she performed many ?38 devotions to St. Martin. Eligius adorned the tombs of 71

many of his favorite saints with his own work in gold, silvei and jewels; he too favored the shrine of St. Martin at Tours. 239 Aridius, who had been tonsured in his youth by bishop Nicetius of Trier, lived on his estate near Limoges with his mother, who was also a convert; both spent their time in prayer, founding churches and a monastery, and making pilgrimages to famous shrines, particularly those of St. Julian, which they visited together, and St. Martin. 240 It was common for a conversus to follow a stage of pilgrimage with a stage of eremitism. Indeed, "the desert" was always calling to conversi as a peaceful resolution of their struggle to deny the allurements of secular society while living in its midst. Faustus of Riez expressed the difficulty succinctly in dispensing advice to the conversus Ruricius: "to bring out the eremitical institution into the midst of the world, however great is the maonanimitas, so great is the difficulty."241 Jonas of Bobbio, in his life of abbot John of Reomaus, confirmed the special difficulty of a conversus living with his family: "since a mind vowed to God seeks servitude neither from parents nor from house­ hold, nor endures the pressure of the masses, he decided that he should seek out the solitudes of the hermit, in 242 whatever place offered itself." The recluse St. Leobard, according to Gregory of Tours, had religious aspirations as a youth and fled on his wedding day to go on pilgrimage to St. Martin's tomb to seek the saint's intercession in 72 discovering his vocation; his call to the religious life 243 confirmed, he shut himself up in a cell at Marmoutier. Conversi who found their attempts to join a monastery thwarted might resort to eremitism: the fiscal overseer Ulandrille, haled before the court of Dagobert I after his attempt to enter a monastery, retired to his own estate and built himself a cell where he engaged in fasts, vigils and self mortification. 244

11:14. Voluntary Servitude Lay conversi as well as clerics sometimes expressed penitence and gratitude to a particular holy man by voluntarily entering his servitium or usus. 245 In some cases the servitium involved a full-time assumption of the status of a servus, either temporarily or permanently. The one to whom the convert bound himself might be dead, in which case the servitude consisted of attendance and work at his tomb or shrine. If the holy man to whom the convert bound him­ self were living, the servus might assume the status of a personal lackey. In either case, however, the convert might express his adherence more symbolically. Occasionally a convert who undertook servitude as a religious act did not attach himself to a sanctus; the assumption of menial status was in itself an expression of personal abasement designed to expiate sins.

Gregory of Tours recorded examples of persons binding 73 themselves over to the service of saints' tombs in gratitude for assistance. A certain priest brought his paralyzed servus to the tomb of St. Martin and vowed to remit him to Martin's service if he were cured: "If you restore his health,...absolved on that day from the bond of my service, he will be given over to your service £tuo servitio] by tonsure." This transaction was not, as it might appear, a simple transferral of ownership over the servus, since the latter received his freedom before entering the service of Martin: "Having been tonsured and having assumed his freedom, he now serves devotedly in the service [usibus] of the blessed lord." 246 There is no indication that the servus was ordained; tonsure frequently marked formal entry into some form of lay conversio. 247 Gregory also related the story of a blind boy of Lyons cured by invoking the aid of St. Nicetius during the latter's burial. "After this thB boy was tireless in serving devotedly in the basilica at the saint's tomb."^ The rest of the story is exceedingly valuable as an indication of the dependence of such conversi on the favor of the powerful. The boy was "oppressed and harassed" by certain powerful citizens, who denied him enough food to live on. In this case the servus of the saint had no outside means of support, spending all of his time in duties and devotions at the sepulcher. Furthermore, he was probably not supported by the bishop's matricula but relied on direct gifts from rich 74

people visiting the shrine. It is possible that Gregory mean' that, for some reason, influential citizens exerted pressure to keep him off of the matricula. After he had appealed to Nicetius, the saint appeared to the boy in a dream and advised him to go to King Guntram and relate his sufferings to him, "for he will supply you with clothing and food and deliver you from the hands of your enemies.' 249 The boy went to Guntram and obtained what he asked. Thus the king might endow such a servitium in the face of local miserliness or hostility. A better-known Gallican conversus of this type, who, rather than lacking for support, probably himself endowed the shrine he venerated, was Paulinus of Nola, who took up residence at the shrine of St. Felix in Italy. He specifically described himself as entering on the servitium of his dominus, St. Felix. 250 It is difficult to speculate on the eventual fate and later status of such people who bound themselves to service at a shrine either in gratitude for or in hopes of a cure. Those with sufficient means, like Paulinus, were evidently able to go on to take orders or to leave. St. Bertichramnus, in his will written in 615, left property to a church and xenodochium of St. Martin's at Pontlieu; he did so as a result of his "vow and deliverance and deliberation," referring to St. Martin as his "peculiar patron. 1

Bertichramnus had at some point taken up a symbolic 75 voluntary servitude to St. Martin. His will mentioned that i ». nad been tonsured at Martin's sepulchre and that he sent an annual money tribute there. 252 He also endowed a "matricula et synodochio" for the support of sixteen paupers, blind men or lame men whom he described as "souls devoted to God." 253 Collections of destitute and handicapped persons following some sort of religious life might thus be supported by the matricula of a basilica and become the object of pious endowmentsi much as King Guntram assisted the servus of St. Nicetius. The status of servitium to a saint at his shrine might be inherited. Bishop Melanius of Rennes while he was alive cured a certain man from lameness; the man gave himself over in servitude to Melanius for the rest of his life. Moreover, his "progeny" continued to serve the saint at his tomb, where they occupied themselves in vigils and prayer, praising God for the favors of the saint and serving as perpetual guards of his church. 254 It is not clear whether the man's offspring served their father's patron out of gratitude or legal constraint; they may have adopted his status partly from economic motives, having some sort of claim to the **ather's alimentum. There are other examples of men and women undertaking voluntary servitude to a living man as a religious act. The tradition in Gaul dated back at least as far as St. Martin, who, while serving in the Roman imperial army and "regarded as a monk rather than as a soldier" though he was only a 76 catechumen, acted as a servant to his own servant, waiting on him at meals and cleaning his boots.25 5 St. Bavo was said to have adopted a kind of voluntary servitude, or at least a kind of legal self-abasement in penance for a particular uncharitable act. He had, at the time, passed beyond a stage of lay conversion to the clericate and residence in a monastic community, but there is no reason he could not have performed the same act as a layman. Before his spiritual conversion, he had sold a man as a slave into a foreign land. The act would have been regarded as deeply sinful if he had sold a Christian into pagan hands. The man returned to Bavo while he was in a monastery at Ghent. Bavo insisted that his former slave mark him as a public criminal: "have my body scourged and shave my head in the manner of brigands, and, with my feet and hands bound, as I deserve, thrust me into prison. For perhaps divine piety, if you do this, will grant me pardon.' 256 After some resistance, the man shaved his head, bound his feet, and remitted him to "public custody." The custodia publica consisted of his remaining in his cell with feet shackled giving himself up to prayer and private austerities. There is no indication that Bavo performed any labor either for the man who remitted him into the custodia publica or as a public slave. The status of criminal or public slave was apparently a more-or-less symbolic one, though he was said to have retained it for the rest of his life. 77 Two other examples from the life of St. Melanius suggest that religiously-motivated voluntary servitude was sometimes more than merely nominal, involving the surrender of personal property to the chosen master. A certain noble woman from Le Mans had been bedridden for twelve years; when she was cured by Bishop Melanius, "she bequeathed JT" tradidif'J all that she had ["sua omnia"] to the blessed bishop, and afterward stayed with him in servitude to the Lord." 257 A certain paralytic who was cured by Melanius "with everything that he had, gave himself over to the services of the aforesaid holy man Melanius, remained fast in his servitude, and separated himself from all acts of the world. He left behind, therefore, the world with its partisans and united himself, as much as he could, to God and his angels." If there were any doubt about the religious nature of the servitium of the first, it should be dispelled by the unqualifiedly spiritual terms in which the second was described. The phrases describing entry into servitium are too close to admit of any distinction: "ei..., Domino servitura, adhaesiti," "ejus servitio inhaesit." Such a servitium was obviously a form of religious conversio, distinguished by giving one's person and property into the patronage of a holy man. One other example of servitium should be cited in this discussion, though it is beyond our time-frame. St. Odo of Cluny's life of St. Gerald of Aurillac (written 925/26) 78 illustrates the continuity of religious servitium in some of its most important characteristics. Gerald was a noble layman who underwent a formal (by tonsure) though secret conversio near the end of the ninth century. As a result of his conversion, he went to Rome to make over his property by formal will to St. Peter. 259 In fact the property devolved to the monastery dedicated to St. Peter which Gerald founded at Aurillac, though he provided for a census to be paid yearly at Peter's tomb. Having consecrated all his possessions to the saint, he himself went every second year to the tombs of Peter and Paul in Rome with ten solidi hang- 961 ing from his neck "as a submissive servus." Gerald retained full use of his property in his lifetime, however, even styling himself "count" of his dominions. He did not, therefore, dedicate himself to full-time service at the shrine of his patron. He did not have to: as a man of substance he could send money instead, found a monastery in the saint's honor, and go on frequent pilgrimages to the tomb to renew his vow of servitium. More important, he could afford to lead a religious life on his own estates, like the earlier Gallican senatorial conversi, providing companions for his reading and recitation of psalms, mortifying his body, and spending his time in vigils and prayers. The humbler class of conversi had no choice but to secure sustenance for such a life from a living patron or the alms and matriculas of the shrines. 79 11:15. Occupations The necessary questions regarding the occupations of conversi are: what occupations were considered consistent with a life of conversion, and what occupations were actually engaged in? There is little evidence available to answer the questions, but their consideration is essential to a discussion of options available to laymen living under a religious regimen "in the world." Isidore of Seville thought it necessary to caution converts about the dangers of secular pursuits: "Certain people in the heat of conversion at first gird themselves with virtues, in truth having come near progress, while they apply themselves immoderately to earthly affairs...." Salvian of Marseilles had earlier castigated conversi who were too devoted to worldly gain: He pointed to"those reliqiosi ambitious for new honors and purchasers of power more ample than they held before after having accepted the name of penance. They wish to be not so much seculars as more than seculars, so that what they were before is not enough for them unless they are more afterward.' Lie may assume from these two sources that active pursuit of greater wealth or station by conversi was frowned upon and that some holding to an outward conversio fed their ambitions in spite of their new way of life.

Butf aside from immoderate attention to worldly affairs and desire for greater wealth and station, were converts 80 expected to avoid particular methods of gain? Three Gallican councils of the sixth century imposed penalties on penitents 264 who returned to "worldly affairs." Were any occupations held to be inconsistent with a life of heightened religiosity? Gregory the Great wrote: "There are very many occupations fnegotiaj which can scarcely or not at all be exhibited without sins. Since such things entangle in sin, it is necessary that the mind not return to them after ,,265 conversion. Church councils of the fourth and fifth centuries felt that the holding of government offices and service in the army necessarily involved infractions of Christian ethics rigidly interpreted. Yet Faustus of Riez in the mid-fifth century wrote a letter outlining a program of conversio to the praetorian prefect Felix. The letter assumed that Felix would continue to fulfill public duties, but it is significant that Faustus recommended that trusted servants be found to assume part of the burden. It would seem that in individual circumstances the nature of the office mattered less than the time available for personal purely religious exercises. Faustus similarly advised Ruricius (at that time still a lay conversus) to choose servants to 7fi8 help him manage his estate. Under the Merovingian state, much of the sentiment against filling political posts while leading a religious life had disappeared by the seventh century. Desiderius, 81 Ouen, Eligius, and others filled palace posts while living a religious life "sub saeculari habitu." Nevertheless, prohibitions against public penitents serving in administra- tive posts were repeated into the twelfth century. 269 Public penitents in Gaul through the early sixth century were unequivocally forbidden to serve in the army, even after their formal reconciliation. Pope Leo I in the mid-fifth century advised bishop Rusticus of Narbonne that "it is contrary to all ecclesiastical rules to return to the militiam saecularem after the performance of penance." 270 Caesarius of Aries implied that those in the army might have an adequate excuse for not doing penance were it not for the fact that an internal repentance was more important than an external one. 271 The Synod of Orleans in 538 struck with excommunication all penitents who had "returned to the secular habit and army." 272 Converts who were not voluntary public penitents were probably understood to be barred from military service if they had publicly assumed a religious status. Conciliar canons are silent on the matter before the ninth century. There aire no examples from hagiographical literature of 273 converts carrying arms before the ninth century. Charlemagne, in a capitulary of 805, forbade all free men "to give themselves to the service of God" without his license since, he said, some did so "not so much out of devotion as in fleeing from the army or some other royal 82 function.' 274 He required tonsured men living in their own 975 homes to muster with the army like other laymen. Under increasing state pressure to fulfill the military obligations of free laymen, the tradition of conversio probably came to a closer accomodation with secular duties. In the late ninth century, the convert Gerald of Aurillac carried arms and led his troops, though he avoided shedding blood. We have no evidence to answer the interesting question of whether those who had adopted a secret conversio ever performed military service or whether they would have felt a conflict of conscience in doing so. It is even more difficult to decide whether occupations not connected with the state were forbidden to conversi. There was some feeling against allowing penitents or reconciled penitents to engage in a life of commerce. Leo I advised Rusticus of Narbonne that it was difficult to avoid sin in the trade of buying and selling; there was also the difficulty of avoiding secular litigation: penitents were to bring unavoidable lawsuits before an ecclesiastical court rather than a public court. 277 In Spain, where conciliar canons regulated the order of penitents more explicitly than in Gaul, bishops were clearly unwilling to allow penitents to be merchants: the council of Barcellona in 540 stated that: "Penitents may not give their attention to trades involving giving and taking."

It is ultimately impossible to decide how far such 83 pronouncements actually affected the patterns of conversion of ordinary folk in Gaul simply because the sources rarely concerned themselves in detail with the lives of humbler conversi. Many convers.i came from agricultural families, which were not liable to religious restrictions on commercial life. Those who did renounce another occupation most often did so from practical rather than legal motives: the huntsman Bracchio gave up his occupation in order to join a hermit and learn to read. 279 A poor boy forced to labor in spite of his desire to give himself to study was cured at St. Gall's shrine and spent the rest of his life in oon attendance at the shrine, but the particular motives for such devotions have already been discussed. Gregory of Tours mentioned two reliqiosae in humbler occupations: one a washer-woman and one a servant to Queen Ingoberg. Previous to flagrant sexual sins in both cases, each had worn the distinctive religious dress of women vowed to God while engaging in their secular occupations apparently without criticism. Unfortunately we have no clear case of a merchant turned conversus. By the middle of the eighth century there was considerable pressure on men and women who had undergone a formal outward conversio (tonsure in the case of men, veiling of women) to give up any appearance of administering their earthly possessions. The Capitulary of Ver in 755 threatened with excommunication all in that category who would not submit themselves to monastic life or the canonical order. NOTES TO CHAPTER II Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.8, Cavallin, p.54: "...sed ilico se in flammam conversionis nutrita huiusmodi fomentis scintilla proripuit.'' See also c.5, p.51-53; c.9, p.55. Written a year after Honoratus' death in 429 or 430 by one of his closest disciples, this is one of the earliest and best sources on conversio. F. Prinz, Fruhes Monchtum im Frankenreich (Munich, 1965), p.49. Hilary, c.11, Cavallin, p.56: "Inito itaque consilio et quodammodo passi honoris sui persecutionem ad peregrina contendunt." 3 Hilary, c.8, Cavallin, p.54: "Ita repente totus ex alio alius ostenditur, ut non aliter genitor ipsius quam orbatus filio pater lamentaret.... Tota hinc parentum persecutio suscitatur." 4 Hilary, c.5, Cavallin, p.52: "Itaque velut splendidissimar gemmam et commune omnium decus eripi sibi simul patria, simul familiares, simul parentes putabant." Hilary, c.9, Cavallin, p.55: "ffientior, nisi plurimi apiscoporum didicere ab illis, dum excipiuntur, excipere; nam si qui rigorem ilium propositi non expaverunt, plus illinc humanitatis animo quam refectionis corporeae secum tulerunt."

Hilary, c.10, Cavallin, p.56: "...quam rara feminarum visitatio etiam proximarum...." Sidonius, Epistolae I\/.9:3, MGH. Auct. ant. UI11, p.61: "Novoque genere Vivendi monachum.•..occulte delicateque religiosus...."

• Sidonius, IV.9:1, p.61: "...servi utiles: rustici morigeri, urbani amici oboedientes patronoque contenti; mensa non minus pascens hospitem quam clientem." g Sidonius, IV.9:4, p.61: "Subiectorum statum condicionemqut non dominio sed iudicio regit; putes eum propriam domum non possidere sed potius administrare." 10Sidonius, IV.24:4, raSJd, Auct. ant. VIII, p.75: "Cum surgeremus, clam percontor adstantes, quod genus vitae de 84 85 tribus arripuisset ordinibus, monachum ageret an clericum paenitentemve." Sidonius may be using "penitent" in a more general sense than a public penitent; he certainly cannot mean "monk" in a technical sense, since his friend was obviously not cloistered or an anchorite. See Chapter I, note 16. 12Paulinus of Pella, "Eucharisticos Deo," H.468-469, CSELf XVI, p.309: "Confessusque igitur penitenda quae mihi noram, proposita studui constrictus vivere lege...;" 11.479-482: "Salvo tunc etiam propriae domus, ordine, nuper qui fuerat, linqui et quam iam non posse probarem nee retinere tamen peregrino iugiter asset possibile adstricto iam censu...." 13 See section VI. 14 See the examples in Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, particularly asylum given to lYlerovech at Tours, V:14, fflGH S^D] I, p.201-206. 15 Concilium Turonense, a.567, c.5, CCSJL, CXLVIIIA, p.178: "Lit unaquaeque civitas pauperes et egenos incolas alimentis congruentibus pascat secondum vires; ut tarn vicani presbyteri quam cives omnes suum pauperem pascant." See also Gregory of Tours, H.F., VII:29 on the almsmen attached to the church: "nonnulli etiam matriculariorum et reliquorum pauperum." 16Gregory, hUF., 11:17, JYLGJJ £RB Ii p.65: (The wife of bishop Nematius of Clermont, evidently having become a conversa when her husband became bishop, received bread from a poor man who mistook her for one of the Church's paupers) "sedente ea in basilica ac legente, ad veniret quidam pauper ad orationem, et aspiciens earn in veste nigra, senio iam provecta, putavit esse unam de egentibus protulitque quadrum panis et posuit in sinu eius et abscessit." 1 7 'Gregory, H.F.. V:21, p.229: "Inghitrudis autem relegiosa consuetudinem habebat, aquam de sepulchrum sancti Wartini collegere." On Ingitrude see also IX:33 and X:12. 18 Gregory, De virtutibus 5. Wartini. 11:4, MGH SRffi I, p.611: Veranus, a serf belonging to the priest Symon, became paralyzed. His master brought him to the tomb of St. (Ylartin and vowed to consecrate him to martin's service by tonsure if he were cured: "...promittens votum et dicens: 'Si eum reddideris sanitati, piissime domne fflartine, in ilia die absolutus a meis servitiis vinculo, humiliatis capillis tuo servitio delegetur'". He remained there five days and received a vision in which he was cured. He received the tonsure and freedom, and entered the service of St* Martin: 86 "Qui, tunsorato capite, accepta libertate, beati domni usibus nunc deservit". 19 See section VI• 20 Gregory, op.cit., 111:22, p.638: A blind woman from the city of Tours went to the monastery of Candes, guided by h8r husband, to pray beside the bed of St. Martin. She prayed there several days and recovered her sight. She then remained there: "Tantaque deinceps feminam fides accendit, ut usque ad diem sui obitus numquam a loco illo discederet." 21 Gregory, op.cit., 111:19, p.637: A blind man from Avranches made a pilgrimage to St. Martin's shrine to obtain a cure. After fasts and prayers, he received his sight during mass at the basilica and returned to his home: "Pro tantae pietatis gaudia vovit se ibidem tonsorari, quod postea rediens devotus implevit." See also 11:9 (p.612) and 11:18 (p.615). 22Salvian, DP oubernatione Dei V:10, CSEL. VIII, p.119: "... qui a coniugibus propriis abstinentes a rerum alienarum pervasione non abstinent....temperant a concubitu et non temperant a rapina." 23Salvian, Epistulae IV, CSEL. VIII, p.207: Salvian and his wife Palladia, living together on Lerins as conversi, practicing continence, wrote to Palladia's parents in an attempt to be reconciled with them. Writing in Palladia's name, Salvian admitted that the idea of their practicing continence had originated with him: "Invitavit me ad religionem; invitavit ad castitatem." 24 Hilary, Sermo de vita 5. Honorati, c.7, Cavallin, p.54: Just before formally embracing conversio, Honoratus was in the habit of quoting pious maxims to himself against the allurements of the world: "Mihi conjux sapientia; mihi in virtutibus voluptas...." 25Isidore, Sententiae. 111:9:1, £L, LXXXIII, col.609: "Quisque conversus si max omnes carnis stimulos calcare cupiat, et summa virtutum subire contendat, si forte adhuc aliqua adversa de carnis molestiis tolerat, non frangatur.... 11:12:2, col.613: "Ilia est conversis perfectior compunctioni affectio, quae omnes a se carnalium desideriorum affectus repellit...."

2 Sidonius, Epistulae IX.6:3, MGH, Auct. £nt. VIII, p.154: "Haec guidem gloria, si voluptates sic reliquisset, ut nee uxori coniugaretur; sed, etsi forte contingat ad bonos mores ab errore migrare, paucorum est incipere de 87 maxumis, at eos, qui diu totum indulserint sibi, protinus totum et pariter incidere." 2 Concilium Arausicanum I, a.441, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.84: "Sedit prasterea ut deinceps non ordinentur diacones coniugati nisi qui prius conversionis proposito professi fuerint castitatem." The canon was repeated in Concilium Arelatense, a.442-5Q6, c.43, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.122. 28Concilium Arausicanum I, a.441, c.27, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.85: "In utroque sexu desertores professae castitatis praevaricatores habendi et his omnibus per paenitentiam legitimam consulendum." 29 Concilium Aspasii Episcopi Metropolitan! Elusani, a.551, c.1, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.163: "...quicumque post acceptam paenitentiam ad thorum uxorum suarum, sicut canis ad vomitum, redisse probantur...tarn a communione quam a liminibus ecclesiae uel convivio catholicorum se sequestratus esse cognoscant." 30Conciliurn Arelatense, a.442-506, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.118: "Paenitens quae defuncto viro alii nubere praesumpserit vel suspecta vel interdicta familiaritate cum extraneo vixerit, cum eodem ab ecclesiae liminibus arceatur. Hoc etiam da viro in paenitentia posito placuit observari." 31Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.15, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.201: "Iuvenibus etiam paenitentia non facile committenda est propter aetatis fragilitatem." Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.27(24), CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.124: "De paenetentum conversione. Ut ne quis benedictionem paenetentiae iuvenibus persunis credere praesumat; certe coniugatis nisi ex consensu parcium et aetate iam plena earn dare non audeat." The same warning regarding married persons had been given earlier at Aries: Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.22, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.118: "Paenitentiam coniugatis nonnisi ex consensu dandam." 33 Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.13, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.8: "Si se cuicumque quaecumque mulier duplici coniugio presbyteri vel diaconi relicta coniunxerit, aut castigati separantur aut certe, si in crimenum intentione persteterint, pari excommunicatione plectantur." See also Con. Epaonense, a.517, c.32, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.32-33; Con. fnaticonense, a.585, c.16, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.246; Con. Aucissiodorensis, a.561-605, c.22, CCSL. CXLl/IIIA, p.268; Con. Romanum, a.743, c.5, MGH Concilia II, p. 13-14; Pippini Regis Capitulare Vermeriense, a.753, c.3, fflGH Leoes I, p.22. 88 34Con. Liptinense, a.743, c.5, Nansi, XII, col.37l:"Si quis filiastrum, aut filiastram suam ante episcopum ad confirmationem tennerit, saparetur ab uxore et alteram non accipiat. Simili modo at mulier alterum non accipiat." 35 Pippini Regis Capitulare Vermeriense, a.753, c.9, fflGH Leges I, p.23: "Si quis necessitate inev/itabili cogente in alium ducatum seu provinciam fugerit,...et uxor eius.cum valet et potest, amore parentum aut rebus suis, eum sequi noluerit,...semper innupta permaneat...." 35Ibid.. c.10, c.11, c.12; p.23. 37 Ibid*• c.19, p.23: "Si servus aut ancilla per venditionis causam separati fuerint, praedicandi sunt ut sic maneant, si eos reiungere non possumus." See also c.20, p.23. 7Q Ibid.i c.21, p.23: "Qui uxorem suam dimisBrit velare, aliam non accipiat." 39 Pippini Regis Capitulare Compendiense, a.757, cc.4, 11, 13, 15, 17, 21; Leges I, p.28-29. Ibid., c.17, p.28: "Si quis cum matre et filia in adulterio mansit, nesciente matre quod cum filia sua mansisset,. postea ille vir si acceperit mulierem, dimittat, usque in diem mortis suae non habeat uxorem...; et ilia mater et filia,... habeant viros. Nam si in notitiam illarum venerit hoc scelus, dimittant maritos, et agant poenitentiam...." See also Pippini Regis Capitulare Uermeriense, a.753, cc.9, 10; MGH Leoes I, p. 23. 41 Concilium Turonense, a.567, Epistula episcoporum provinciae Turonensis ad plebam, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.197-198: "...si qui ex vobis sunt in sponsali pactione divincti nee adhuc in matrimonii foedere cupulati, nuptiarum suarum etsi definitum iam tempus sit, licit apostolo \/ota nuptialia permittente, nos tamen consilium dantes hortamur, ut iusto moderamine debeant ad praesens differe, duplici conditione compulsi, ut aut ira Domini per castimoniam corporis et sinceritatem cordis oratione assidua valeat mitigari...." 42See section IV: 1. 4T HJGaltier, "Penitents et 'convertis*," p.10-15. ^Sidonius, Epistulae IV.9:2, MLM, Auct. Ant. VIII, p.61: "...summus nitor in vestibus, cultus in cingulis, splendor in phaleris...." IV.9:3: "...novoque genere Vivendi monachum complet non sub palliolo sed sub paludamento...." IV.9:5 "...plus ego admiror saosrdotalem virum quam sacerdotem." 89 45Salvian, Da gubernatione Dei IV:7, CSEL. VIII, p.74-75; "lam vero illud quale, quam sanctum, quod si qui ex nobilibus converti ad deum coeperit, statim honorem nobilitatis amittit? ...Ut diximus, si honoratior quispiam religioni se adplicuerit, ilico honoratus esse desistit. Ubi enim quis mutaverit vestem, mutat protinus dignitatem."

Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.8, Cavallin, p.54: "Transfertur ad nitorem mentis vestium splendor."

47"\/ita Lupi Episcopi Trecensis," c.2, JUGH'SM VIII p.296: "Turn ille superni spiritus vigore flamrnatus, transferens ad nitorem mentium vestis ornatum...." 48Ruricius, Epistulae 11:32, CSEL. XXI, p.415-416: "Superest, ut nunc conversionem, quam protulistis in veste, probetis in corde et haec commutatio inter indumentum vestrum habeatur et animum, ut, sicut ille sub candidis vestibus habuit hucusque nigredinem, ita nunc sub pullis vestibus operum luce candescat." Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.281.

Gregory, iLF. 11:17, IY1GH SRm I, p.65: "...in veste nigra...." See note 16 above. M. Ferotin, ed., Le Liber Ordinum (Monumenta Ecclesiae lituroica. \l, Paris, 1904), col.82: "Ordo conversorum conversarumque," describes the ritual of entry into conversio in use in the Visigothic Church. If the subjec were a woman, a "vestem religionis" was given to her. However, an extension of the same ritual, col.85-86, was used for entry into a monastery. Concilium Foroiuliense, a.796/797, c.11, MGH Concilia II, p.193: "Item placuit de faeminis cuiuscumque conditionis, puellis scilicet vel viduis, quae, virginitatis sive continentiae propositum spontanee pollicentes, Deo emancipate fuerint et ob continentiae signum nigram vestem quasi religiosam, sicut antiquus mos fuit in his regionibus, indutae fuerint: licet non sint a sacerdote sacratae, in hoc tamen proposito eas perpetim persevare mandamus."

52"Vita Genovefae," c.31, JYIGH SM III, p.228: "Adveniens quaedam puella a Bituriginsi urbe Parisius, quae post consecrationem corpus suum violaverat, sed ab hominibus inmaculata credebatur. Interrogatur a Genovefa, utrum sanctaamoniales esset an vidua." 53 Hilary, Sermo de vita S. Honorati, c.8, Cavallin, p.54: "Cervicis lacteae decus palliis rigentibus occupatur." 54Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.11ff. 90 55Gregory, H.F. II: 1, jriGM £BJH I, p.37: "Nam mulier, ad quam cubicularii eius vestimenta deterebant ad abluendam, quae sub specie religionis erat veste mutata, concepit et peperit." 56 Gregory, H.F, IV:26, iGJtJ SM I, p.157: "Habebat tunc temporis Ingoberga in servitium suum duas puellas pauperis cuiusdam filias, quorum prima vocabaturfflarcovefa, religios a veste habens...." 57 Gregory, Liber in gloria confessorum: 31, OTGH 5 ROT I, p.767: "...ex consensu pari vir tonsoratur ad clericatum, puella vero religiosum induit vestimentum." The reference to "putting on" religious vestments does not by necessity refer to entry into a convent; see the "Lirdo conversorum conversarumque" (note 54), which directs that for the conversa "...induit earn vestem religionis...." 58Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.155: "...illae, quae in domibus propriis, tarn puellae quam viduae, conrnutatis vestibus convertuntur, cum his, quibus coniugio copulantur, ab ecclesiae communione priventur." 59 "Vita Genovefae," c.6, iKIGH SfiW III, p.217: "...nullius metalli neque auri neque argenti seu quolibet margaritarum ornamento collum, saltim digitos tuos honerare paciaris. Nam si seculi huius vel exiguus decor tuam superaverit mentem, etiam aeterna et celestia ornamenta carebis." See section I\/:5. Concilium Toletanense, a.589, c.12, Mansi, IX, col.996: "si vir est, sive sanus, sive infirmus, prius eum tondeat, et sic poenitentiam ei tradat; si vero mulier fuerit, non accipiat poenitentiam, nisi prius mutaverit habitum...." See Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.15, CCSL, CXLVIII, p.201. See also the Visigothic "Ordo conversorum conversarumque" (note 50 above) which specified tonsure for men but change of garments for women.

Gennadius, "Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum," ed. C. H. Turner, The Journal of Theological Studies, Mil (1906), p.94: "Sed et secreta satisfactione solui mortalia crimina non negamus, sed mutato prius saeculari habitu et confesso religionis studio per vitae correctionem et iugi, immo perpetuo, luctu, miserante Deo: ita dumtaxat ut contraria pro his quae paenitet agat et eucharistiam omnibus dominicis diebus supplex et submissus usque ad mortem percipiat." 3Caesarius, Sermo LXVII:1> CCSL. CIII, p.285: "Et quidem ille, qui paenitentiam publice accipit, poterat earn secretius agere: sed credo considerans multitudinem 91 peccatorum suorum videt sa contra tarn gravia mala solum non posse sufficere; ideo adiutorium totius populi cupit expetere."

Vogel, La discipline penitentielle en Gaulet p.137-138. 65 See, for example, the list of pious acts in Caesarius, Sermo CLXXIX:4-6, CCSL. CIV, p.726-727. 66Caesarius, Sermo XVIII:2-4, CCSL. CIII, p.83-85. Sermo LV/1:3, CCSL. CIII, p.250: "Quid enim homini uxorem habenti nocet, si mores perditos voluerit ad opera bona vel honesta convertere, si peccatorum suorum vulnera elemosynis ieiuniis et orationibus ad sanitatem pristinam studeat revocare? Uera enim conversio sine vestimentorum commutatione sufficit sibi." 67Caesarius, Sermo CLXXXIX:2, CCSL. CIV, p.772: "Si vero quisque conscientiam suam intus interrogans, crimen aliquod capitale commisit, ut si fidem suam falso testimonio expugnavit ac prodidit, si sacrum veritatis nomen periurii temeritate violavit, si niveam baptismi tunicam et speciosam virginitatis sericam caeno commaculati pudoris infecit, si in semetipso novum hominem crimine homicidii interfecit, si auguria observando per aruspices et divinos atque incantatores captivum se diabolo tradidit: haec atque huiusmodi mala expiari penitus communi et mediocri vel secreta satisfactione non possunt. Graves causae graviores et acriores et publicas curas requirunt."

Gennadius, Liber ecclesiasticorum doqmatum:XII, p.94: "Nam quern mortalia post baptismum crimina commissa premunt, hortor prius publica paenitentia satisfacere et ita sacerdotis iudicio reconciliatum communioni sociari, si vult non ad iudicium et condemnationem sui eucharistiam percipere."

Ladner, p.372. Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.10-15. 70 '"Isidore, Sententiae 11.7:12, PL, LXXXIII, col.608: "Quidam sunt qui jam secrete conversi sunt, quorum conversio, quia non procedit ad publicum, apud aestimationem humanam, quales fuerunt, tales adhuc esse putantur; jam tamen in Dei oculis surrexerunt." 71 . 'Sidonius, Epistulae IV:24:3, MH, l\uct. Ant. VIII, p.75: "Habitus viro, gradus pudor, color sermo religiosus, turn coma brevis barba prolixa...." 2Sidonius, Epistulae IV.9:1, MGJi, Auct. Ant. VIII, p.60-61: "Interveni proxime Vettio inlustri viro et actiones 92 eius cotidianas penitissime et veluti ex otio inspexi." In contrast to the "gradus pudor" of Maximus (note 71), the bearing and walk of the noble Vettius was a "pomposus incessus... (iste publicam fidem...asserit...) ." It is apparent that Vettius1 style and manner were dictated by the social or political position he had to maintain. 73Sidonius, Epistulae IV:9:3, p.61. Sidonius, Epistulae IV.9:2, p.61: "...summus nitor in vestibus, cultus in cingulis, splendor in phaleris...." 75 Sidonius, Epistulae IV.9:4, p.61: He was a celibate rearing his daughter with "maternal diligence": "Filiam unicam parvam post obitum uxoris relictam solacio caelibatus alit auita teneritudinei materna diligentia, paterna benignitate." Iv.9:3, p.61: "Inter haec sacrorum voluminum lectio frequens, per quam inter edendum saepius sumit animae cibum; psalmos crebro lectitat, crebrius cantat... Venatu utitur nee utitur venatione." 76Sidonius, Epistulae IV.15:2, WGH, Auct. Ant. VIII, p.67: "Quod restat, optamus, ut deo nostro per uberes annos, sicut vota redditis, ita reddenda voveatis, idque non solum religione celata, sed et conversione manifesta; mitigatoque temporum statu tarn desiderio meo Christus indulgeat quam Rutenorum, ut possitis et pro illis offerre sacrificia, qui iam pro vobis offertis altaria."

77Paulinus, Epistulae. XVIII:5, CSEL, XXIX, p.132-133: "...vel subiugatorum deo coniugum arcana germanitas, quae orationibus sedulis laetum in operibus suis Christum ad visitationem non iam maritalis tori sed fraterni cubilis invitat, cum ipso sanctisque eius vicissim mixta concubitu castitatis spiritibus visitantiurn inmaculato amore confunditur...." 78 Gregory, Liber in gloria confessorum: 31, MGH Sf^lV] I, p.767: "Duos fuisse apud Arvernum, virum scilicet et puellam, refert antiquitas, qui coniuncti coniugio, non coitu, et in uno stratu quiescentes, non sunt ab alterutrum polluti in voluptate carnali." 79 Loc.cit.; "arcanum quod inter eos converat." fin Loc.cit.: "Sile, sile, vir Dei, quia non est necesse ut fatearis nostrum nemine interrogante secretum." 1Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.15, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.201: "Paenitentes, tempore quo paenitentiam petunt, impositione manuum et cilicium super caput a sacerdote sicut ubique constitutum est, consequantur; et si aut comas non deposuerint, 93 aut vestimenta non mutaverint, abiiciantur et nisi digne paenituarint, non recipiantur." 89 Pippini Regis capitulare Vernense duple.xf a.755| c.11, fflGH Leges I, p.26: "De illis hominibus qui se dicunt propter Deum quod se tunsorassint, et modo res eorum vel pecunia habent, et nee sub manu episcopi sunt, nee in monasterium regulare vivunt, placuit ut in monasterio sint sub ordine regulari, aut sub manu episcopi sub ordine canonica.... Et de ancillis Dei velatis eadem forma servetur." 83 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.9, Cavallin, p.55: "Adsistifc tyroni suo Dominus consolator, nee dissimulat unum ei ex gerrnanis suis in collegium suscitare; qui exemplo ipsius ad conversionem vocatus, et senior juniorem secutus, in ipso brevi quo vixit tempore sicut collegio ilium ita etiam virtute comitatus est. Hinc iam inter illos certamina grata propositi...." 84 Hilary, c.9, p.55: "...cuius mens ad pietatem mollior, cuius esset cibus durior, cuius sermo blandior, cuius amictus asperior; quis loqui rarius, quis orare crebrius posset; quern minus detineret lectulus, quern magis lectio; quern minus moveret iniuria, quern magis misericordia; quis daret promptius quod sibi detraxisset; quis libentius hospiti stratum cilicii et cervical illud consueti lapidis offerret; quis peregrinum promptius ante elemosinae dispensationem lacrimis foveret, et affectu prius Christum quam advenam convivio pasceret; cui in ore rarior mundus, cui frequentior Christus...." DC Hilary, c.12, Cavallin, p.57: "Ne quid tamen iuvenili ausu temere ab ipsis inceptum putaretur, adsumunt senem perfectae consummataeque gravitatis, quern semper in Christo patrem conputantes/patrem nominarunt, sanctum Caprasium.... Hunc tamquam ordinatorem in Domino/atque custod^m suae aetat adsumunt, quos iam custodes sibi plurima juventus elegerat." Of. Hilary, c.9, p.55: see note 5; c.15, Cavallin, p.59: on his choice of the island of Lerins for a hermitage partly because of his acquaintance with the diocesan bishop, Leontius. 87 "Vita Eligii Episcopi Noviomagensis," I, cc.3-5, MGJj SRfll IV, p.671-673, on his position as a gold-worker and moneyer in the palace of Clothar II; c.9, p.676, under Dagobert I. A description of his final conversion occurs in c.7, p.673-674: "Non post longum spatium cum iam Eligius virilem ageret aetatem, cupiens se vas Deo exhibere sanctificatum ac metuens...omnia adulescentiae suae coram 94 sacerdote confessus est acta; sicque sibi austeram inponens paenitentiam, coepit fortiter conluctatione carnis spiritus fervore resistere...in vigiliis, in ieiuniist in castitate, in patientia multa atque in caritate non ficta." 88 "Vita Eligii»" c.8, p.675: "Quod cum cir sanctus sodali suo Audoino nomine, cognomento Dadone, quern sicut animam suam deligebat, secretius enarrasset, vicissim ab eo exegit.... Iamquae ex hoc spreta saeculi blandimenta, cupiebat ex studio Eligium emulare ad bonum. Accito etiam germano suo Adone in consilio commune,—erant enim viri inclit. obtimates aulae,...--hii ergo, commune habito consilio, coeperunt imitare, quae ab Eligio gerebantur; eratque eis familiare consortium et cor unum in Domino atque anima una.1' 89 "Vita Eligii," c.12, p.679: "Isdemque apud regem habitans, habebat mansionem assiduae subiunctam cum Dadone." See section 11:9, "Vigils, Prayers, and Readings,"for a description of Eligius' private nightly worship. 90 "Vita Eligii," c.8, p.676: "...cor unum in Domino atque anima una." See also c.12, p.679. 91Faustus, Eoistulae. VI, CSEL. XXI, p.197: "Utinam provideat dominus vel duo fida solacia, cum quibus diurnas et nocturnas exigas functiones et vel biduo in septimana salutantum fruaris officiis." See Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.17. 92 Faustus, Epistulae. VIII, p.210: "Tertium est per fidelium famulorum electa solacia inpositae procurationis officiis sub propria ac minore sollicitudine quantitatem reservatae gubernare substantiae et cursum per viam regiam tota mediocritate dirigere." Bishop Faustus was here advising Ruricius in his life of conversio. The obvious spiritual purpose of the two assistants was to prevent Ruricius from being totally immersed in worldly cares. Considering Faustus' similar advice to the conversus Felix (above), however, it is logical to assume that they would be companions for his spiritual exercises as well. For this interpretation, see Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.298. 93 "Vita Richarii sacerdotis Centulensis primigenia," c.9, OTGH SRM VII, p.450: "Cmnis familia sua, tarn coniux quam et filii seu vernaculi aut ancillas aut servos, quod habuit, Christus ad suum servitium perduxit, et in monasterium conversationem monasticam vitamque finierunt, et alii finire in oboedientia perfecta expectant." The value of this text as an illustration of a pattern in conversio is lessened by the facts that Richarius was already a priest 95 by this time, and that he subsequently established these dependents in a monastery. 94 *H"\lita Eligii," c.10, MGH SRJYl IV. p.678. Eligius redeemed a great number of captives at the royal court, "et alii quam plures...qui die noctuque in eius camaram cum omni studio sollemniter canonicum ad implere studebant cursum." On the content of this "cursus" see Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis*," p.297-298. 95 See "Vita S. Lupicini," c.106, ed. F. Martine, Vie des Peres du Jura (Paris, 1968), p.350 for a religious woman (though not necessarily a conversa) distributing alms through a slave. The "Vita S. Eugendi," c.145, ed. Martine, p.394, calls the matron Syajria (who was almost certainly a professed widow) "ecclesiorum monasteriumque per eleemosynam mater." 96Salvian, Epistulae. IXMQ-12, CSEL. VIII, p.220: "Et quidem istud licet in omnibus fere grave sit, praecipue in his tamen, quos in consimili crimine infidelitatis etiam professio sanctitatis accusat. Sed idem morbus hie non saecularium tantum est, sed eorum etiam, qui sibi nomen religionis usurpant. -- Et ideo videns ille qui scripsit commune esse hoc malum prope universorum labemque hanc non ad mundiales tantum homines, sed etiam ad paenitentes atque conversos, ad viduas quoque iam continentiam professas atque ad puellas in sacris altaribus consecratas...." 97Salvian, Ad Ecclesiam. 11:7, CSEL. VIII, p.254-255: "Nam de coniugibus continentiam professis et spiritu dei plenis dubitare quis debeat, quin sua heredibus mundanis servire nolint qui se ipsos mundo eliminaverint?... Aliter enim quilibet horum, si res suas saeculo deditis atque ipsi saeculo derelinquit, frustra sibi nomen religionis inscripsit: ei videtur semper vixisse, cui moritur." 98 Salvian, Ad Ecclesiam. IV:5, CSEL» VIII, p.308: "Induat sibi quamvis quaelibet habitum sancti nominis et titulum sacrae religionis inscribat, si de substantia sua aliis magis quam sibi consulit, profecto non credit." To "consult her own interests more than others," of course, is meant in the spiritual sense: to give alms. 99 Sidonius, Epistulae VIII.4:4, (Y)GH. Huct. ant. VIII, p.129: "...ut qui Christo fayente clam sanctus es, iam palam religiosa venerandus iugo salubri colla pariter et corda subdare invigiletque caelestibus lingua praeconiis, anima sententiis, dextra donariis: praecipue tamen dextra donariis, quia quicquid ecclesiis spargis, tibi colligis...." 96 100Hilary, "Sermo ds l/ita S. Honorati," c.5, Cavallin, p.53: "...at puerili interdum censu pauperem juvans, quicquid habere adhuc ilia aetas, et plus utique pro novitata habendi amare poterat, miseratione prodigus offerebati jam tunc in paruo praemeditans cuncta contemnere/ et sua simul universa largiri." "Vita Richarii Sacerdotis Centulensis primagenia," fflGH SRM VII, p.445-446. Riquier's conversio (a term used in Alcuin's biography of the saint, IY1GH SRM IV, p.391, but not in this, the oldest life) may have a double meaning. The Irish pereqrini may have found him a pagan; however, he immediately adopted a Christian life of intense religiosity and pi '"••- -- •*• ••••• -'" *•-*• poeni

102"\/ita Pardulfi Abbatis Waractensis," NGH SRJY! Ill • p»26: "Iste enim cecus corpore, sed clarus opere, dum cum propriis parentibus degeret vitam, quicquid ab eis ex alimento vel operimento ab eorum manibus recipiebat, mox cum foris vestibulum fuisset egressus, quemcumque ex pauperibus repperiebat, hoc suis manibus in abscondito erogabat, nisi paululum in usum vite suae reservabat."

103"Vita Caesarii Episcopi Arelatensis," 1GH SRM III. p.458: "...cum septimum seu amplius gereret aetatis annum, ex vestimentis, quae circa se habuisset, absque ulla dubitatione pauperibus tribuebat. Saepe domi seminudus revertens vir beatus, cum visus a parentibus suis fuisset, sub distractione discussus, quid da vestimentis suis fecerit, ipse hoc tantummodo respondebat, a transeuntibus sibi fuisse sublata." 104 ,UHCaesarius, Sermones I, XXV, XXVII, XXX, CCSL. CIII. Vogel, La discipline penitentielle en Gaule, p.98-99. H. G. J. Beck, The Pastoral Care of Souls in South-East France During the Sixth Century (Rome, 1950), p.277-278. See A. Guillaume, Jeune et charite (Paris, 1954), p.90-91 for an analysis of the thoughts of Leo the Great on alms­ giving as a spiritual state, to be practiced by rich and poor alike. 105, See especially Caesarius, Sermo 1:8, 14, CCSL, CIII, p.6, p.10P«: . 106, Isidore, Sententiae. 111.60:12, PJL» LXXXIII, col.731 "Non solum qui essurienti, et sitienti, et nudo beneficium largitatis impendit, vel si quid aliud indigenti largitur, sed et qui inimicum diligit, et qui lugenti affectum 97 compassionis et consulationis impertit aut in quibusdam n8cessitatibus consilium adhibet, eleemosynam procul dubio facit. Nam et doctrinae bonum eleemosyna est, et misericordia carnali eminentior est." See P. J. Wullins, The Spiritual Life According to Isidore of Seville (Washington, 1940), p.179-180. 1Q7 Hilary, "Serrao de Vita S. Honorati," c.9, Cavallin, p.55: "Ornabant itaque omnem simul patriam, et...custodiebantui aliorum ab illis corpora, aliorum spiritus; prout quisque indigens erat,j[aut vestimentis,! aut doctrina aut sumptibus/ vestiebantur, instruebantur, alebantur." 108"\/ita Eligii," MGH SRM IV, c.8, p.675-676, p.678. See note 146 below. 109 I bid.i c.10, p.676: "...sedebat fabricans in defossum et contra eum Thille vernaculus eius ex genere Saxonico, qui magistri vestigia sequens, et ipse postmodum venerabilem vitam duxit. Sedens ergo Eligius ad opus praedictum, codicem sibimet prae oculis praeparabat apertum.... Sic igitur duplum gerens officium, manus usibus hominum, mentem usui mancipabat divino." Even personal reading, of course, was done aloud; see P. Riche, Education et culture dans 1'Occident barbare (3rd ed., Paris, 1962), p.158. 110Ibid.. c.10, p.676-677: "Flagrabateius ubique fama in tantum, ut si qui ex Romana vel Italica aut Gothica vel qualecumque provintia legationis foedere aut alia quacumque ex causa palatium regis Francorum adire pararent, non prius regi occurrerent quam Eligium adgrederentur, vel iubamen alimoniae ab eo poposcentes, vel certe consilium salubre quaerentes."

11lCaesarius, Sermo XXVII:I, CCSL. CIII, p.119: "...et si qui sunt alii similes horum, qui contempto mundo deo die noctuque deserviunt." The parable of the vine-bearing tree was taken from The Shepherd of Hermas.

l12Gregory of Tours, H.F. . 11:17, MGH SRJl I, p.65. For alms given to a pilgrim see "Vita 5. Lupicini," c.101, ed. Martina, Vie des peres du Jura, p.350. 113 Caesarius, Sermo LVII:3, CCSL. CIII, p.287: "...qui paenitentiam agit: ...cum dei adiutorio, quantum potest, sic de aliorum oratione confidat, ut sive in ieiuniis, sive in elemosinis, sive in orationibus, in humilitate et caritate, sive in opere sancto se exercere contendat.. .." See also Sermo LVI:3, CCSL. CII, p.250; Sermo LXVIII:1, CCSL, CII, p.288-289. Alms certainly took precedence over fasting in Caesarius' thinking and that of other great Christian teachers. See A. Guillaume, Jeune et charite" 98 (Paris, 1954), p.151=152 for a summary of Caesarius' views in this regard. Fasting was often urged only as a means to alms; See Guillaume p.116-130 for a thorough treatment of the thinking of Leo the Great on this connection. Julianus Pomerius, De vita contemplativa, 11:4:2, PL, LIX, col.448: "...jejunant ut uultus sui pallorem perniciosis laudibus vendant." 115Ruricus, Epistulae 11:15, CSEL, XXI, p.395: ".,. adiuvante domino ut adquirere valeas pariter et custodire, ieiunandum est saepius et semper orandum." p.396: "Debemus corpus nostrum indefessis vigiliis et continuis edomare ieiuniis." l16Faustus, Epistulae 111:6, CSEL. XXI, p.197: "...alternis hiemales dies ieiuniis transigantur.. . ." 117Sidonius, Epistulae VII.14:12, MGH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.122:"Ieiunandum alternis putas? Non piget sequi." Sidonius' friend Philagrius must have fasted as part of a religious regimen. Sidonius calls him a reliqiosus: VII.14:10, p.122: "Comples ipse personam religiosi." 118 Gregory, Liber in gloria confessorum: 33, HIGH SRM I, p.768: "...cotidie autem ieiuniis et orationibus insistebat." 119"Passio S. Patrocli," c.2, AAS5. Jan, II, p.707: "...serviebat Deo coeli diebus ac noctibus et legem Catholicam diligebat, institutus bene litteris et prudentia, et genua curvans in oratione cunctis horis, ita ut per singulos dies non reficeretur cibo nisi hora duodecima diei: multis tamen orationibus et deprecationibus ante refectionem Domino laudes reddebat: et omnia quae possidebat de substantia parentum, per viduas et orphanos erogebat.•••" Patroclus' religious regimen may safely be described as a conversio. He lived in the mid-third century, so that his sixth-century biographer was probably describing a religious regimen, including a style of fasting, practiced in his own time, whether or not it was also practiced by Patroclus. The date is taken from Dekkers, p.484, #2130a. 1 ?n '^Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.29, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.31: "...ut praescripto biennio tertia die sine relaxatione ieiunent...." 121 Beck, p.193-194. Poschmann, p.96. 122 '"Caesarius, Sermo LXVII:3, CCSL. CIII, p.287-288: "Vinum, si non permittit infermitas, non accipiatj si vero hoc propter senectutem vel propter dolorem stomachi non potest, audiat apostolum dicentem: 'Vino modico utere propter stomachum tuurn.' Sunt enim aliqui paenitentes, qui 99 ideo cito reconciliari volunt, ut carnem accipiant. Certum est quod non satis conpuncte paenitentiam accipiti qui carnes nulla infirmitate cogente aut desiderat aut praesumit accipere. Et ideo etiam reconciliatus paenitens, ubicumque aut in suo aut in alieno convivio olera aut legumina aut pisciculos invenire potuerit, aliam carnem non debet accipere. Hoc ideo dico, quia, quod peius est, sunt aliqui paenitentes, qui et carnem cum grandi aviditate accipiunt, et vinum forte aliquotiens usque ad ebrietatem bibunt." 123Sidonius, Eoistulae, IV.9:3, 1GH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.61: "...ferarum carnibus abstinet, cursibus adquiescit...." 124"Vita Genovefae," c.15, JYTGJH SRM III, p.220-221: "A quinto decimo namque usque ad quinquagensimo aetatis sue annum a die dominico in quinta feria et a quinta idem die dominico ieiunium desolvit. Esca vero illi erat panes ordiatius et fava, quam post duas aut tres ebdomadas in olla cocta reconmiscens edebat. Vinum autem...in omni vita sua non potavit. Post quinquaginsimum vero annum, suadentibus episcopis,... piscem et lac cum pane ordiatio edere cepit."

12 Sidonius, Epistulaa. IV.24:3, IWGH, Auct. ant. Villi p.75: "...mensa nil purpurae, humanitas ipsa sic benigna quod frugi, nee ita carnibus abundans ut leguminibus; certe, si quid in cibis unctius, non sibi sed hospitibus indulgens." 1 96 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.9, Cavallin, p.55: "Mentior, nisi plurimi episcoporum didicere ab illis, dum excipiuntur, excipere; nam si qui rigorem ilium propositi non expaverunt, plus illinc humanitatis animo quam refectionis in corporeae secum tularunt." 127Fredegar, IV:7B, ed. J. N. Wallace-Hadrill, The fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredeoar (London, 1960), p.66: "Sed tamen cum Dagobertum ad minsam nee ad prandium discumbere noluit, eo quod esset Iudechaile religiosus et temens Deum valde. Cumque Dagobertus resedissit ad prandium, Iudacaile aegrediens de palacium ad mansionem Dadone referendario quern cognoverat sanctam religionem sectantem, accessit ad prandium. Indique in crasteno Iudacaile rex Brittanorum Dagobertum vale dicens, in Brittanium repedavit; condigne tamen a Dagoberto muneribus honoratur."

128Faustus, Epistulae 111:9, CSEL. XXI, p.212: "Et quia duo sunt ieiuniorum genera, unum incontinentiae appetitum a male blandis deliciarum suavitatibus coercere, ut exterior et terrenus homo vomere crucis edomitus commoda infirmitate marcescat, alterum abstinentiae genus est multo 100 sublimius, multo pretiosius, cui nulla contradicere possit infirmitas, motus animi regere et inrationabiles perturbationes vel conluctantium inter se cogitationum tumultus interioris iudicio refrenare...." For a discussion of witnesses to the spiritual emphasis on fasting in the earlier Church, see R. Arbesmann, "Fasting and Prophecy in Pagan and Christian Antiquity," Traditio, VII (1949-51), especially p.38-41.

129Faustus, Epistulae 111:6, C5EL, XXI, p.197-199. Faustus made an interesting addition in this letter, however: he recommended that one beginning such a regimen not rush into great austerities, but instead accustom himself to privation more gradually, fasting (or banqueting) every other day (see note 116 above): "...necessitati potius quam voluptati temperata moderatione servire, epulum, si permittat infirmitas, vel alternis diebus, donee vis longae consuetudinis sensim dissuescatur, accipere." 1 30 Alcuin, Liber de virtutibus et vitiis, c.XVI, PL, CI, col.625: "Qui autem a cibis abstinent,, et prave agunt; daemones imitantur, quibus esca carnalis non est, et nequitia spiritualis semper inest." 13lCaesarius, Sermones 30:2.- (CCSL. CIII, p.130), 60?4 (p.265-266), 107:4 (p.445-446), 134:7 (p.555), 179:6 (CIV, p.727), 164:6 (p.751), 196:3 (p.793), 197:1 (p.795), 209:4 (p.837), 228:6 (p.904).

2Caesarius, Sermo 60:4 (C_CJSJL, CM, p.265-266), Sermo 179:6 (CCSL, CIV, p.727). 133 The public character of the services, and their occurrence in the Church, is seen in Sermones 76:3, 78:5, 84:6 (C_C_S_L,CIII) • Their character as an early morning, rather than an all-night, service can be seen in Sermones 86:5, 188:6, 196:2 (CCSL, CIII-CIV). See Beck, p.111. For a list of vigils held in the basilica at Tours see Gregory of Tours, H.F. X:31, MGH SM It p.445. 1 34 "Vita Genovefae," c.12, Mid SRM Ill, p.219: "Quorum matronas convocans Genuvefa, suadebat, ut ieiuniis et orationibus ac vigiliis insisterent, quatenus possint, sicut Iudith et Ster, superventura clade evadere. Consentientes ergo Genuvefe, dies aliquod in baptisterio vigilias exercentes, ieiuniis et orationibus, sicut Genuvefa suasserat, Deo vacaverunt." 135,,Vita Austrigisili," c.1, £LQ±1 SRJjQ IV,p.191: "Tunc vero iam in seculari abitu elemosinis et vigiliis, orationibus die noctuque vigilantissime insistebat...." C.3, p.192:"...in basilica sancti Iohannis cumminus ab urbe Cavillono sita, 101 votum faciens, ut tres noctes sine somnu perceptione in oratione persisteret." 136Faustus, Epistulae 111:6, CSEL. XXI. p.196-197: "Itaque ad immolanda orationum sacrificia arnica sunt fruentibus nocturna silentia, quibus usque ad horam tertiam lectio moderata succedat, ut exercitium spiritale non desinat desiderari et semper possit augeri." 137Paustus, Eoistulae 111:6, CSEL. v.21, p.197 11.1-4: "titinam provideat dominus vel duo fida solacia, cum quibus diurnas et nocturnas exigas functiones et vel biduo in septimana salutantum fruaris officiis." 1 38 For examples of an interesting parallel, see R. Arbesmann, "Fasting and Prophesy in Pagan and Christian Antiguity," p.52-71, in which the discipline of fasting in the earlier church was used to induce visions. Fasting may, of course, have been a preparation for the vigils discussed below. 139"\/ita Trudonis" c.4, £GJj SgJY} VI, p.278: "...inter laicales habitus et secularis vitae tumultus in sanctae religionis cultu et mandatorum Domini observatione summopere exercebat, ...intrinsecus vero coram Domino ob nimiam abstinentiam et magnae religionis cultum monachus existeret." 140 Loc.cit.: "Quadam nocte, dum sanctus vir post consuetum vigiliarum orationumque laborem paululum somnii propter insertam humani generis naturam corpori consedisset.. 141"\/ita Austrigisilii," c.3, jflGH S£M IV, p.192: 'Et cum circiter medium noctis temporis, cum iam ferre non posset somni torporem, flexo genu, incubuit formulae et obdormivit." 142"Vita Eligii," I, c.8, MGJd SM IV, p.675: "Hoc ergo fuit initium virtutam eius, immo omnipotentis Dei, per quern omnes omnia possunt." 143 Loc.cit.: "quadam nocte in oratione prostratus super cilicium incumberet, somno ingruente obpressus, veluti transeundo in momento obdormivit,..." 144 Loc.cit.: "in cubiculo, ubi assiduae cubitore solitus erat." C.12, p.679: "in cubiculo suo." C.10, p.678: "in eius camaram." 145 "Vita Eligii," c.12, p.679: "Isdemque apud regem habiti habebat mansionem assiduae subiunctam cum Dadone." 146 Ado was brought under Elisius' influence through Cuen (Dado), and both were described as imitating Eligius "commune 102 habito consilio": c.8, p.675-676. The life of Desiderius, which used the "Vita Eligii" as a model and mine, described him as engaging in prayers day and night, being urged to better things by the examples of his friends Paul, Arnulf, Eligius, and Quen: "Vita Desiderii," c.4,fflGH SRff i IV, p.566. 147 After naming some of Eligius' more notable freedmen, the biography adds "...et alii quam plures, quos enumerare perlongum est, qui die noctuque in eius camaram cum omni studio sollemniter- canonicum adimplare studebant cursum": "Vita Eligii," c.10, NGH SRm IV, p.678. 148"Vita Eligii," c.7, p.674: "Ad Domini sui pedes noctibus iacebat...." C.8, p.675: "...orare consueverat nocte." C.10, p.676: "Pollebat itaque magis ac magis in vigiliis...." C.12, p.679: "Erat ei consuetudo in noctibus.... 149 "Vita Eligii," c.12, p.679: "...ut omne noctis spatium in Dei consumeret servitium." Loc.cit.: "...aut a primo crepesculo aut post paulolum quietis e lectulo...." Loc.cit.: "...sique plerumque noctes totas excubiis insistendo cum lacrimis ducere." 152 Loc.cit.: "...nam diversis modis, in quantum humana permittere poterat natura, iugiter insistebat,...." 153 Loc.cit.: "Et cum plerumque inter ipsa divina verba somno vehementer ingruente gravaretur ipsa quodam modo lectionis verba etiam per somnum meditabatur." 154 Log.cit.: "Sane frequenter diversis ex causis et noctu et maturius in regis camara vocatus nullus intus pergebat, etiamsi missi adsequerentur missos, priusquam suum propositum in Christi conpleret obsequium. Egrediens enim domum, orationis et crucis muniabatur signo; regrediens vero domum, oratio occurrebat ei prius quam sessio." 155"Vita Eligii," c.8, p.675: "Habebat itaque in cubiculo, ubi assiduae cubitare solitus erat, multorum pignora sanctorum in suppremis dependentia, sub quorum sacro velamine reclinato in cilicio capite orare consueverat nocte." Eligius, and the other conversi described as praying upon their beds or floors,did not recline in an attitude conducive to sleep, but with their arms extended in the form of a cross. This was a common and moderate gesture of penitential prayer. The gesture could become a form of extreme self-mortification when performed for long periods standing up. See Dom Louis Gougaud, Devotions et pratiques 103 ascetiques du Woven Age (Paris, 1925), p.8-13. 156"Vita Eligii," c.7, p.674: "Ad Domini sui pedes noctibus iacebat, manibus pectus tundens, genas lacrimis rigans, moderatoque suspirio, oculis ad caelum levatis, ac lacrimabili voce haec crebrius verba geminabat...." 157 / Vogel, La discipline penitentielle en Gaulet p.108. Caesarius, Sermo LXVII, CCSL, L III, p.285. 1 ^fl "Vita Eligii," c.12, p.679: "Cum enim prolixe oraret, pro quodam levamine intermittens orationem, psalmos concinebat ex ordine quibus longe cantatis ad lectionem ilico accedebat." 159 Loc.cit.: "Habebat itaque in cubiculo suo...sacros libros in giro per axem plurimos; quos post psalmodiam et orationem revolvens, et quasi apis prudentissima diversas ex diversis flores legens, in alvearium sui pectoris optima quaeque recondebat." J. Stadlhuber, "Das Stundengebet des Laien im christlichen Altertum," Zeitschrift fur Katholische Geschichte. LXXI (1949),170, 174. H. Leclercq, "Gffice Divin," DACL, XII, pt.2, cols.1965-1968, 1985-1986. 161 Beck, pp.109-110. This is perhaps to beg the question of whether there was a continuous, independent, older tradition of private vigils alongside the public devotionals held in churches. There almost certainly was such an older tradition; whether it was continuous in the West through the early middle ages, and tied together all of the private observances mentioned in this chapter is a much more difficult question. Cn the earliest private and monastic vigils see G. Dix, The Shape of the Liturov (London, 1945), pp.323-332. 169 "Vita Eligii," C.10J ".».qui die noctuque in eius camaram cum omni studio sollemniter canonicum adimplere studebant cursum." Galtier, "Penitents et *convertis'," pp.297-298. 1 Sidonius, Epistulae IV.9:3,ffiGH. Auct . ant. VIII, p.61: "psalmos crebro lectitat, crebrius cantat." 164 Gregory, Liber Vitae Patrum. XII. De Aemeliano Heremita et Brachione Abbate:2, HIGH SRM I, pp.712-713: "Tamen, cum asset adhuc laicus, in nocte bis aut tertio de stratu suo consurgens, terrae prostratus, orationem fundebat ad Dominum. Nesciebat enim, quid caneret, quia caneret, quia litteras ignorabat." The last sentence may take more than one translation ("For he did not know what ha was singing. 104 because he was ignorant of letters"?), but the subjunctive suggests the translation given in the text. P. Riche, Education et culture, p.514, seems to use that reading. Stadlhuber, p.174, seems to use the other reading. 165"Vita Caesarii," c.15, MGH SRM III, p.462: "...ut si quis forte saecularium vel penitentum sanctum opus ex sequi ambiret, absque excusatione aliqua confidiano interesse possit officio." 156Greogry of Tours, Liber Vitae Patrum XII.-2, MGH SRM If p.712: "Exin mortuo Sigivaldo, ad antedictum senem properat, et cum eodem duos vel tres annos faciens, psalterium memoriae conmendavit." 1 67 Ibid., XX: 1, p.741: "Qui tempore debito cum reliquis pueris ad scolam missus, quaepiam de psalmis memoriae conmendavit.... Expurgefactus autem media nocte, surgit de stratu suo, erectisque ad caelum manibus, gratias agere coepit omnipotenti Deo...." 1 fift See note 136 above. 169 Hilary of Aries, "Sermo de Vita S. Honorati," c.9, Cavallin, p.55: "quern minus detineret lectulus, quern magis lectio...." 1 7fl 1 uPaulinus of Pella, Eucharisticos, 1.472, CSEL. XVI, p.309: "...errorum discendo vias per dogmata prava...." 171 Alcuin, Liber de virtutibus et vitiis. c.5 "De lectionis studio," P.L.. CI, col.616d^ "Qui vult cum Deo semper esse, frequenter debet orare [frequenter] et legere." The chapter was taken from a sermon of Augustine's. 172 See note 137 above. 173 See note 162 above. 174 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.9, Cavallin, p.55: "quis loqui rarius, quis orare crebrius...." C.10, p.56: "lam quae illorum gravitas, quam senilis maturitas...." 175Sidonius, Epistulae IV.24.-3, NGH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.75: "...voce liberum facie liberalem, multum ab antiquo dissimilis incessu. Habitus viro, gradus pudor, color sermo religiosus...." 176 Lgc.cit.: "tripodes sellae,... mensa nil purpurae...." 177 L, oc. cit.: "...lectus nil habens plumae...." 105 178 Hilary* c.9, Cavallin, p.55: "...stratum cilicii et cervical illud consueti lapidis...." 179 "Vita Richarii Sacerdotis Centalensis Primigania," PIGH SRN l/II, p.446: "Sic v/itam suam mortificavit, ut panem ordiatium cum cinere mixtum post ieiunium expletum cum parva mensura sumeret et poculum limphe cum fletu misceret." 180"Vita Amandi episcopi II. Auctore Milone," WGH SM V, p.454: "...quia hordeum...cinere mix turn manducans, eius mensura permodica suum corpusculum sustentavit potius quam saginavit." 1 81 "Vita S. Germani, episcopi Autissiodorensis," c.3, IY1GH S_RJ] VII, p.252: "In refectionibus primum cinerem praelibavit, deinde panem ordeaceum sumpsit, quern tamen ipse excussit et moluit." 182Caesarius, Sermo LXVII:3, CCSL CIII, p.287: "...qui paenitentiam agit: sed cum dei adiutorio, quantum potest,... in humilitate et caritate, sive in opere sancto se exercere contendat, infirmos visitando, discordes ad concordiam revocando, peregrinos excipiendo, sanctorum peregrinantium pedes humiliter abluendo, a detractione vel maliloquio abstinendo." Sermo LXVIII:1, p.288: "...ad illos paenitentes, qui negligentes sunt, sermo noster dirigitur.... Qui ecclesiam tuis manibus non scopas; qui forte peregrino domum tuam non aperis, nee egentem et sine tecto introducis sub tecto; nee in carcere requiris, nee infirmos visitas, nee Sanctis ac peregrinis quibuscumque pedes lavare dignaris...."

183"Vita Richarii," c.3, 1GH SRJQ VII, p.446: "Pauperes refocilabat, nudos operiebat, infirmos visitabat, mortuos sepeliebat, leprosos balnea fieri prtscipiebat." Riquier is said to have become a priest before these activities, but that seems questionable in view of his peregrinations. Be that as it may, there is no reason that he should not have done these things as a conyersus before his ordination, when he is said to have performed other asceticisms. 184 "Vita Eligii Episcopi Noviomagensis Liber I," c.31, |YlGH SRIV) IV, p.687: "Inter cetera autem infinita bonorum suorum opera etiam hoc apud regem obtinuerat, ut omnia humana corpora quae vel regis severitate vel iudicum censura diversis ex causis multimoda argumenta perimebantur, ubicumque invenire potuisset, sive per civitates seu per villas licentiam haberet et de bargis et ex rotis et de laqueis deposita sepelire." 1 85 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.66, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.177: "Mortuos ecclesiae paenitentes efferant et sepeliant." 106 1 S6 H. J. G. Beck, Pastoral Care of Souls (Rome, 1950), p.338-341. On the work of freeing slaves as reflected in early Gallican hagiographical literature, see K. Lueber, "Kulturgeschichtliche Probleme der Merowingerzeit im Spiegel fruhmittelalterlichen Heiligenleben," Studien und fftitteilungen. XL VII (1930), 400 ff. 187"\/ita Amandi II," MGH SRM V, p.464: "Qui etsi aliquid terrenae substantiae largitione religiosorum aliquando suscepit, totum id in redemptionem captivorum et sustentationem inopum ac peregrinorum ecclesiarumque aedificationem fideliter condonavit." 188"\/ita Richarii," c.7, JY]G_H SRjn VII, p.448: "... coeperunt ei elymosinas multas largire, tarn elymosinam quam confessiones pro culpas dare et paenitentiam ab ipso expetere. fflox ut ipse servus Dei conperuit, ut aliquid haberet, ut captives redemere potuisset, sua cogitatione disposuit, ut ultra mare in Saxonia captivos redemere properaret."

189"Vita Eligii," c.10, MGH SRW I V, p.677-678: "... certe captivorum in praetia distrahebat; habebat enim maximum in huiusmodi opere studium. Sane ubicumque venandandum intellexisset mancipium, magna cum misericordia et festinatione occurrens, mox dato praetio liberabat captivum;...nonumquam vero agmen integrum et usque ad centum animas, cum navem egrederentur, utriusque sexus, ex diversis gentibus venientes, pariter liberabat.... Redemptos enim captovos protinus coram rege statuens, iactatis ante cum denariis, cartas eis libertatis tribuebat....ut qui velint iam liberi ad propriam remeare patriam, ipse eis, in quantum subpetebat, praeberet subsidium....; porro si quos suadere poterat, ut venerabilem monachorum vitam arripientes claustra coenobii expeterent,...vestimenta etiam et quaeque erant necessaria tribuens...."

1 "Gregory of Tours, H.F. IX:26, HIGH SRJfl I, p.382: "Ingoberga regina, Chariberti quandam relicta,...mulier valde cauta ac vitae religiosae praedita, vigiliis et orationibus atque elemosinis non ignava....multos per chartulas liberus derelinquens...." 191 DuCange, "Conversio," Glossarium novum, I, 547-548. 19? '^Faustus, Eoistulae 111:8, CSEL. XXI, p.210: "Primum revera bonum esset, ut Christi famulus Christi pauperis vias ex toto pauper studeret incedere, si perfectam magni alicuius monasterii scholam vel certe insulanam angelicae congregationis militiam liceret expetere. Nam in medio saeculi institutionem eremeticam proferre quanta magnanimitas, tanta est difficultas." 107

3"Vita S. Romani," c.32, ed. F. Martine, Vie des Peres du Jura (Paris, 1968), p.276: "Aut quotiens quidam e coenobio diuerso instinctu egressi sunt? Quotiens namque ex ipsis sunt aliqui ex saeculo bis tertione reversi et tamen, recuperata virtute, derelictam dudum professionem ad palmam victoriae perduxere?"

194Sidonius, Epistulae IV.25:5, MGH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.76-77: "Nunc ergo Iurensia si te remittunt iam monasteria, in quae libenter solitus escendere iam caelestibus supernisque praeludis habitaculis,...." 195 Paulinus of Pella, Eucharisticos, 1.456, CSEL» XVI, p.308: "...auderem ut monachi perfecto viv/ere ritu...;" 1.464, p.309: "...consilio sanctorum cuncta operando peregit...;" 11. 468-469: "...confessusque igitur, penitenda quae mihi noram, proposita studui constrictus vivere lege...." 196Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.25, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.119: "Hi qui post sanctam religionis professionem apostatant et ad saeculum redeunt, et post modum paenitentiae remedia non requirunt, sine paenitentia communienem penitus non accipiant...." 197 1 Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.11, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.8: "...qui suscepta paenitentia religionem suae professionis obliti ad saecularia relabuntur...a communione suspendi...." See also Concilium Turonense, a.461, c.8, CCSL, CXLVIII, p.146 Concilium Veneticum, a.461-491, c.3, p.152. Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.23, p.30. 198 Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.155: "Quaecumque etiam puellae seu propria voluntate monasterium expetunt seu a parentibus offeruntur, annum in ipsa qua intrav/erint veste permaneant. In his vero monasteriis( ubi non perpetuo tenentur inclusae, triennium in ea qua introverint veste permaneant et postmodum secundum statuta monasterii ipsius, in quo elegerint permanere, vestimenta religionis accipiant. Quae si deinceps sacra reliquentes loca propositum sanctum saeculi ambitione transcenderint, vel illae, quae in domibus propriis, tarn puellae quam viduae, commutatis vestibus convertuntur, cum his, quibus coniugio copulantur, ab ecclesiae communione priventur. Sane si culpam sequestrione sanaverint, ad communionis gratiam revocentur." 199 C. Dereine, "Chanoines," DHGE. v.12, col.363. J. LeClercq, La spiritualite du moven ape (Paris, 1961), p.68. Such as Lerins. See below and chapter VIII. On conversi at Lerins, see Poschmann, p.131-132. 108 9H1 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.33, Cavallin, p.73: "Quid illud quod, cum omnes suos, quos ad hanc urbem amor suus traxerat, utiqua inter peregrina desereret, nullum ulli reditum, nullam societatem commendavit, non loca Vivendi certa distribuit, tamquam vere praescius, nullam suorum dispersionem futuram, nisi eorum, qui iam et se superstite animi definitione migrassent." The translation is taken from F. R. Hoare, The Western Fathers (New York, 1954), p.275. on >p Prinz, Fruhes Mo'nchtum im Frankenreich (Munich, 1965), pp.52-53. Poschmann, pp.131-132 briefly discusses married couples entering Lerins. 201 *uo"S. Paulini Episcopi epistula LI," CSEL. XXIX, p.425: "...perpetui coniuges et parentes cum benedicta vobiscum deo progenie nobilissimae sanctitatis vestrae. ' P.424: "...ut ad benedictam in Christo domino unanimitatem vestram epistolae meae portitores essent...." Ibid.i p.424: "...quia vos deo propitio incolumes reliquissent venerandi propositi opera curantes ac studia exercentes et in corde uno...." 205Salvian, Epistulae. IV, CSEL. VIII, p.206: "Esto enim conversiunculam nostram paganus quondam non aequanimiter acceperis...." 2flfi Ibid., p.205: "...ut qui hactenus singulorum nostrorum epistolis non moti estis vel nunc omnium obsecratione moveamini, nosque filios vestros, ne qui ex superfluo metus sit, et simul sciatus esse et unum sentire pariter et metuere et aequaliter supplicare...." P.207: "...tu, o dilectissima ac venerabilissima soror...." 207 * "Vita Lupi Episcopi Trecensis," c.2, OTGH SM VII, p.296: "Septimo coniugii anno, instigante Domino.se ad conversionem hortatu mutuo contulerunt." 208 Loc.cit.: "...sanctum Honoratum alacri animo maiori virtute credidit expetendum, abbatem primae habitationis insulae Lirinensis, cuius nimpae instructione cervicae subdita, iugum dominicae servitutis excipiens, omnium vigiliarum abstinentiarumque dogmatibus institutus." 209 ''"'"Vita Lupi," c.3, p.296: "Quo ille fidei calore, emenso anni curriculo, regradiens ad oppidum Matiscone, ut quae sic-i remanserant, pauperibus eroganda distraheret, ad urbis Tricassinae ilico pontificium raptus." 210"Vita Caesarii," 1:4, MGH S&N III, p.458:"Cum ergo octavum decimum gereret aetatis annum, ignorante familia 109 vel parentibus, incolatum cupiens regni caelestis adipisci» seque illius temporis pontificis sancti Silvestri vestigiis, praemissa supplicatione, prostravit, petens, ut, ablatis sibi capillis mutatoque habitu, divino eum pontifex serv/itio manciparat...." 211 I bid., 1:4, p.459: "Cumque inibi biennio seu amplius sub hac inchoatione servisset, divinae gratiae instigatione succensus, deliberat artius semet ipsum expeditiusque iuxta evangelium divino mancipare servitio, ut pro amore regni caelestis non solum parentibus, sed et patriae redderetur axtraneus." 21 2 See J. IY). Wallace-Hadrill, The Long-haired Kings (London, 1962), p.222-223. On royal policy concerning public expression of conversion by those in royal service, see section IV/:5. 213"Vita Ulandregiseli," c.3, MGH SRJYi V, p.14: "Qui accipiens honoris terrenus exercebat exactura commissam sibi." C.4, p.15: "...ipsi autem sibi comam capitis deposuit et ei valamenti gracia circumdedit." 21 4 Ibid.i c.7, p.16: "Dagobertus rex...pro eo quod ipsum hominem Dei in iuventute in suo ministerio habuisset, volebat eum inquietare, pro eo quod sine sua iussione se tonsorasset, et ipsum in suo palacio perducere iussit." 215"\/ita Ansberti," c.5, JflGH. §M V, p.622: "...a palatio egressus nullique sodalium ac sibi famulantium confiteri suam volens voluntatem...."

216"vita Germani Abbatis Grandivallensis," MGH S_M V» c.3, p.34: "'Non sum ausus tibi dare permissum propter regiam potestatem, quia scriptum est: Non est enim potestas nisi a Deo data, et iterum: Qui potestati resistit, Dei ordinationi resistet." 71 7 A "V/ita Abbatum Acaunensium absque Epitaphis," ITiGH SRW VII, c.1, p.330: "Hie dum in aula regali sedulus famulator regiae potestati adsisteret, hoc' tota mentis integritate custodiebat, ut commissum ministerium adimpleret.... Fastinus monasterium Grenencense expetiit. Quern cum vidisset vir venerabilis abba Caelestius,... in monasterii coenobio propter officium ei a rege traditum interim eum suscipere non audebat." 91 s Concilium Clippiacense, a.626 aut 627, c.8, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.293: "Hi vero, quos puplicus census expectat, sine permissu principis vel iudicis se ad religions sociare non audeant." 110 219 Concilia Rispacense, Frisingense, Salisburgense, a.B00f c.44, IY1GH Concilia II, p.212: "Et si aliquas res vel ad monasterium vel ad ecclesiam tradiderit, ubi tonsuratus est, ibi sub canonica vel regulari maneat vita. Si autem postea in propria sua residere vult, faciat hostem ut ceteri laici." 220 Capitulare missorum in Theodonis villa datum secondum, a.B05, c.15, f/IGH Capitularia I, p.125: "De liberis hominibus qui ad servitium Dei se tradere volent, ut prius hoc non fatiant quam a nobis licentiam postulent. Hoc ideo, quia audivimus aliquos ex illis non tarn causa devotionis quam exercitu seu alia funccione regali fugiendo...." 221Paulinus of Pella, "Eucharisticos," 11.456-460, C5EL. XVI, p.308: "...auderem ut monachi perfecto, vivere ritu, cum mihi plena domus caris affectibus esset, qui sibi servari consuetam indicere curam posse viderentur, filii, mater socrus, uxor cum grege non minimo famularum quippe sua rum " '"''"Vita Abbatum Acaunensium," c.9, MGH SRJ III, p.179: "Parentes autem dissimulabant eum, eo quod non possit districtionem monasterii sustinere, sed ille dissimulationem eorum cordis auribus non recepit. Cui dixerunt: 'Si istud desideras, aptabis corpus ad poenam,' quod postea vir devotus cum patientia magna sustenuit." M. Ferotin, ed. Le Liber Ordinum en usage dans l'eglise Wisiqothique ((Ylonumenta Ecclesiae lituroicai \J, Paris, 1904), cols.82-86: "Ordo Conversorum Conversarumque." 224 / Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.286. The ritual for men differed slightly in Gaul through at least the early sixth century, when men received both tonsure and change of garments. See section IV:5. 225 s "Ordo Conversorum Conversarumque," (Ferotin, col.82). The rubric for the first part of the ritual distinguished between men and women: "In primis, ut postulet sacerdotem a quo se religiosum exoptat fieri. Tradidit ei tonsurias, si vir fuerit: si autem mulier, vestem religionis." The short prayer said in vesting a woman was different from that used in tonsuring a man, but otherwise the rite was the same. Ibid, col.84. The spiritual qualities mentioned were rather general and abstract! the conversus was enjoined to be "in elemosinis promtus," and "in orationibus frequens," both of which would seem to apply more to religious people living "in the world" than to cloistered monks. 227 Ibid.. col.85: "His finitis, datur ei sancta communio, et ad locum quern voluerit succedit." 111 Ibid., cols. 85-86: "Monacus vero in cenobio, quum hunc predictum ordinem primitus susceperit, ita ut stabilitatern professionis sue per adnotationem sui nominis firmet, hie ordo servabitur:...accedit in choro ad abbatem, et roborato proprio nomine in pactionis libello per manum abbatis.... Sicque, posito super altare testamenti libello, prosternit se ante altare: ipsoque figente genu, dicitur super eum hec oratio:...."

229Isidore, Sententiae 11:10:7, £L, LXXXIII, col.611: "Valet interdum conversis pro animae salute mutatio loci. Plerumque enim, dum mutatur locus, mutatur et mentis affectus. Congruum est enim inde etiam corporaliter avelli, ubi quisque illecebris deservivit; nam locus ubi prave quisque vixit, hoc in aspectu mentis opponit quod semper ibi vel cogitavit, vel gessit." 230 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.10, Cavallin, p.56: "Pervenire illis ad ignobilitatem et paupertatern non licebat: quanto magis eorum vita abscondebatur, tanto magis fama emicabat.... " C11, p.56: "Inito itaque consilio et quodammodo passi honoris sui persecutionem ad peregrina contendunt." C.12, p.57: "Quaeritur ergo peregrinationis latebra, fugitur fama virtutis...." See also c.13, p.58. 231Gregory of Tours, iJjJF. VIII:15, MGH $M I» p.333-334: "Deinde Aridio abbati coniunctus ab eoque edoctus, beati martini basilicam adii." Aridius had been a lay convert taught by Bishop Nicetius of Lyon (See H.F. X--29, p.440) . Gregory of Tours, De virtutibus S. Martini 11:9, IflGH SRM Io p.612: "Gunthedrudis quaedam de Virmandense terreturio oculorum lumen perdiderat; quae relinquens domum et patriam, fide commonente, venit ad sanctam basilicam.... Qui mox oblita virum et filios, vesteque mutata...."

"JJ_bid' 11:18, p.615: Landolfe, an epileptic from Vienne, uient to the basilica of St. Martin to obtain a cure, fflartin cured him, but he then oegan to drink too much and became partially paralyzed. "Se parsimoniae se iterum deputans caputque tunsorans, rursum beati virtute redditur sanitati." 234 Ibid. 111:19, p.637: "Abrincatus quoque incola, cui per sex annos videndi usus fuerat denegatus, beati confessoris expetiit salvari praesidio. Ad cuius basilicam accede ns, multoque tempore ieiuniis et orationibus vacans, auxilium beati implorat antistitis.... Pro tantae pietatis gaudia vovit se ibidem tonsorari, quod postea rediens devotus implevit." 112 235Venantius Fortunatus, "Vita S. martini," IV, 11.665ff. OTGH. Auct. ant. IV, p.369-370. Ibid., IV, 1.662: "...qui me primaevis converti optabat ab annis...." 237Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.37, CCSL, CXLVIIIA: 'Ne laicus nisi religione praemissa clericus ordinetur.'' Concilium Arelatense, a.524, c.2, CCSL, CXLVIIIA: '...nisi anno intigro fuerit ab eis praemissa conversio." The first canon above applied to any rank of the clericate, the second to deacons, priests and bishops. Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.9, CCSL. CXLt/IIIA: 'Lit nullus ex laicis absque anni conversions praemissa episcopus ordinetur...." See Section 111:5. Venantius Fortunatus, "Vita Sanctae Radegundis," c.13-14, MGH, Auct. ant. IV, p.41-42: "Max indumentum nobile, quo celeberrima die solebat pompa comitante regina procedere, exuta ponit in altare et blattis, gemmis, ornamentis mensam divinae gloriae tot donis onerat per honorem.... Similiter accedens ad cellam sancti Iumeris die uno quo se ornabat felix Fegina,...cuncta auro quaedam gemmis exornata per circulum, sibi profutura sancto tradit altario. Inde procedens ad cellam venerabilis Datdonis die qua debuit ornari praestanter in saeculo quidquid indui poterat censu divite femina, abbate remunerato, totum dedit coenubio. Aequiter sancti Gundulfi...progressa receptaculo non minore laboratu nobilitavit synergium. Hinc felici navigio Turonis adpulsa, quae supplebat eloquentia, quantum officiosam quantumque se monstravit munificam?... Hinc cum in vicum Condate, quo gloriosus vir Martinus et Christi satis intimus senator migravit de saeculo, ancilla domini pervenisset, dedit non inferiora domini crescens in gratia." 239 "Vitae Eligii episcopi Noviomagensis Liber I," c.32, MGH, SRM IV, p.688: "Hie idem vir beatus inter cetera bonorum operum insignia multa sanctorum auro argentoque et gemmis fabricavit sepulchra, id est Germani, Severini,' Piatonis, Quintini, Lucii, Genovefae, Columbae, Maximiani et Loliani, Juliani, adhuc autem et aliorum multorum. Sed praecipue beati Martini Toronus civitate, Dagoberto rege inpensas praebente, miro opificio ex auro et gemmis contexuit sepulchrum necnon et tumbam sancti Briccionis et aliam, ubi corpus beati Martini dudum iacuerat, urbane conposuit." 240 ^"Gregory of Tours, H.F. X:29, MGH SM I, p.441-442: "Iter quodam tempore cum genitrice dum ageret et sancti Iuliani martyris ad basilicam properaret.•.. Advenit Turonus post festivitatem sancti martini, ibique paululum commoratus...." 113 241Faustus, Epistulae 111:8, C5EL. XXI, p.210: 'Nam in medio saeculi institutionem eremeticam proferre quanta magnanimitas, tanta est difficultas." 242 Vita Iohannis abbatis Reomaensis auctore Iona," c.2, WGH SRW III, p.507: "Sed, dum mens devota Deo nee a parentibus nee a familia quereret famulatum vel plebis non ferret pressuram, elegit, ut eremi, quo se locus dabat, secreta expeteret." 243Gregory of Tours, Liber Vitae Patrum XX: 1, NGH SRJYj I» p.742: "Haec effatus, cum diem terris reddere lux diurna coepisset, ascenso equite, coepit ad hospitium suum reverti. Cumque per viam iam alacris pergeret, uolvere intra se coepit, quid ageret, quo abiret. Dixitque: 'Expetam lYlartini beati tumulum, unde procedit virtus alma super infirmos." 244,'\/ita Ulandregiseli," c.8, MGH SRM V, p.16-17: "Inde reversus caepit aedificare cellam in alico loco de facultatibus suis. Ibi se ieiuniis et vigiliis adfligebat, cotidiae gemitus, cotidiae lacrimas, et si quando repugnantem somnum inmenens obpressisset, nuda humo vix ossa areda colledebat." 245 Beck, p.300-301. On gratitude for a cure motivating entry into this form of conversio, see section IV:1. 946 Gregory of Tours, De virtutibus S. Martini 11:4, fflGH SRM I, p.611: Veranus, a servus belonging to a priest Symon, became paralyzed. His master brought him to the tomb of St. Dlartin and vowed to consecrate him to Martin's service by tonsure if he were cured: "...promittens votum et dicens: 'Si eum raddideris sanitati, piissime domnefflartine, i n ilia die absolutus a meis servitiis vinculo, humiliatis capillis tuo servitio delegatur.'" He remained there five days and then received a vision in which he was cured. He received the tonsure and freedom, and entered the service of Martin: "Qui tunsorato capite, accepta libertate, beati domni usibus nunc deservit." 247 See section IV:4. 24 B Gregory of Tours, Liber in gloria confessorum: 60, MGH S.RM I, p.783: "Et ecce unus puerulus diuturna caecitate gravatus, cum reliquis plangens, adminiculo sustentante, sequebatur.... Accedensque et inter albentium diaconorum turba perlapsus, quo iussus fuit ingreditur. Denique, ut nomen sancti invocare coepit, ilico reseratis oculis lumen recepit. Post haec puer erat assiduus in basilica ad sepulchrum sancti deserviens et lumen accendens...." 114 249 Loc.cit.; "...sed a quibusdam civitatis maioribus obpraemebatur atque fatigabatur, ut nee victus alimoniam possit habere. Cumque saepius haec ad beatum inploraret sepulchrum, apparuit ei sanctus per visum, dicens: ' Vade ad Gunthramnum regem et ei quid patiaris diligenter enarra. dIpse eman eniu minimicorum. tibi praebe' tDeniqu vestitue ham c etadmonition alimentume , firmatueripietqus puere te, ad regem accedens, quae suggessit obtenuit." 250Paulinus of Nola, Carmen XII, 11.32-33, CSEL, XXX, p.43-44: '... illic dulce iugum, leve onus blandumque feremus servitium sub te domino...." See Beck, p.301. Bishop Bertichramnus of Le (Ylans (d.626), "Testamentum," PL,. LXXX, col.397: "Ergo quia votus et liberatio et deliberatio mea est, ut basilica quae in honore beatissimi ac peculiaris patrini nostri Martini sancti episcopi ad Ponteleugua, ubi et reliquies sua sancta Deo propitio posui, delego...." See Prinz, p.40, p.116. 25? Ibid., col.407: 'Rogo...per manum archidiaconi centum solidi per domnum episcopum Turonicae civitatis ad sepulcrum domni et peculiaris patroni sancti Martini antistitis, ubi comam deposui, et annis singulis tributum meum ibidem reddidi, transmittantur." 253 Ibid., col.398: "Ad praesens jubemus, ut sedicem animolas Deo devotas, hoc est viros pauperes, caecos aut debiles, in ipso loco collocentur...." 254,,l/ita S. Melanii," c.18, AASS, Jan. I, p.330: "Qui cum se per merita sancti viri intellexisset sanatum, cum nihil melius penes se eidem offerendum reperisset,

custooit sepuicnrum, et cum luminariDus accensis IDIOI vigiliis et orationibus insistens, pro praedicti viri beneficiis Deo laudes et gratias refert, et ejus ecclesiae excubiis jugiter inservit." 255 * Sulpicius Severus, "Vita S. Martini," c.2, CSEL,. I, p.112: "Uno tantum servo comite contentus, cui tamen versa vice dominus serviebat, adeo ut plerumque ei et calciamenta ipse detraheret et ipse detergeret, cibum una caperent, hie tamen saepius ministraret.... ut iam illo tempore non miles, sed monachus putaretur." 25fi "Vita Bavonis," c.9, jYlGJi SJBJ. IV» p.541-542: "Quadam namque die prospexit quendam virum ad se venientem regressum de exilio, quern olim sub saeculari habitu degens venumdaverat.... Tunc demum ad eum conversus eiusque 115 genibus provolutus, inquit: 'Ego enim te vinctum loris venumdavi.... Rogo, ut propter scelus in te commissum corpus meum flagellis cedas caputque meum more latronum decalves et me vinctum pedibus ac manibus, ut dignus sum, in custodiam trudas. Forsitan enim divina pietas, si hoc feceris, veniam mini praestabit.' ... Vinxit scilicet manus viri Dei et caput totondit lingnoque pedes strinxit ac custodiae ilium publicae mancipavit; ibi usque in proximum exitus diem vir Domini retrusus, vinctis pedibus, perstitit, diebus ac noctibus flere non desinens actus saeculi, quos quasi molem sarcinae ante oculos mentis ponere consueverat." 257"v"ita S. melanii," c.14, AASS, Jan., I, p.330: "... quaedam matrona nobilis genere in pago Cenomanico, juxta pagum Rhedonensem, jacerat infirma, cui nomen erat £va.... Ipsa ergo, quae diutissime jacens infirmitate, omnem substantiam suamffiedicis distribuerat, nihilque ei profuerat, sed semper deterius habuerat, mox ut se sanatam deprehendit, sua omnia beato Pontifici tradidit, et ei postmodum, Domino servitura, adhaesit." On the surrender of property to a saint by those entering religious servitude, see Section VI. oc o Ibid.. c.16, p.330: "Adducitur itidem aliquando ad supradictum S.fflelanium quida m paralyticus.... Qui sanitate percepta, cum omnibus suis praedicti sancti viri Melanii se tradidit obsequiis, atque ejus servitio inhaesit, et ab omnibus se saeculi actibus separavit. Reliquit ergo mundum cum satellitibus suis, et sociavit se, prout potuit, Deo et Angelis illius." 2590do of Cluny, "Vita S. Geraldi," 11:2, £L» CXXXIII, col.670: In discussing his desire for conversion with Bishop Gausbert of Rodez, "exponit itaque praesentis vitae sibi inesse fastidium, et reglionis [sicj habitum desiderare;

See

D. Baker and G. J. Cuming (Cambridge, 1972), p.44. 260Ibid.. 11:4, cols.672-673: "Postquam itaque divino cultui sese mancipavit per omnia, ut sua quoque Domino consecraret, Romam prefectus est, et Aureliacum insigne praedium beato Petro apostolorum principi, facto solemniter testamento, delegavit, cum tantis videlicet appenditiis, quae monachis, quos ibidem congregare disposuerat, ad omne stipendium sufficere possent. Ardebat namque mens illius coenobialem illic habitationem stabilire, quo coenobitae sum sui ordinis abbate communem ducerent vitam. Censum quoque delegavit, qui ad urnam beati Petri annuatim redderetur. Itaque, ut animo ferventi conceperat, juxta condictum profectus est...*" 116 961 Xbid., 11:17, col.680: "...res suas eidem beato Petro delegavit. Hanc sibi legem praefixerat, ut secundo semper anno ad sepulcrum eorum recurreret, decemque solidos ad proprium collum dependentes, tanquam supplex servus, domino suo quasi censum deferret." 262Isidore, Sententiae 11.10:5, PL_i LXXXIII, col.611: "Quidam primo conversionis calore ad virtutes sese accingunt, accedente vero progressu, dum immoderate terrenis rebus incumbunt...." 263Salvian, De cubernatione Dei V:10, CSEL, VIII, p.119: "...cum multi alii turn praecipue illi nouorum honorum religiosi ambitores et post acceptum paenitentiae nomen amplissiamae ac prius non habitae potestatis emptores. Adeo non saeculares tantum sed plus etiam quam saeculares esse voluerunt, ut non sufficeret eis quod ante fuerant, nisi plus essent postea quam fuissent." 264. Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.11, CCSL, CXLl/IIIA, p.8: "De his, qui suscepta paenitentia religionem suae professionis obliti ad saecularia relabuntur, placuit eos et a communione suspendi et ab omnium catholicorum convivio separari." See also Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.23, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.30; and Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.28, CC5L. CXLl/IIIA, p.124. 965 Gregory I, Homiliae XXIV in Iohannem 21, £L, LXXVI, col.1189: 'Sunt enim pleraqua negotia, quae sine peccatis exhiberi aut vix aut nullatenus possunt. Quae ergo ad peccatum implicant, ad haec necesse est ut post conversionem animus non recurrat." See G. G. iYieersseman, "I penitenti nei secoli XI e XII," I laici nella "societas Christiana" dei secoli XI e XII (Milan, 1968), p.325. 9fifi "Canones synodi Romanorum ad gallos episcopos justa quaestiones ab illis propositas," a.402, c.10, f/iansi, III, col.1137: "Eos praeterea, qui saecularem adepti potestatem, jus saeculi exercuerunt, immunes a peccato esse non posse manifestum est...." See also Concilium Arelatense, a.314, c.7, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.10. 267Faustus, Eoistulae 111:6, CSEL. XXI, p.197: 'Utinam provideat dominus vel duo fida solacia, cum quibus diurnas et nocturnas exigss functiones et vel biduo in septimana salutantum fruaris officiis." Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.17, interpreted this phrase concerning twice-weekly social calls as a reference to official duties involving the custom of the salutatio.

2 Ibid.. 111:8, p.210: "Tertium est per fidelium famulorum electa solacia inpositae procurationis officiis 117 sub propria ac minore sollicitudine quantitatem reservatae gubernare substantiae...." On assistants assuming part of the burden of administration of the private property of conversi. see Section VI. 269 Meersseman, p.326. 270Leo I, Epistulae. "Inquis. XII," PL, LIV, cols.1206- 1207: "Contrarium est omnimodo ecclesiasticus regulis, post poenitentiae actionem redire ad militiam saecularem...." See 1/oqel, La discipline penitentielle en Gaule, p.38-39. 2?1Caesarius, Sermo 65:2, CCSL, CIII, p.280:"Sed forte est aliquis qui dicat: Ego in militiam positus sum, uxorem habeo, et ideo paenitentiam agere quomodo possum?' 979 Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.28, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.124: "Si quis paenetentiae benedictione suscepta ad saeculare habitum miliciamque reverti praesumserit, viatico concesso usque ad exitum excummunicatione plectatur." 273 A Burgundian noble named Gangulfus was said to have led a religious life while serving in the army of the maior domus Pippin the Short. Gangulfus was said to have thought carefully about the occupations consonant with a religious life as a layman. however, it is not clear that he had explicitly begun a conversio. The vita may not be reliable in such details because it was written, apparently, after the ninth century, "Vita Gangulfi martyris Varennensis I," C.2-3, JY1GH SRJ VII, p.158-159. 274 Capitulare missorum in Theodonis villa datum secundum, a.805, c.15, r<1GH Capitularia I, p.125: "De liberis hominibus qui ad servitium Dei se tradere volent, ut prius hoc non fatiant quam a nobis licentiam postulent. Hoc ideo, quia audivimus aliquos ex illis non tarn causa devotionis quam exercitu seu alia funccione regali fugiendo...." 275 Concilia Rispacense, Frisingense, Salisburgense, a.800, c.44, (YIGH Concilia II, p.212: "ut nullus de nobilibus neque abbas neque presbiter tonderi audeat, antequam in praesentia episcopi examinetur eius causa.... Si autem postea in propria sua residere vult, faciat hostem ut ceteri laici." 276"Vita S. Geraldi," 1:8, PL., CXXXIII, col.646-647: "Aliquoties autem cum inevitabilis ei praeliandi necessitas incumberet, suis imperiosa voce praecepit, mucronibus gladiorum retroactis, hastas inantea dirigentes pugnarent.... Sed et hoc certum constat, quod nee ipse quemlibet unquam vulneravit, nee prorsus ab aliquo vulneratus est." 118 277Leo I, Epistulae. "Inquis. XI," PJL» LI V, col.1206: "Qualitas lucri negotiantem aut excusat aut arguit, quia est et honestus quaestus et turpis. Uerumtamen poenitenti utilius est dispendia pati quam periculis negotiationis obstringi, quia difficile est inter ementis vendentisque commercium non intervenire peccaturn." "Inquis. X", col.1206: ...si poenitens habet causam quam negligere forte non debeat, melius expetit ecclesiasticum quam forense judicium." 778 Concilium Barcinonense, a.540, c.7, Wansi, IX, col.109 "Ut poenitentes epulis non intersint, nee negotiis operam dent in datis et acceptis, sed tantum in suis domibus vitam frugalem agere debeant." Seeffleersseman, p.324. ^Gregory of Tours, Liber ^itae patrum XII:2, MGH SBM I, p.712-713* A certain Brachio hunted wild boars for a powerful man, Sigiwald. l\ihile his master was alive, he did not dare to express his desire to become a cleric, so he became a secret convert. As soon as Sigiwald died, he went to live with a holy hermit while learning the psalter. Gn his reading, see Section 11:9. 280"Vitae Galli auctore Ualahfrido Liber II," c.38, MGH SRM IV, p.334: "In eodem monasterio inter scolasticos tunc temporis erat quidam puerulus, pauperculis licet parentibus oriundus, studio tamen discendi satis intentus. Cumque immatura morte utriusque parentis solatio nudaretur, quamvis cottidianum victum suis laboribus assidue quaeritaret, nequaquam tamen boni studii, etiam necessitate compellente, instantiam dereliquit." He contracted a disease, was cured, and converted to the service of St. Gall's church. Gn religious servitium to holy places, see Section 11:14.

281Gregory of Tours, H.F. 11:1, MGH SRM I, p.37: "Nam mulier, ad quam cubicularii eius vestimenta deferebant ad abluendam, quae sub specie religionis erat veste mutata, concepit et peperit." Ibid*, I\/:26, p. 157: "Habebat tunc temporis Ingoberga in servitium suum duas puellas pauperis cuiusdam filias, quorum prima vocabatur fflarcovefa, religiosa veste habens, alia verofflerofledis; i n quarum amors rex valde detenebatur." Their father was a wool-worker. They were evidently con­ sidered to have a humble background, for Ingoberg showed the king their father at work hoping that he would despise their lowly origins and therefore lose his attraction to the two daughters. 283 Pippini Regis capitulare V/ernense, a.755, c.11, MGH Leges I, p.26: "De illis hominibus qui se dicunt propter Deum quod se tunsorassint, et rnodo res eorum vel pecunia 119 habent, et nee sub manu episcopi sunt, nee in monasterium regulare vivunt, placuit ut in monasterio sint sub ordine regulari, aut sub manu episcopi sub ordine canonica. Et si aliter fecerint, et correcti ab episcopo suo se emendare noluerint, excommunicentur. Et de ancillis Dei velatis eadem forma servetur." CHAPTER III. DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN VOLUNTARY PUBLIC PENITENTS AND OTHER CONVERSI

111:1. Conversio as a form of penance As pointed out in the first chapter, conversion and penance were not mutually exclusive; they were spiritual and mental states which might be expressed in a variety of over­ lapping outward regimens. That is not to say that it is impossible to draw distinctions between some outward express­

ions of conversion and penancef only that we must not expect strict consistency of terminology in sources that were con­ cerned primarily with inward strivings. It will be seen that, despite differences in disabilities and entry» the modus vivendi of penitents and other kinds of converts was so similar that distinctions were easily blurred by contemporaries. Before a comparison between voluntary penance and conversio

can be made, however, the penitential aspect of conversio 2 must be clearly understood. It cannot be doubted that there were forms of conversion other than public penance which led to the expiation of sins. Paulinus of Bordeaux, in a short sermon on penance addressed to monks, said that "public penance is not necessary for renunciation, because the conversus has groaned and entered into an eternal pact with God. Therefore from that day his 120 121 faults are not remembered." Entry into the monastic life could be described as a conversio with penitential overtones. In the "Passio Leudegarii," entry of one man into monastic life is described in the following terms: "converted from 4 evil works, he quickly sought the fruit of penance." The question is whether such an expiatory quality was commonly attributed to entry into forms of conversio other than the monastic life, especially considering that Paulinus confirmed the necessity of canonical penance for saeculari. bent under 5 the yoke of the world. Gennadius of Marseilles seems to have had a more general, unspecified concept of conversio leading to "secret satisfaction" for sins provided that it involved a change of dress, some kind of resolution of amendment ("confesso religionis studio"), contrition, and communion every Sunday. Some sources seem to use the words conversio and paenitentia together in such a way that each clearly partakes of the quality of the other. Salvian, for example, showed his own virtual equation of the two words while castigating at length those who had done some kind of penance and then returned to worldly ways, especially the "religiosi" who were ambitious for new honors after having accepted the "name of penance," deriding this attitude as "a new kind of 7 conversion." St. Riquier was led to religion and contrition by two Irish missionaries who did their work so well that "from that day he finished his life in penance and holy 122 Q religion." Alcuin, in a redaction of the vita of St.Riquier, g called this event "the beginning of his conversion." This is, then, an example of a heightened lay religiosity expressed in penitential terms. Riquier immediately adopted penitential asceticisms such as mixing ashes with his bread and tears with his drink. It is barely possible that in this case "conversio" may mean that Riquier had not been even nominally Christian, but even if his "conversion" were from paganism to Christianity, it is unbelievable that he could have committed any crimes worthy of the imposition of public penance immediately after his baptism. Consequently, his paenitentia was voluntary and a form of conversio. The phrase "convertere ad paenitentiam" could be used to refer to both inward contrition and entry into the order of penitents. Isidore of Seville warned that "the devil 11 often watches those converted to penance." The Council of Angers in 453 said that "the opportunity of penance is open 12 to all who, converted from their error, wish to confess." A canon of the Council of Orleans of 538, ordering that the benedictio poenitentiae not be given to young people, was 13 entitled "De paenetentum conversione". The phrase continued to be used in Carolingian times: Alcuin, in describing

1 A penance, referred to a sinner "converted to penance." A late version of the "Vita Corbiniani" has the saint advise sinners of God's forgiveness "if they are converted to 15 penance." In the "l/ita Bavonis," the widower sought "the 123 way of conversion" by confessing to a bishop and performing "penance for his greatest and least sins." The sermons of St. Caesarius best illustrate the persistant tension and semantic confusion between "conversion" and "penance". He sometimes referred to the penitential efficacy of convsrsio without specific reference to paenitentia; "the inextinguishable fire will have to purify whatever this medicinal satisfaction, whatever this health- ful conversion will have failed to cure." 17 Sometimes he used the two words to refer to the same act: "while there is time let him flee to the medicine of penance; let him be converted 1 8 to the Lord with all his heart." It is clear in some passages that Caesarius thought of conversio in its widest sense as a sort of second baptism, wiping out all previous sins; it is significant that, though the promise was based on scriptural passages, where the Vulgate used the phrase "agere poenitentiam," Caesarius used the verb "convertere:" "Whenever I shall have been converted, He shall forget all past sins and all my iniquities." 19 Sometimes he seems to have used the two words interchangeably: "You add to tomorrow and another tomorrow and you ignore being converted.... Why 20 are you careful to defer doing penance?" Another passage raises the possibility that he thought of the terms in a complementary fashion, as though conversion referred to the spiritual resolution necessary for the more outward performance of penance: "Indeed, conversion in the present life and 124 penance performed fruitfully confer a quick remedy for wounds of this kind." Nevertheless! the same passage makes it clear that he regarded "penance" not simply as an action performed once in satisfaction, but as a way of life: "because penance not only heals a past wound, but also allows the soul not to 21 be wounded by further sin." "Penance"in this case was thus a "life of penance," a permanent conversio. To end all doubt as to whether either "conversion" or "penance" necessarily referred to entry into an order, the following passage should suffice: "But perhaps, when we call all to penance in general, someone may reflect inwardly saying: I am a young man having a wife? how can I either cut my hair or assume the habit of religion?... Indeed for him a true conversion 22 without change of garments is sufficient." Conversio thus had a penitential dimension quite apart from entry into a monastery or even entry into the ordo paenitentium through public penance. 111:2. Existence of Voluntary Public Penance There nevertheless existed, of course, an order of public penitents rigidly defined, readily identified, and (in Gaul) officially excluded from the clericate until the later sixth century. Conciliar canons anathematized those who left this formal state of penance.2 3 To enter the order it was canonically necessary to receive tonsure and mutatio vestimenti. and to go through a ritual involving imposition 125

of hands, ashes, and the symbolic placing of a cilicium upon the head by the bishop. The obligations of the penitent included total sexual abstinence. 25 Although the order was intended for the expiation of grave public sins such as apostasy, murder, and adultery, there were undoubtedly people who formally entered it by choice, without having committed any sins worthy of the imposition of public penance. Faustus of Riez extolled such people in a homily: "Because several times we have seen those souls ask for penance who, from the beginning of consecrated youth, vow a precious treasure to God, we knew that God inspired this for the furthering of our Church: so that the medicine which the healthy take, the wounded may learn to ask for; so that by the good weeping over even the little things, they may become accustomed to mourn the great evils. And thus, when that person who needs penance least now does something worthy, goaded by faith under the eyes of the Church, he multiplies his reward.' 27 It is obvious that, 28 in Faustus' mind, no odium was attached to such penance. Another late fifth century example of such a voluntary penitent was Ceraunia, probably a widow, to whom Ruricius of Limoges wrote a letter containing a program for a life of penance. "Because both your intention and our office require it, I presumed to advise your reverence of these few things, so that through its achievement to doing penance and putting on the new vestments of the new man you may follow an 126 29 example." Nothing in the letter suggests that the penance was imposed for any specific great crimes. The above quotation implies the necessity of guidance by the bishop, but also refers to her own volition. The letter contains the usual exhortations to prayer, fasting, and general repudiation of a former way of life. While the canonical purpose of public penance was to show public remorse for great public sins, the intent of the voluntary penitent was to render satisfaction for his secret sins, sins for which he would not be held to account by the Christian community but whose weight he felt within himself. Thus Sidonius advised a friend that, since almost no one could claim freedom from some sins which merited divine punishment, he should "profess religion" and not delay in openly seeking satisfaction for his secret sins. 31 In practice, voluntary penitents tended to be those who had led exemplary Christian lives and were already spiritually disposed to show contrition over their peccata minuta. A friend of Sidonius was so beloved by his neighbors that he was forced against his will to accept ordination to the priesthood; Sidonius, observing at first only that he had adopted an openly religious manner of life, thought that he 32 might have become a voluntary penitent. The desire to follow a religious regimen available to laymen was an additional factor motivating those who adopted voluntary penance. In the sixth century, Aridius, while 127 serving as a noble youth in the palace of Theodebert I of Austrasia, became a penitent by confessing his sins to bishop Nicetius of Trier and receiving the tonsure. The terms in which this act was described in his vita make it clear that the primary emphasis of this voluntary penance was on entering a state of heightened religiosity to protect his soul from the secularism of his environment: "so that he might relinquish the pomp of the world, fleeing from earthly delights, and avoid the vain superstitions of the royal palace and the uneducated tales of his associates, and

submit himself to the censure of a rule in contemplating the prize of his heavenly fatherland." 33 Aridius was subsequently referred to as a "conversus." Eligius became a voluntary penitent while serving in the palace of Clothar II. His previous life and reputation had been anything but sinful. He was reared by devout parents, attended church frequently, treasured the reading and recitation of scripture, managed the royal goldsmithing utterly without fraud, and even refused a royal command to take an oath on holy relics for 35 fear of desecrating them. And yet he soon adopted an "austere penance" after a confession and plunged into all of the asceticisms of public penance: "vigils, fasts, chastity, much patience, and charity." Obviously the penance was not in expiation of any great public sins, but was rather an available regimen of heightened religiosity while remaining in his secular duties. 128 An illustration of popular attitudes toward voluntary penitents in the sixth or seventh century as well as a proof of their existence is given in the vita of Praejectus. A bishop once gave a dinner party on his balcony to which he invited three paenitentes as well as Praejectus and a crowd of more frivolous clients. Since the penitents did not drin wine, they soon became the butt of jokes from the rest of fch company "and not least the detractors of penance." The part ended when the balcony, except for the part holding Praejecti and the three penitents, collapsed to the ground. The moral

was that one must not make threats to the penance of the Lord's servants. 37 In spite of the jocund contempt in which some evidently held the regimen of voluntary penance, the penitents had a special religious aura about them. The terms in which the penitents were described is also significant: one was a "monk", one a "servant of God," and the other a "witness of Christ." Hence there was no implied moral criticism of the status of voluntary penance. Indeed, it is possible that the term "paenitentes" was attached to them in this instance simply in recognition of a life of genuine conversion rather than because they had formally entered the ordo paenitentium, especially since a different version of the vita called them "abstinentes" instead.

The voluntary aspect of such penance is best illustratec from the saints' lives which refer to people actively 129 seeking out holy men to confess and to request a penitential rule of life. Many passages make it clear that it was not fundamentally ecclesiastical absolution which such people desired, but rather an entry to the penitential way of life itself, as interpreted by one known to be adept at the spiritual life. Thus numbers of people sought out St.Ansbert after he had made a name for himself as abbot of Fontanelle through abstinence and charity, asking for confession and "wholesome counsel." They wished to know "how they could be saved and how they might keep immovably to the paths of justice without failure or any weariness." Although these people would certainly havs been described as penitents, since the assignment of penance was the natural outcome of confession,"] what they desired to undertake was a penitentia conversio. Indeed, they were described as "hastening to the grace of conversion." 39 Just such a convert to voluntary penance was St. Bavo of Ghent. After the death of his wife he decided to remain celibate and went to St. Amand seeking "the way of conversion." He confessed his sins and "contrary passions" to the bishop and asked permission to do penance "for his greatest and least sins." Bavo was actually seeking a new way of life. He soon gave away all his wealth to holy places and the poor and finally entered a monastery and was ordained by Amand. Despite Bavo's penitential attitude, throwing himself at the feet of the bishop with tears, and 130 the specific mention of penance, he was not expiating any great social crimes, but had undergone a true conversio. The term "the way of conversion" is not a half-understood echo of earlier usages;4 1 it is the concept of penance which has been generalized. The same sort of relationship between a holy man and one seeking voluntary penance, in which one sought guidance in undertaking a religious life represented by his status as a penitent, existed in the case of St. Riquier and one of his clients: "The father of that follower, Herimoaldus by name, was simple and in his simplicity greatly loved that servant of God. Thus he merited a blessing from the same servant of God and fulfilled his penance very well and had a perfect end." 42 It was love for the holy man and the desire to submit to his spiritual guidance that led one to request imposition of hands and the penitential status. Herimoaldus may have been of low social standing; Riquier's servants, maids, and slaves are described as entering his "servitium" in the monastery. Voluntary penance may have been one approach to entering voluntary servitude of a saint. There were other possible aspects of the relationship between penitents and saints. Some who voluntarily adopted the status of penitents mortified their bodies with tightly encircling iron bands and then went on pilgrimages to the shrines of saints where they hoped to receive a sign of divine acceptance of their penance, and of the power of the 131 saint* by the miraculous disintegration of their bonds. Alcui stated that the broken iron bonds of visiting "paenitentes" were hanging in St. UJillibrord's church at Epternach.4 3 Charlemagne's ecclesiastical capitulary of 789 contained a canon strongly condemning such people who wandered "naked with irons" and arrogated to themselves the name of penitents. Since these practices were strongly disapproved by the Church, it is obvious that such penance was part of a purely voluntary popular tradition. Clear proof of the existence of purely voluntary penitents is given in saints' lives by the examples of those who had no particular great social crimes to be expiated; but it was not always easy to dis tinguish a penitent seeking primarily a religious rule of life to give outward expression to a long-held inward conversio from a penitent with mortal sins on his conscience. It is true that very few conversi whose lives were recorded had previously been criminals, but there were some. There is the example of St. Landelin, who ran away as a youth from the monastery in which he was being reared and joined a band of brigands, with whom he was "engaged in rapine and slaughter." 45 His biographer thought that his was literally a state of mortal sin, for he was said to be spiritually dead. After receiving a vision of hell, he sought out St. Audbert and asked him to assign a penance for the expiation of his crimes. He performed the penance in a monastery while remaining a layman 132 ("sub saeculari habitu in monasterio"), engaging in fasts and meditations for a long time. Finally he asked St. Audbert to tonsure him and allou.1 him to put on a religious habit. He then went on a penitential pilgrimage to the holy places in Rome. Although Landelin's life of penance ended in a monastic conversio. he was certainly seen as leading a very A 7 holy life while yet in a secular penitential status. It could have ended in a change of garments as a conversus remaining "in the world." Despite the great sins of his past, his penance was still an expression of a genuine conversio. It would be very difficult to differentiate his religious status from that of a penitent who undertook the 48 penitential regimen purely as an act of piety. Nevertheless, because of the esteem attached to voluntary penance and the obviously high character of those who embraced it, bishops sometimes attempted to draw just such a distinction. In Gaul, Church synods consistently refused to admit special status for voluntary penitents,4 9 but in Visigothic Spain a conciliar canon of the seventh century admitted a distinction between penitents based on their motivation: those who entered the order of penitents while they were in danger of their lives were required to remain in it if they lived; but those whose confessions included no great crimes could later become clerics, while those who confessed mortal sins could not. As will be discussed later, it was impossible in practice for Gallican bishops to draw distinctions between voluntary penitents and other 133 conversi in admitting such highly religious laymen to holy orders. Here it is enough to observe that, if motives of piety rather than mortal sin were recognized in extremis, such motives could be recognized in healthier penitents. The class of voluntary penitents certainly existed, even if, as in all other forms of conversioi the boundary lines were not so sharp as historians would like to make them.

111:3. Communion and Church Attendance Originally and in theory, one obvious difference between penitents and other conversi was that the former were forbidden to receive communion while the latter were encouraged to do so. Gennadius had specifically stated that for the way of "secret satisfaction" (conversio without entry into the order of canonical penance) to be efficacious, it was necessary to receive the eucharist every Sunday until death. 51 Caesarius referred to the public penitent's excluding himself from communion in order to merit attendance at the heavenly altar.52 A major concern of public penance, of course, was to recognize one's unworthiness to partake of the eucharist so as not to eat and drink a judgement on oneself (I Cor. 11:29). It is easy to prove that all public penitents in Gaul were not supposed to receive communion, though no canon said so categorically. A series of Gallican councils in the fifth and sixth centuries promulgated canons indirectly alluding 134 to this prohibition. The Council of Orange (441) allowed penitents on their deathbeds to receive communion, but if they survived, communion was denied them until they received reconciliation. 54 The Council of Vaison (442) allowed oblations to be accepted for penitents who died unexpectedly while leading a good life and not receiving communion. 55 A Council of Aries (442-506) placed those who abandoned their faith during persecution among the penitents, where they were not to presume to take communion. 56 The 'Statuta ecclesie antique" (ca.475) warned penitents who received the eucharist while sick (as a viaticum) not to assume that they were 57 thereby absolved. The Council of Orleans (511) referred to deacons and priests who had removed themselves from the CO altar of communion by professing penance. The Council of Epaon (517) stated that lapsed Christians doing penance were to leave the church with the catechumens.5 9 The Visigothic Church, which regulated public penance more carefully, was much more explicit. The Council of Toledo held in 589 stated that exclusion from communion was an absolute prerequisite for public penance. It seems to have suggested even that those who had completed their assigned period within the order of penitents might not be immediately restored to communion, but might receive imposition of hands for some time before the bishop allowed them the eucharist. In the Visigothic Liber Ordinum. the rubrics for the order of penance in extremis directed that 135

communion be withheld from those who were not dying immediately* However, one hesitates to make an absolute decision on whether the prohibition was always observed in the case of voluntary penitents. Certainly no canon mitigated the rule in favor of those who were not expiating great sins, but then they were not specifically discussed in that connection. There is one valuable witness to the practice of voluntary penitents in the fifth century, though his exact status is not generally agreed upon. Paulinus of Pella in the "Eucharisticos" stated that he "returned to the sacred altar" of Christ at Easter after the performance of his set CO penance. He did not previously confess, in his auto­ biographical poem, to any religious crimes which would necessitate canonical public penance. Indeed, it is obvious that he entered the ordo oaenitentiae primarily because he had been seeking a rule of life to express a deep inward conversio. and, persuaded after a short experiment with monasticism that his family needed his direct supervision in those troubled times, became a penitent because certain "holy ones" suggested that way of life to him. The voluntary nature of Paulinus' penance, and even the reality of his penance, is open to question because of the ambiguity of a line in which he mentioned a particular penitential exercise: "though I myself was not ignorant of how to observe the correct faith, learning the paths of 136 errors through bad doctrines, which I now reject, disapproving other associated sins." The "bad doctrines" have been interpreted as a reference to some particular heresy. If he had been an adherent of a heretical sect, he might have been required to do canonical penance before being accepted into the orthodox community. Alternatively, his exclusion from communion might not have been a result of entry into the order of penitents: he might have been referring to his return to the altar of the Catholic Church after a special ceremony of reception into orthodoxy. However, these possibilities are unlikely because it is doubtful that he had been a heretic. In the first place, he would certainly have made some mention of a previous heretical allegiance among his other candid confessions. Secondly, his statement that he was already familiar with "the correct faith" suggests that he spent his period of penance studying theological texts, perhaps refutations of heresies, as a pious exercise. He rejected the various errors "now" either because he was not aware of all of them before or because he had speculated in similar directions without being previously aware that they were unorthodox. It is unlikely that Paulinus had confessed 70 any sins serious enough to require canonical public penance. He was a voluntary penitent but suspended himself from communion anyway. His readmittance to the eucharist was one 71 of the greatest emotional experiences of his long life. 137

The hard question is whether exclusion from communion was observed in the seventh century* when canonical public penance except for the voluntary penitents had declined and conciliar canons in Gaul had ceased attempting to regulate closely the order of penitents• The texts are not sufficient to answer that question. Indeed, one cannot say whether conversi who had not chosen public penance continued to observe the fifth-century stipulation that they take communion weekly. It is apparent tha1- they were not forbidden to do so. The Council of Orleans held in 549 said that women in convents "or those who, in their own homes, young women as well as widows, have con­ verted by a change of garments" were to be deprived of communion along with their husbands if they married. However, if they separated they were to be restored to communion. 72 The ordo in the Visigothic Liber Qrdinum for blessing conversi and conversae ended with the rubric that "these things having been completed, holy communion is given to him." 73 The same thing was almost certainly true of Gaul, for the Romano-Germanic Pontifical of the tenth century, in its rite for consecration of "virgins converted from the world who wish to keep privately the habit of chastity received in their own homes," also referred to communion near the end of the ceremony. The fact that public penitents were not supposed to receive communion should not be understood as any degree of 138 canonical excommunication. 75 They were by no means excluded from the community of the faithful or from communal worship. Indeed, they were expected to be particularly sedulous in attending church worship. The "Statuta ecclesiae antiqua" (ca.475) said that penitents were to receive an imposition of hands from the bishop or priest ("sacerdotibus") during each announced time of fast. The Council of Agde (506) forbade priests to bless penitents or other people in 77 church, meaning apparently that such a function was reserved to the bishop. The sort of blessing that the Council of Agde probably had in mind is contained in the Visigothic Liber Ordinum under the title "A Prayer over Penitents on the Lord's 78 Days". Evidently it was pronounced over the group of penitents every Sunday, probably before they left the church prior to communion. It is interesting that one tenth-century Parisian collection contains a blessing over penitents which refers to penitents who had already received reconciliation. 79 It is possible that, at least in some places, special liturgical recognition continued to be given to penitents who had completed their time in the order of penitents. Certainly, as will be discussed later, they continued to be subject to a religious regimen and were expected to attend church often. Penitents in Gaul who had not yet been reconciled still stood in a special section of the church during mass in the sixth century. The same custom was 139 observed in Spain, for the Council of Toledo held in 589 ordered those who entered the order of penitents were to continue to receive a laying-on of hands for as long as the 80 bishop thought advisable. Penitents, therefore, were expected to be present at mass both before and after their reconciliation and might still be recognized after reconciliation. It was not only mass that penitents and other conversi often attended. At Aries, Caesarius instituted daily offices of tierce, sect, and none in the basilica not only for the benefit of the clergy, but also for any "seculars or penitents" who might "aspire to perform the holy work.'" There is no indication that he insisted on their attendance, but conversi would certainly have been eager to learn to chant the psalms. We have seen that they often chanted psalms in their private devotionals.

111:4. Duration of Observance Ule may attempt to differentiate between voluntary penance and other expressions of conversio on the basis of the length of time required for the observance of each regimen, though the distinction is not so useful as it might first appear. There are no sources which directly discuss the length of time appropriate for voluntary conversio. whether in the form of public penance or not. However, some sources give indirect indications. The duration of public 140 penance in general varied with the severity of the offenses being expiated and, probably, the historical period under consideration. Other conversi. on the other hand, made a life-long commitment. Gsnnadius more or less contrasted these disciplines by advising the penitent who had committed mortal sins first to make amends by penance and then to receive reconciliation from the sacerdos; one who sought the way of "secret satisfaction" (the conversus) he advised to grieve for his sins "immo perpetuo" and to take 83 communion as a suppliant until his death. For public penance there was a term; for conversio there was not.

Public penance assigned by Gallican bishops for specific transgressions could be quite lengthy. A Roman synod in 402, replying to questions from Gallican prelates, directed that a virgin who abandoned a vow of chastity was to do penance S4 for many years. The Council of Uaison (442) referred to penitents worthily excluding themselves from the sacraments "for a long time".6 5 Bishops and councils probably tended to become more indulgent. By 517 the Council of Epaon said that it was softening the ancient decrees in limiting 87 penance for apostasy to two years. No sinner was to be denied the hope of reconciliation, and the time of penance 88 was to be shortened for the sick. For penance in extremis. of course, reconciliation followed immediately if death was 89 imminent. There is no indication of any reversal of this tendency in Gaul, where, by the sixth century, public penance 141

may have ordinarily been limited to the season of Lent.9 0 In Spain, however, there was a reaction, and the synod of Toledo held in 589 fulminated against the new laxity in the ministry of penance, ordering longer and more severe penances. 91 Public penance in Gaul, nevertheless, must have continued to be assigned for lengthy terms often enough to create severe hardships, for seven councils in the fifth and sixth centuries found it necessary to repeat threats of excommuni­ cation against penitents who abandoned their vows to return to a worldly way of life. 92 As for conversi who were not public penitents, no source mentions a particular duration for their status. It is true that four councils in the early sixth century said that a layman must have observed an open conversio for at least a year before he could be ordained, 93 but that ruling was no recognition of a customary period of observance; ordination was simply a passage from one expression of conversio to another. Many councils indicated that commitments to various forms of lay conversio were forever. Indeed, the stipulation of penalties against those who abandoned their state was almost the only occasion on which non-penitential, non-clerical conversi were mentioned in conciliar canons. The Council of Orange held in 441 stated that both men and women who left the state of professed chastity were to seek 94 canonical penance. H The Council of Aries held in 442-506 also ordered canonical penance for those who returned to a 142 95 worldly life after a "holy profession of religion." The Council of Tours held in 461 repeated the penalty for those who abandoned an "intention of professed religion." Unfortunately, the information provided by conciliar canons on the length of time spent in expiation of sins by public penitents is of only limited value for voluntary penitents because few of them had committed any heinous sins. Nevertheless, those who confessed to a bishop must have received some indication of an appropriate length'of time to be spent in the ordo paenitentium. For example, Paulinus of Pella said that he received reconciliation at Easter, the preferred time for the ceremony of reconciliation; his period of expiation may have been limited to Lent. However, since their assumption of the discipline was purely voluntary and, as it were, uncalled-for, there is some indication that some voluntary penitents may have felt themselves to be absolved on their own, or divine, cognizance. This is particularly true of the seventh century, when the discipline of canonical penance was rapidly breaking down. Eligius, for example, although he entered the penitential state after confession to a bishop or priest, and showed every mark of observance of canonical public penance, 97 asked God to give him some private sign of the acceptance 96 of his penance. He was later mysteriously anointed with a fragrant oil falling from the holy relics he kept suspended over his place of prayer and received a message 143 99 that his request had been granted. No mention was sub­ sequently made of his receiving canonical reconciliation. Aridius also was said to have been divinely informed that his penance had been counted worthy. Nevertheless, as will be discussed later, 101 the time of absolution was not an' end for penitents in matters of external observance, since they continued to be subject to rules which set them apart from ordinary laymen. Voluntary penitents were particularly assiduous in these observances; there was no detectable mitigation of the asceticisms practiced by Eligius and Aridius after they considered themselves absolved. 102

111:5. Eligibility for Clergy Another notable difference between penitents of all kinds and conversi who were not penitents was that public penance in theory disqualified one for clerical ordination whereas the resolution of conversio was considered an absolute prerequisite for ordination. In practice* however, the distinction tended to break down in the case of voluntary penitents. The Council of Orleans in 538 promulgated a canon which illustrates the legal distinction between conversio and paenitentia. It ruled "concerning the previous conversion of clerics" that no layman was to be ordained a deacon or 1D 3 priest unless his conversion had preceded by a year. But 144

those who had "professed penance" were placed with the twice- married and the mutilated in being refused ordination. 104 It was the last of a series of canons in the early sixth century condemning ordination of penitents. The Council of Agde (506) had referred to previous conciliar decrees banning the practice. The Council of Epaon (517) also had observed that "those who have professed penance are not at all called to the clericate." The Council of Aries held in 524 repeated the prohibition while noting that it was contained now in almost every statute. 107 Caesarius of Arlesi who presided over the last-named council, was much exercised with the problem, for he had alluded to it in a sermon as a bit of instruction so useful that it behooved all priests to teach it to others when they performed the almsgiving of 108 spiritual instruction. The reason for the rule is obvious enough. Gennadius of Marseilles had stated it in discussing bans to ordination: one undergoing public penance was one who "mourns over mortal sins". 109 But what if one's penance was not in expiation of mortal sins? The "Statuta ecclesiae antiqua" (ca.475), the earliest Gallican source on the problem, seems to have been aware already of public penance as an expression of true conversio. but it refused to make an exception: "From the penitents, however good one may be, 110 a cleric may not be ordained." The general rule that conversio must precede ordination has already been mentioned. It was an attempt to ensure 145 spiritual motivation and qualifications even when ordinary advancement through clerical grades could not be followed. It did not mean a vague general adherence to Christianity, but the adoption of chastity and an intensely religious life. The Council of Epaon (517) was the first Gallican council to mention such a qualification, and it did not use the word conversio: "A layman may not be ordained a cleric except with a previous /resolution of) religion." All later councils did use the word conversio. The Council of Aries held in 524 said that a year in the state of conversio was a minimum requirement; previous standards had to be lowered because of the growing number of churches and the consequent necessity of finding more clergy to staff them. 112 Bishop Caesarius of Aries said in a sermon that he would prefer a conversion of several years to precede ordination, but he insisted on at least one year. 113 The Council of Orleans held in 549 ordered that during the year preceding his ordination as a bishop, the conversus was to be fully instructed in spiritual discipline and rules "by learned and approved men." 114 That indicates that bishops did not find the adoption of conversion in itself to be a sufficient preparation for the episcopacy, though it says nothing about whether such instruction was customarily demanded of conversi who were candidates for the diaconate or the priesthood* Such instruction was doubtless facilitated by the fact that many conversi placed themselves under the direction of a 146 115 bishop as part of their religious regimen. There is some evidence* even in conciliar canons, that the distinction between voluntary penance and conversio was breaking down and leading to the ordination of public penitents. First is the number and concentration of Gallican councils which found it necessary to deal with the problem: five out of seven collections of canons in the late fifth and early sixth centuries. Moreover, there was a steady reduction in the penalties for bishops who knowingly ordained a public penitent. The "Statuta ecclesiae antiqua" (ca.475) ordered that the bishop be deprived of his power to ordain. 117 There was no penalty specified in the Councils of Agde (506) and Epaon (517), but the Council of Aries held in 524 specified only that the offending bishop was not to say mass for a year (though he was to be excommunicated if he ignored 1 1 B that sanction also). The Council of Orleans held in 538 reduced the penalty for breaking the prohibition against ordaining public penitents to six months without saying mass (with excommunication if ignored) .11 9 A canon from the Council of Orleans held in 541 repeated the usual ban against ordination of bigamists and husbands of widows, but, where councils had customarily added an injunction against public penitents, there was no mention of the previous rule. 1 20 It was never mentioned again. Oblique references to the difficulty of enforcing the canons make it certain that they were sometimes ignored. The 147 Council of Aries in 524 noted, as a reason for its repetition of the canon, surreptitious disregard of the rule "as now it is said". 121 Caesarius of Aries referred to the rules of conversio before ordination and against ordination of penitents and the twice-married as a matter "in which many of us most frequently prevent the [observation of] the decrees of all the canons." 122 In the Visigothic Church, councils by the seventh century admitted a distinction between public penitents free- of mortal sins and those who were not. In 633 a Council of Toledo ruled that "these who undertake penance in a crisis, confessing no manifest crimes, but only proclaiming themselves sinners, if such recover, they can also attain ecclesiastical grades by probity of behaviour."123 Saints' lives, which probably reflect actual practice better than the admonitory conciliar canons, contain examples of penitents who were subsequently ordained. The most obvious example is Eligius, who was consecrated bishop of Noyon-Tournai after a period of voluntary public penance in the royal household. His friend St. Ouen, who had been associated with him in his religious life, perhaps or perhaps not as a public penitent, was consecrated bishop of 124 Rouen at the same time. Another example is St. Bavo of Ghent, who confessed his sins to bishop Amand and asked an 125 assignment of penance "for his greatest and least sins." Bavo, after giving away his wealth, building a church, and 148

joining a monastery, was later raised to the "honor of the clericate" by Amand, the very one who had received his confession. St. Riquier made a tearful confession of sins to tijo wandering Irish preachers and began a life of "penance and holy religion," engaging in various penitential asceticisms. Nevertheless, at some unknown time after he began preaching himself, he achieved the "honor of the priesthood."127

All of these penitential conversions occurred in the seventh century, when canonical public penance had declined and when Irish tariffed penance was beginning to spread into the continent. Indeed, since Riquier made his confession to Irish priests, one might expect that we are now no longer 1 78 dealing with the older penitential discipline. Neverthe­ less, there is no sign of a tariffed penance in these vitae. Whether the assignment of penance was made from a list or not (and there is no indication that it was ), the above penitents did not resort to the sacrament more than once. They obviously understood the commitment they were making to the penitential life to be a life-long obligation. Absolution, whenever and however it may have been received, did not slacken their zeal for self-mortification. Besides, there is no indication that these highly religious men might have deserved the penitential asceticisms in which they engaged. Whether the discipline to which they understood themselves to be subject was drawn from an Irish book or the old ordo 149

paenitentium, their observance was purely voluntary. They were continuing a tradition of voluntary penance from the period of canonical public penance, a tradition whose difficulties with the sixth-century bans on ordination of penitents are reflected in the conciliar canons. It may be apparent to historians now that the practice of public penance had shifted between the fifth and seventh centuries, but such an assertion would probably have made little sense to the contemporaries of these voluntary penitents in the seventh century. Their penitential mode of life was the same, whether they were canonically in the ordo paenitentium or not. They were not free to be ordained merely because councils had ceased to exclude public penitents; councils had ceased to exclude public penitents because they could no resist a trend toward ordaining blameless voluntary penitent especially when, during the sixth and seventh centuries, the came to be almost the only laymen leading a penitential way of life.129

111:6. Reconciled Public Penitents and Other Conversi Even after reconciliation, public penitents continued to be subject to canonical restrictions on their way of life. They were expected to maintain a religious regimen to ensure that they did not relapse into sin, a regimen in keeping with their continuing contrition. However, they could now receive communion and no longer stood in ordo 150 paenitentium. They were subsumed under a vaguer order of lay relioiosi and were indistinguishable from the conversi who had not undergone public penance. Were it not for the canonical ban on ordination of public penitents, there would have been no theoretical differences of expectation between them. Reconciled penitents were expected to continue to observe dietary restrictions. Caesarius of Aries preached that penitents should not be eager for reconciliation so that they could eat meat and drink wine, because they were still bound to confine themselves to vegetables, beans, and fish both in their own homes and at others' banquets. However, he was aware of many who disregarded these restrictions. 130 Penitents continued to be bound to sexual continence after reconciliation. That fact was undoubtedly the reason that bishops were cautioned not to accept lightly young people or married people into public penance without their spouses' explicit consent. 131 Conciliar canons always spoke in absolute terms of such penitential vows. Thus the Council of Aries in 442-506 struck with excommunication penitents, both men and women, who married again after their spouses had died, or who were even suspected of familiarity with a 132 member of the opposite sex. No mention of reconciliation was ever made in such canons. Avitus of l/ienne, in a letter on penance to King Gundobad, mentioned that penitents who vowed continence in receiving penance in extremis too often 151 subjected themselves to damnation as apostates by unchastity after their recovery. 133 Aside from specific observances, penitents continued to hold a special religious status after their reconciliation. Salvian spoke bitterly of penitents who "have not so much done penance for their previous sins as much as they repent afterwards of that very penance; nor have repented so much that they lived badly before, as that they have promised to be good in the future." He called such laymen "religiosi. possessed by secular vices under the appearance of religion." 135 Salvian saw these penitents as having made, and broken, a vow of permanent conversion. The canons of Spanish V/isigothic synods were more specific than the Gallican sources: a Council of Toledo in 589, in ruling on requirements for reconciliation of penitents, mentioned punishment for "these who return to their former vices either during the time of penance or after reconciliation." 1 Tfi Another canon was directed at laymen who "after the accepted penance, return again to the offences [they werej lamenting." 137 Since public penance could not be repeated, it raised a permanent religious barrier to resumption of the worldly way of life which had presented the opportunities for the sins expiated. Indeed, the penitent continued to wear a garment which marked him as a reliqiosus after reconciliation: A Council of Aries (442-506) provided sanctions for the rule 152 that "after penance, one may not presume [to wear/ the 1 TB secular habit." The Visigothic kiber Urdinum contained a rite for reconciliation of penitents in which the man or woman knelt before the altar "wearing clean religious garments." 139 Rubrics for the same ordo directed that the one being absolved "is urged by the bishop that the gift of penance undertaken he always keep in his mind, nor beyond this time is it permitted for him to return to worldly desires, and he is to keep to that narrow path....'' 140 The rite of reconciliation was by no means an end to the penitential life; it was the beginning of a new and special religious life in restored communion. In the seventh and eighth centuries, spiritual advisors continued to stress the dangers of returning to a worldly life after penance. Isidore of Seville in the Sententiae cautioned that "while vices will have been expelled from a man through penance, if by chance after this, security having intervened, any immoralities will have crept in, immediately the former pleasures of vices steal upon the mind more greedily, and battering him, they drag the man into his habitual deeds more gravely, so that these newest are worse than the former." 141 Jesus' parable about the tidy soul attracting even more demons (Mat. 12:43-45) therefore suggested itself to Isidore as a description of the perils awaiting the penitent who returned to secular ways. Alcuin, in his "Book on Virtues and Vices" written for Count UJido, 153 quoted a sermon of Augustine's on penance: "He is washed and is clean who bewails past deeds and does not again allow mourning. He is washed and is not clean who bewails what he does nor ceases, and after tears repeats what he mourned over.... True penance is not assessed by the number of years, 142 but by sorrow of the heart." Whether or not Alcuin had canonical public penance in mind, the thought was the same: penance must affect permanent change; it must be a conversio. NOTES TO CHAPTER III But for an equation of all these terms see G. G. Weerseman, "I penitenti nei secoli XI e XII," I laici nella "societas Christiana" dei secoli XI e XII (fflilan, 1968), p.310-314. For very early Christian uses of "conversio" (metanoia) to mean repentance, see P. Aubin, Le probleme de la 'conversion' (Paris, 1963), p.71, 75-76, 80-81, 91. 3Paulinus of Bordeaux, £L, CIII, col.700; LVIJ.I, col. 875 under the name of Faustus of Riez: "Igitur abronentianti poenitentia publica non est necessaria, quia conversus ingemuit et cum Deo aeterno pactum inivit. Ex illo igitur die nom memorantur ejus delicta...." See Poschmann, pp.128-130; Galtier, p.7. 4"Passio Leudegarii" c.15, JYIGH SRJ3 V, p.337: "...et conversi a pravis operibus velociter peterent paenitentiae fructibus. ' 5 Paulinus of Bordeaux, col.699: "Detur utique poenitentia saeculari, cujus adhuc cervix sub jugo dependet saeculi...." Gennadius, "Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum": XXII, ed. C. H. Turner, J.T.S.. VII (1906), p.94: ''Sed [etj secreta satisfactione solui mortalia crimina non negamus, sed mutato prius saeculari habitu et confesso religionis studio per vitaa correctionem et iugi, immo perpetuo, luctu, miserante Deo: ...et eucharistiam omnibus dominicis [diebus] supplex...."

7Salvian, "De gubernatione Dei," V:10, CSEL. VIII, p. 119: "...Cum multi alii turn praecipue illi novorum honorum religiosi ambitores et post acceptum paenitentiae nomen amplissimae ac prius non habitae potestatis emptores.... Quomodo igitur tales isti paenitentiam se egisse non paenitent, sicut etiam illi de conversione ac deo aliquid cogitasse.... Novum prorsus conversionis genus." p "Vita Richarii sacerdotis Centulensis primigenia," c.3, OTGH SRM VII, pp.445-446: "Ex eo tempore, ut coepit, totarn vitam suam in poenitentiam et religionem sacram finivit." 154 155 g Vita Richarii Confessoris Centulensis Auctore Alcuino," c.3, mGH SRJ IV, p.391: "Itaque mox ab initio conversionis suae tam dura se castigatione constrinxit...." Riquier later became a priest, but his lay conversion was an independent, prior events 10|Y1GH SRIYl VI I» p.446: "Sic vitam suam mortificavit, ut panem ordiatium cum cinere mixtum post ieiunium expletum cum parva mensura sumeret et poculum limphe cum fletu misceret." See also MGH SRJ IV, p.391. 11Isidore, "Sententiae" 11:14:3, PL_, LXXXIII, col.617: "Saepe diabolus eos quos converti ad paenitentiam aspicit....' Concilium Andegavense, a.453, c.12, CCSLt CXLVIII, p.138: "Paenitentiae sane locus omnibus pateat qui conversi errorem suum voluerint confiteri...." 13Con. Aurelianense, a.538, c.27, CCSL, CXLVIIA, p.124: "De paenetentum conversions. Ut ne quis benedictionem paenetentiae iuvenibus persunis credere praesumat...." 14Alcuin, "De virtutibus et vitiis liber," c.XIII, £L, CI, col.623: "Quamvis quisque sit peccator et impius, si ad paenitentiam convertatur, consequi posse veniam se per Dei rnisericordiam non dubitet." 15 "Vita Corbiniani episcopi Baiuvariorum retracta B," c.18, MGH SRIYl VI, p.619: "...nunc si converterentur ad paenitentiam, blandis sermonibus Dei regnum promisit...." Wattenbach-Levison assigns this version to the beginning of the tenth century. 16"Vita Bavonis," c.3, JIlGJj SRJI IV, p.536: "...aliam noluit ducere uxorem; sed, inspirante Domini misericordia, ad viam conversionis Amandum sanctissimum pontificem expetiit. Cum lacrimis veniam postulans, pedibus quoque beati pontificis provolvitur, cum conpunctione sua confessus facinora,.•.pro peccatis maximis et minimis penitentiam acturus." Wattenbach-Levison dates the life to the time of Louis th8 Pious. C. Vogel, "Dossier Hagiographique," flevuB des sciences reliqieuses, XXX (1956), p.24. Galtier, pp.294-295.

1?Caesarius, Sermo CLXVII:5, CCSL. CIV, p.685: "Ed ideo expiatura erit inextinguibilis concrematio, quicquid hie medicabilis satisfactio, quicquid hie salutifera dissimulaverit sanare conversio." 18 Caesarius, Sermo CXVI:7, CCSL. CIII, p.486: "...dum tempus est, ad paenitentiae medicamenta confugiat. Convertatur ad dominum ex toto corde suo...." 156

19Caesarius, Sermo XVIII:2, CCSL. CIII, p.83: "Cum ergo verum sit quod dominus dixit, quandocumque conversus fuero, omnia peccata praeterita et omnes iniquitates meas obliviscetur." Biblia Vulaata. Ezechiel 18:21-22: "Si autem impius egerit poenitentiam ab omnibus peccatis suis,.... omnium iniquitatum eius...non recordabor." on Loc.cit.: "Addis ad crastinum et alterum crastinum, at converti dissimulas.... Quid tu adtendis, ut differas agere paenitentiam...?" 21Caesarius, Sermo CVIII:4, CCSL. CIII, p.449: "conversio enim in praesenti; vita et paenitentia fructuose gesta celerem confert huius modi vulneribus medicinam; quia paenitentia non solum vulnus praeteritum sanat, sed et ultra animam peccato non sinit vulnerari." 22Caesarius, Sermo LVI:3, CCSL. CIII, p.250: "Sed forte, quando generaliter omnes ad paenitentiam provocamus, aliquis intra se cogitet dicens: Ego iuvenis homo uxorem habens quomodo possum aut capillos minuere aut habitum religionis adsumere?...Vera enim conversio sine vestimentorum commutatione sufficit sibi...." 23Concilium Turonense, a.461, c.8, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.146: "Si quis vero post acceptam paenitentiam sicut canis ad vomitum suum, ita ad saeculares illecebras derelicta quam professus est paenitentia, fuerit reversus, a communione ecclesiae vel a convivio fidelium extraneus habeatur.••." See also Concilium Veneticum, a.461-491, c.3, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.152; Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.11, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.8; Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.23, p.30; Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.28, p.124; Concilium Aspasii episcopi, a.551, c.1, p.163.

24Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.15, CCSL, CXLVIII, p.201: "Paenitentes, tempore quo paenitentiam petunt, impositionem manuum et cilicum super caput a sacerdote sicut ubique constitutum est, consequantur; et si aut comas non deposuerint, aut vestimenta non mutaverint, abiiciantur at nisi digne paenituerint, non recipiantur." All of these elements are present in the "Ordo Penitentie" of the Lituroia Iflozarabica Vetus (ed. Ferotin, 1904, cols.87-92). This ritual is entirely separate from the "Orde conversorum conversarumque" (Ferotin, col.82-86). Ferotin, (col.87, note 3) says that this penitential ordo was used only for the gravely ill; it is not clear why. 25 / l/ogel, La discipline oenitentielle en Gaule, p.39. 26£. Griffe, La Gaule chre'tienne. (Paris, 1965), III p.152; G.G. Meerssemen, "I Penitenti nei secoli XI e XII," p.310. 157 27Eusebius 'Gallicanus,' Homilia VIII:5, CCSL_, CI, p.87: "Quod autem, carissimi, videmus aliquotiens etiam illas animas paenitentiam petere quae ab ineunte adolescentia consecratae pretiosum deo thesaurum devoverunt, inspirare hoc deum pro ecclesiae nostrae profectibus noverimus: ut medicinam quam invadunt sani, discant quaerere vulnerati; ut bonis etiam parua deflentibus, ingentia ipsi mala lugere consuescant. Ac si, quando iam ilia persona, quae forte minus indiget paenitentia, aliquid fide dignum atque compunctum sub oculis ecclesiae gerit, fructum suum etiam de aliena aedificatione multiplicat et meritum suum de lucro proficientis accumulat..»." 98 Ordinary public penance involved a certain amount of public shame simply because it was an admission of having committed a mortal sin. Sensitive pastors, of course, stressed the praiseworthy humility of the act. Caesarius of Aries, Sermo LXl/II, CCSL. CIII, p.284-286, urged compassion for public penitents and rejoicing over their new life and their commendable example. Concerning the motives of voluntary penitents, one can only speculate that they wished to embrace low social esteem as a form of self- mortification in itself and that they were unusually contrite over accumulated minor sins. On this latter motivation, see M.-F. Berrouard, "La penitence publique," La Waison-Dieu, CXVIII (1974), p.129. Berrouard traces the development of public penance in its social context through the first six centuries. 29Ruricius, Epistulae 11:15, CSEL. XXI, p.394: "Sed quia et propositum vastrum et nostrum poscit officium, his venerationem vestram paucis monere praesumpsi, ut ex opera illius ad agendam paenitentiam et nova novi hominis vestimenta sumenda capias exemplum..." 30Ruricius, Epistulae 11:15, CSEL. XXI, p.395: "... pristinae conversationis ambitione deposita humilitatem debes cordis induere, misericordiam indigentibus fenerare, castitatem non solum corporis, sed animae procurare, quod adiuvante domino ut adquirere valeas pariter et custodire, ieiunandum est saepius et semper orandum...."

31Sidonius, Epistulae IV.13:4, MGH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.65: "...tandem professione religionis arrepta viribus potius resurgentis innocentiae convalescat.... Et quoniam nemo ferme est, qui plectibilibus careat occultis, ipse super his, quae clam commissa reminiscitur, palam fusa satisfactione solvatur."

32 Sidoniusf Epistulae IV. 24:4, JYIGH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.75: "...clam percontor adstantes, quod genus vitae de tribus arripuisset ordinibus, monachum ageret an clericum 158 paenitentemve. Dixerunt nuper impacto sacerdotio fungi, quo recusantem factiose ligasset civicus amor." 33"Vita Aridii Abbatis Lemovincini," c.6, jriGH SRJVl III, p.583: "Denique commonitus interea divinitus per praefatum Nicetium Treverorum civitatis episcopum, ut relinqueret saeculi pompam, fugiens mundi oblectamenta, ac regalis palatii vanas superstitiones et indisciplinatas sociorum fabulas declinaret et se sub regulae subderet censura ad contemplandam caelestis patriae palmam. Sicque sibi austeram imponens paenitentiam, ...»" His tonsure is mentioned in Gregory of Tours, H.F. X:29, MGH SRM I, p.440: "•••tonsorato iam capite....' Ibid.i c.8, p.585: His mother converted under his influence by a change of vestments "...filium bene conversum Dei ortatur ad praemium." 35 "Vitae Eligii episcopi Noviomagensis liber I,'c.3-6, MLd SM IV. p.671-673. C.3, p.671: "...in fide recta atque inbutus a parentibus christianis religione catholica.... Ecclesiarum etiam conventiculis frequenter intererat, et quaecumque ibi ex divinis scripturis recitabantur, aurem libenter accommodans....ut etiam, cum absens esset, ea quae didicerat meditatione intentissima ruminaret." C.5, p.672: "...nam absque ulla fraude vel unius etiam siliquae inminutior commisso sibi patravit opere...." C.6, p.673: "...reliquias sanctorum praecipiebat ei, ut inpositione manuum sacris pignoribus donaret sacramentum; sed ille divino intuitu verens, recusare humiliter omni nisu temptabat." n.c. Ibid.. c.7, p.673-674: "...omnia adulescentiae suae coram sacerdote confessus est acta; sicque sibi austeram inponens paenitentiam, coepit fortiter conluctatione carnis spiritus fervore resistere, in laboribus scilicet secondum apostolum, in vigiliis, in ieiuniis, in castitate, in patientia multa atque in caritate non ficta." 37 "Passio Praeiecti Episcopi et Martyris Arverni," c.B, fflGH SRM I/, p.230: "Adveniens turba non modica discunbentium, inter quos tres discunbunt paenitentes, quorum ista erant nomina: l/enerianus Dei famulus, qui nomine cum opere inplebat, Gosoaldus testis Christi, Marialdus monachus. Adcunbunt ex more, prebentur aepule, reprehenduntur paenitentes ad cumsedentibus, et in chachinnos atque risos vanos se adtollunt ac non modice paenitentie detractores existunt.... J_The balcony collapsed.} Praeiectus cum paenitentibus collegas suos ad mensam resedit ovans.•..Sic, sic discant frenum a Domino accipere conmessatores et nee suorum servorum paenitentium audeant minas inferre." The life was written in the seventh century (Dekkers). See Vogel, 159 "La Penitence: Dossier Hagiographique," p.4. He adds a line concerning the abstinence of the three penitents from meat which is not in the OTGH. 38 ' Vogel, "La penitence: dossier hagiographique,'1 p.20- 26, argues that not every mention of confession in hagiographic literature can be interpreted as a reference to the sacramental confession involved in canonical public penance. lAJhile it is certainly true that the examples he gives of spontaneous admissions of guilt in public and of obvious cases of a later type of Celtic tariffed penance do not involve canonical penance, one is not driven to admit that references to premeditated confession to a cleric did not result in a "sacramental" mode of penance. Whether the people who sought out St. Ansbert for confession and a religious regimen adhered strictly to the older norms of canonical public penance or not, they certainly thought that they were adopting a penitential way of life in expiation of their sins. They were "paenitentes" in the eyes of their contemporaries. "Vita Ansberti Episcopi Rotomagensis," c.13, IYIGH SRfll V, p.627: "Cum igitur eiusdem beati viri praerogativa meritorum longius claresceret, confluebant passim ad eum plurimi, salvationis suae expetentes salubria consilia. Et quoniam sacerdotii dignitate fulgebat, confluentium ad se confessiones suscipiebat, monita eis salutis inpertiens, quomodo salvi esse possent et vias iustitiae sine defectu alicuius tedii immobiliter retinerent. Cuius doctrina et exortationibus plurimi corroborati munitique, ad conversionis festinantes gratiam, plurima deferebant dona in speciebus diversis pretiosorum metallorum....'' The life is at least older than the ninth century (Dekkers). 40 "Vita Bavonis confessoris Gandavensis," c.3, MGH SRM IV, p.536: "Eodem quoque tempore coniunx eius obiit.... Quae postquam migravit de hac luce, aliam noluit ducere uxorem; sed, inspirante Domini misericordia, ad viam conversionis Amandum sanctissimum pontificem expetiit. Cum lacrimis veniam postulans, pedibus quoque beati pontificis provolvitur, cum conpunctione sua confessus facinora, et de contrariis sibimet eum passionibus alloquitur, pro peccatis maximis et minimis penitentiam acturus." This life dates from the early 9th century (UJattenbach-Levison). 41 ' Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.294:"L'expression •via conversionis' dont se sert a ce propos le biographe en est d'autant plus remarquable; elle est plutot d'un autre age et d'un autre milieu." 42 "Vita Richarii sacerdotis Centulensis primigenia," c.9, mqH SRM VII, p.450: "Pater ipsius manibuli nomine 160 Herimoaldus simplex erat et in sua simplicitate ipsum servum Dei multum diligebat. Sic ab eodem servo Dei benedictionem promeruit et sua paenitentia optime peregit et finem perfectam habuit." The life dates from the seventh century (Dekkers). 43 "Vita Willibrordi Archiepiscopi Traiectensis Auctore Alcuino," c.27, WGH SRm l/II, p.136: "Paenitentes quoque saepius ad eandem venientes ecclesiam, circulis ferreis more solito circumdatis: ruptis circulis, subito eorum vincula resoluta sunt. Cuius rei in ecclesia adhuc circuli pendentes testes sunt." Cn expiatory pilgrimages see Vogel, jja discipline Penitentielle en Gaul, p.163. 44 "Capitulare Ecclesiasticum," a.789, c.78, HUGH Leoes I, p.65-66: "Nee isti nudi cum ferro, qui dicunt se data sibi poenitentia ire vagantes. Melius videtur, ut si aliqud in consuetum et capitale crimen conmiserint, ut in uno loco permaneant laborantes et servientes et paenitentiam agentes secundum quod sibi canonice inpositum sit." 45 "\/ita Landelini abbatis Lobbiensis et Crispiniensis," c.l,fllGH SRffl VIt p.439: "...fugam iniens discessit asancto Audberto, ac simul cum eis pergens, more latronum vivebat, rapinis et cedibus occupatus. Pro quo pius pater Audbertus merore confectus, lugebat eum velut mortuum, et revera mortuus erat, quia diabolo serviebat." Lanrielin converted in the first half of the seventh century; his life was written in late ninth or early tenth century (Prinz, p.205). 46 Ibid., c.3, p.440: "...paenitentiam sibi rogat dari retroactorum scelerum. At pius pater eius votis congaudiens suscepit eum poenitentem,...sinumque ei divinae aperiens misericordiae, reddidit eum sanctae matri ecclesiae. Itaque sub saeculari habitu in monasterio degens agebat praeteritorum poenitentiam criminum, macerans corpus ieiuniis....Petiit denique supradictum antestitem, ut ab eo perciperet capitis tonsuram militiaeque caelestis assumeret clamidem...." 47 • See Vogel, La discipline penitentielle en Gaule, p.157 on the beginning of the seclusion of laymen in monasteries during the performance of public penance. 48 While it is doubtless true that, from the seventh century, those undergoing penance for public crimes were assigned a penance of limited duration, after which they

_. penitents at all. Tariffed penance was a different practice entirely (Vogel, p.194-195). Consequently, one could not 161 differentiate between those undergoing penance for great crimes and tne less culpable penitents by noting that the former had been assigned a limited penance while the latter were penitents forever (as Meersemann, p.390-391, argues). Voluntary penitents also obtained absolution, but they continued to observe the life-long restrictions placed on all who had undergone public penance. The observance of such a regimen was, after all, their main purpose in entering the order. If the actual observance of such restrictions by "non-voluntary" public penitents after absolution died out in the seventh century, it was not because the distinction between different kinds of penitents was first made, but simply because those who wanted only to resume their former status in the Church and society after expiating their crimes did not in fact observe them. The two kinds of penitents could only be distinguished (aside from whether or not they took communion, possibly) by motivation and the seriousness of the sins they confessed. See £. Griffe, La Caule chretienne (Paris, 1965), III, p.151-163. 49 four Gallican synods of the early sixth century attempted to refuse admittance of any penitent to the clergy: Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.43, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.211; Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.3, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.25; Concilium Arelatense, a.524, c.3, p.44; Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.6, p.116. No later synods in Gaul lifted this ban* The necessity for it ended in the seventh century as the actual use of canonical penance for the expiation of specific sins declined, though voluntary penance as a purely pious regimen continued unabated. 50 Concilium Toletanum, a.633, c.54, Mansi, X, col.632: "Hi qui in discricatores se praedicantes, huiusmodi si revaluerint, possunt etiam pro morum probitate ad gradus ecclesiasticos pervenire. Qui vere ita poanitentiam accipiunt, ut aliquod mortale peccatum perpetrasse publice fateantur, ad clerum vel ad honores ecclesiasticos pervenire nullatenus possunt, quia se confessione propria notaverunt." 51 Gennadius of Marseilles, Liber ecclesiasticorum doomatum: XXII, J.T.S.. VII (1906), p.94: "...eucharistiam omnibus dominicis [diebusj supplex et submissus usque ad mortem percipiat." 52Caesarius, Sermo LXIV:4, CCSL. CIII, p.277: "...qui se ipsum modo a communione pro suo reatu suspendit, ab illo altari quod est in caelo removeri non poterit...." 53 Gennadius, Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum:XIIi p.94, echoed this passage in discussing public penance. 162 Concilium Arausicanum I, a.441, c.3, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.78-79: "Qui recedunt de corpore, paenitentia accepta, placuit sine reconiliatoria manus impositione eis communicari,...si supervixerint, stent in ordine paenitentum, et...legitimam communionem cum raconciliatoria manus impositione percipiant." Concilium l/asense, a.442, c.2, CCSL, CXLVIII, p.96: "Pro his qui paenitentia accepta in bonae vitae cursu satisfactoria compunctione viventes, sine communione inopinati nonnunquam transitu in agris aut intineribus praeveniuntur, oblationem recipiendam et horum funera ac deinceps memoriam ecclesiastico affectu prosequondam...." °Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.11, CCSL. CXLVIIA, p.116: "Si qui vero dolore v/icti et pondere persectionis negare vel sacrificare compulsi sunt, duobus annis inter catechumenos, triennio inter paenitentes habeantur a communior suspensi." See also c.10.

Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.170: "Paenitentes qui in infirmitate v/iaticum eucharistiae acceperint, non se credant absolutos sine manus impositione, si supervixerint." CO Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.12, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.8: "Si diaconus aut presbyter pro reatu suo se ab altaris communione sub paenetentis professione submoverit...." 59 Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.29, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.31:"Lapsis.M.annorum multitudinem breviata paenitentiam biennii conditione infra scripte observaciones inponimus, ut ...in paenitentum loco standi...,etiam ipsi cum caticumini procedere commonentur, abscedant." Concilium Toletanum, a.589, c.11, Mansi, IX, col.995: "...id a sancto concilio jubetur, ut secundum formam canonum antiquorum dentur poenitentiae, hoc est, ut prius eum, quern sui poenitet facti, a communione suspensum, faciat inter reliquos poenitentes ad manus impositionem crebro recurre; expleto autem satisfactionis tempore, sicuti sacerdotalis contemplatio probaverit, eum communioni restituat."

"Ordo Penitentie," ed. IK). Ferotin, Le Liber Ordinum en usage dans l'eqlise misiqothique (Paris, 1904), col.91: "Consummata oratione dominica, aufertur cilicium, et si spatium fuerit Vivendi suspenditur a communione." The benedictions from this ordo uuere adapted into various English and Gallican collections surviving from the tenth century. See E. Moeller, ed. Corpus benedictionum pontificalium, II, CCSL. CLXIIA, p.768, no.1880. 163 62Paulinus of Pella, "Eucharisticos," 11.474-478, CSEL. XVI, p.309: "Post autem, exacta iam per fcrieteride quinta, rite recurrente statuto tempore pascha ad tua, Christe Deus, altaria sacra reversus te miserante tua gaudens sacramenta recepi ante hos ter decies super et bis quattuor annos." Ibid.. 11.167-177. Paulinus does show contrition over sexual relations with the household servants, and over the birth of an illegitimate son, but he says that he at least avoided force and the injury of what belonged to others (i.e.. adultery), 11.163-165. Ibid., 11.456-462: "...auderem ut monachi perfecto vivere ritu, cum sibi servari consuetam indicere curam posse viderentur, filii, mater, socrus, uxor cum grege non minimo famularum quippe suarum, quern totum pariter peregrinae exponere terrae nee ratio aut pietas mens aut religiosa sinebat." 65 Ibid.. 11.463-467: "Sed tua magna manus divina et provida virtus consilio sanctorum cur^ta operando peregit, sua dentum mihi turn morem servare vestustum, quern semel invectum maiorum traditione nunc etiam servans ecclesia nostra teneret." Ibid.. 11.470-473: "...non digno fortasse pians commissa labore, sed rectam servare fidem non inscius ipse, errorum discendo vias per dogmata prava, quae reprobans sociata aliis nunc respuo culpis." 67 Those who abandoned the faith in times of persecution were to spend some years in the order of penitents: see note 56 above. If Paulinus had been associated with a heresy, it might have been Arianism. His homeland, around Bordeaux, was subjected to considerable harassment from the Arian Visigoths. If he had temporarily gone over to Arianism, his apostasy might have been interpreted as denial of the faith under persecution. However, Paulinus said nothing of this, and it seems very unlikely that he had been a heretic. P. Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.286-287, inclined to the opinion that Paulinus' undertaking was not public penance at all, but was a different ritual of laying- on of hands and contrition for a period of heresy, followed by another kind of conversio. Galtier thought that public penance would be more clearly reflected in his memoirs. One might reply that Paulinus' account mentions most characteris­ tics of public penance, including exclusion from communion, and that an argument from silence would be more weighty on the question of heresy, which he did not mention. Paulinus was indeed a conversus. but one who chose voluntary public 164 penance from several possible expressions of conversio. E. Griffe, La Gaule chre'tienne, III, p.160-163, rejected the idea of heresy in Paulinus' case, but seemed to suggest that the reference to learning the "paths of error" meant that Paulinus had been more attentive to intellectual instruction in church than to actually following the ascetic regimen of a penitent.

69, On reading as part of the regimen of conversio, see Sectioonn 11:9.

701>(Eucharisticos, " 1.468: "...confessusque igitur, penitenda quae mihi noram...." 7l,,Eucharisticos," 11.476-478, p.309: "...ad tua, Christe Deus, altaria sacra reversus te miserante tua gaudens sacramenta recepi ante hos ter decies super et bis quattuor annos...." 7? "^Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.19, CCSL, CXLl/IIIA, p.155: "...vel illae, quae in domibus propriis, tarn puellae quam viduae, conmutatis vestibus convertuntur, cum his, quibus coniugio copulantur, ab ecclesiae communione priventur. Sane si culpam sequestratione sanaverint, ad communionis gratiam revocentur." 73 / Ordo Conversorum Conversarumque," ed. Ferotin, Le Liber Ordinum. col.85: "His finitis, datur ei sancta communio, et ad locum quern voluerit succedit. Similiter et in feminis...." For monks who were to remain in monasteries, however, a further short ceremony was added. 74 "Consecratio virginum quae a seculo conversae in domibus suis susceptum castitatis habitum privatim observare voluerint," ed. C. Vogel and R. Elze, Le Pontifical Romano- Germanique du dixieme siecle, I (Studi e Testi, v.226, Vatican, 1963), p.53: "Ad communionem." The concluding rubric, p.54, specifies a mass: "Prephata ancilla Dei...ad missam communicet et post peracta mysteria...." 75 " Vogel, La discipline penitentielle en Gaule, p.62-67, 102-106, 175-181, does not admit any confusion in the sources between penance and excommunication. The latter, he says, was used very rarely and only for the greatest crimes, involved various degrees of social ostracism, and did not necessitate absolution for restoration to communion. 76 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.65, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.176: "Omni tempore indicti ieiunii manus paenitentibus a sacerdotibus imponantur." 165 77Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.44, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.211: "Benedictionem super plebem in ecclesia fundere, aut paenitentem in ecclesia benedicere, presbytero penitus non licebit." 78 "Dratio super penitentes in diebus Dominicis," ed. Ferotin, |_e Liber Crdinum, col.94. See footnote 1 by Ferotin: "L'Cratio dont il est ici question est vraisemblablement celle que l'eveque faisant avant de congedier les Penitents* a la fin de la messn...." Ferotin, in the same note, stated that this prayer did not concern "la penitence volontaire ou de devotion" but only 'la penitence impose'e pour des fautes tres graves." It is not clear why that should have been so. It is true that the prayer speaks of sins and of groaning over errors, but voluntary penitents did the same. One thinks of Eligius' nightly weeping and sighing. Would the penitents standing in church really have been physically divided on the basis of the gravity of the sins they had confessed? 79 "Supra poenitentes," ed. Moeller, Corpus benedictionem pontificalium. I, p.37, no.86: "Benedic, Domine, has poenitentes tua iam pietate reconciliatos, eosque (easque) devotos respice Pater*..." See also p.45, no.101. On the other hand, of course, it may have been used only at a special mass of reconciliation, perhaps at Easter. 80Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.29, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.31: "Lapsis...in paenitentum loco standi...." For the Council of Toledo, see note 60 above. 81 "Vitae Caesarii Episcopi Arelatensis libri duo," c.15, MGH SRIYI III, p.462: "De profectibus itaque cunctorum sollicitus et providus pastor statim instituit, cotidie tertiae sextaque et nonae opus in sancti Stephani basilica clerici cum hymnis cantarent, ut si quis forte saecularium vel penitentum sanctum opus exsequi ambiret, absque excusatione aliqua cotidiano interesse possit officio." See Beck, The Pastoral Care of Souls, p.120-122, on Caesarius' pastoral use of the divine office. 82 See Section 11:9. 83 Gennadius, "Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum":XXII, J.T.S.. VII (1906), p.94: "...quern mortalia post baptismum crimina commissa premunt, hortor prius publica paenitentia satisfecere et ita sacerdotis iudicio reconciliatum communioni sociari.... Sed fetj secreta satisfactione solui mortalia crimina non negamus, sed...et. eucharistiam omnibus dominicis [diebus] supplex et submissus usque ad mortem percipiat." 166 84 "Canones synodi Romanorum ad Gallos episcopos juxta quaestionas ab illis propositas," a.402, c.1,fflansi, III , col.1134: "Unde annis quamplurimis deflendum ei peccatum est, quo dignae fructu poenitentiae facto possit aliquando ad veniam pervenire, si tamens poenitens poenitenda faciat." DC Concilium Uasense, a.442, c.2, CCSL, CXLUIII, p.96: "...qui ad eadem sacra fideli affectu contendentes, dum se diutius reos statuunt at indignos salutiferis mysteriis iudicant ac dum purgatiores restitui desiderant...." flfi Vogel, La discipline penitentielle, p.110,161. Beck, p.193-194. 87 Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.29, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.31 "Lapsis..grandem redaundi difficultatem sancxit antiquetas. Quibus nos annorum multitudinem breviata paenitentiam bienni conditione infra scripte observaciones inponimus...." 88 I bid.. c.36, p.33-34: "Ne ullus sine remedio aut spe veniae ab ecclesia repallatur neve ulli, si aut penaetuerit aut correxerit, ad veniam redeundi aditus obstruatur. Sed si cui forsitan discrimen mortis inmineat, damnationis constituta tempora relaxBntur." 89 • Uogel, La discipline penitentielle, p.111. Poschmann, Die abendlandische Kirchenbusse im Ausoano des christlichen Altertums, p.96; Beck, p.193-194. l/ogel, La discipline penitentielle. p. 111, disagrees. 91 Concilium Toletanam, a.589, c.11, Mansi, IX, col.995: "Quoniam comperimus per quasdam Hispaniarum ecclesias, non secundum canonem, sed foedissime pro suis peccatis homines agere poenitentiam, ut quotienscumque peccare libuerit, totiens a presbytero reconciliari expostulent; et ideo pro coercenda tarn execrabili praesumptione, id a sancto concilio jubetur, ut secundum formam canonum antiquorum dentur poenitentiae...." C.12, col.996: "...saepius enim laicis tribuendo desidiose poenitentiam, ad lamentenda rursus facinora post acceptam poenitentiam relabuntur." 92 Concilium Turonense I, a.461, c.B, CCSL. CXLUIII, p.146: "Si quis vero post acceptam paenitentiam sicut canis ad vomitum suum, ita ad saeculares illecebras derelicta quam professus est paenitentia, fuerit reversus, a communione ecclesiae vel a convivio fidelium extraneus habeatur...." See also Concilium Ueneticum, a.461-491, c.3, CCSL. CXLUIII, p.152; Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.11, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.8; Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.23, p.30; Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.28, p.124; Concilium Aspasii Episcopi 167 Metropolitan! Clusani, a.551, c.1, p.163; Concilium Parisense, a.556-573, c.5, p.207-208. 93Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.37, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.34; Concilium Arelatense, a.524, c.2, p.43-44; Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.6, p.116; Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.9, p.151. See section 111:5 for a more thorough discussion of these canons. Concilium Arausicanum I, a.441, c.27, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.85: "In utroque sexu desertores professae castitatis praevaricatores habendi et his omnibus per paenitentiam legitimam consulendum." *aConcilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.25, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p. 119: "Hi qui post sanctam religionis professionem apostatant et ad saeculum redeunt, et postmodum paenitentiae remedia non requirunt, sine paenitentia communionem penitus non accipiant." Concilium Turonense I, a.461, c.6, CCSL, CXLVIII, p.146: "Qui...propositum professae religionis dereliquerit,... a communione habeantur alieni....ad auxilium paenitentia revertantur." On the possibility of withdrawal from the state of conversion, see chapter V. 97 "l/ita Eligii," c.7, MM SM. Il/i p.673-674: "...omnia adulescentiae suae coram sacerdote confessus est acta; sicque sibi austeram inponens paenitentiam, coepit fortiter conluctatione carnis spiritus fervore resistere, in laboribus scilicet secundum apostolum, in vigiliis, in ieiuniis, in castitate, in patientia multa atque in caritate non ficta." go Ibid.. c.8, p.675: "Denique iugiter Dominum interpellans pleno pectore fide exigebat, ut si esset accepta eius penitentia Deo, quoquo ei modo dignaretur dare notitiam." 99 Loc.cit.: "Quo nimirum in loco, cum ex more quadam nocte in oratione prostratus super cilicium incumberet, somno ingruente obpressus, veluti transeundo in momento obdormivit, visumque est ei adstetisse repente quendam atque dixisse: 'Ecce, Eligi, exauditae sunt praeces tuae indiciaque olim quaesita nunc tibi concessal ' Mox ille excitatus odorem hausit gratissimum, sensit etiam ex gerulo reliquiarum guttas suavissimas supra suum lenissimae defluere caput." 100"Vita Aridii," c.6, mGH SM! Hit p.584: "Inter haec autem Dominum pleno vigors deprecans, ut eius paenitentia ante Dei conspectum esset accepta." This passage is patterned after the "l/ita Eligii" (see note 98 above). How­ ever, the sign given to Aridius was different: a dove flew 168 through his chamber window and landed on his head; it settled on him again in church, and stayed with him for thirty days (c.7, p.584). l01See Section 111:6. 102"Uita Aridii, c.8, JT1GH SRM III, p.58b. "Vita Eligii." c.10-12, MGH SRtYl IU, p.676-680. These passages are discussed more thoroughly below, section 111:6. 103Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.6, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.116: "De clericorum praemittenda convertione id omnimodis observetur» ne ullus ex lahicis ante annualem conv/ersationem ...ordinetur...." Loc.cit.: "...ne aut duarum uxorum vir aut renupte maritus aut paenitentiam professus aut simus corpore vel qui publice aliquando adreptus est ad supra scriptus ordines promoveatur •" 1D5Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.43, CCSL. CXLUIII, p.211: "De paenitentibus id placuit observari, quod sancti patres nostri synodali sententia statuerunt, ut nullus de his clericus ordinetur." 105Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.3, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.25: "Paenetentiam professi ad clericatum paenitus non vocentur." 107Concilium Arelatense, a.524, c.3, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.44: "Nullus paenitentem, nullus degamum vel internuptarum maritus in praedictis honoribus audeat ordinare. Et licet haec iam prope omnium canonum statuta contineant, tamen...necesse fuit, ut nunc severiorem regulam sibi vellent Domini sacerdotes inponire."

1 Caesarius, Sermo 1:14, CCSL. CIII, p.10: "...quis est sacerdos, qui et sibi dicere et alios fnonj possit humiliter et salubriter admonere,...ut nullus paenitens aut internuptarum maritus honorem clericatus accipiat?" 109 Gennadius, "Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum": XXXVIII, J.T.S.. UII (1906), p.96: "Naritum duarum post baptismum matronarum clericum non ordinandum,...necque eum qui publica paenitentia mortalia crimina deflet...." 1l0,,Statuta ecclesiae antiqua," ca.475, c.84, CCSL. CXLVIII, p. 179: "Ex paenitentibus, quamvis bonus, clericus non ordinetur...." 111Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.37, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.34: "Ne laicus nisi religione praemissa clericus ordinetur." 169 1l2Concilium Arelatense, a.524, c.2, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.43-44: "Et licet de laicis prolixiore tempora antiqui patris ordinaverint observanda, tamen quia crescente ecclesiarum nurniro necesse est nobis plures clericos ordinare, hoc inter nos sine praeiudicio dumtaxat canonum constitit antiquorum, ut nullus metropolitanorum cuicumque laico dignitatem episcopatus tribuat, sed nee reliqui pontifices presbyterii vel diaconatus honorem conferre praesumant, nisi anno intigro fuerit ab eis praemissa convBrsio."

113Caesarius, Sermo 1:14, CCSL. CIII, p.10: "...nullus ex laicis clericus ordinetur, nisi ante aliquos annos vel unius anni spatio fuerit praemissa conversio....'' 114Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.9, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.151: "ut nullus ex laicis absque anni conversione praemissa episcopus ordinetur, ita ut intro anni ipsius spatium a doctis et probatis viris et disciplinis et regolis spiritalibus plenius instruatur." 115See chapter VII. 11 f\ From the "Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475 to the Council of Orleans in 538. See notes 103-110 above. 117 I "Statuta ecclesiae antiqua," ca.475, c.84, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.179: "...si autem sciens episcopus ordinavit, etiam ipse ab episcopatus sui ordinandi dumtaxat potestate privetur." II ft Concilium Arelatense, a.524, c.3, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.44: "Et ideo quicumque ab hac die contra ea, quae superius sunt comprehensa, clericum ordinare praesumpserit, ab ea die, qua hoc ei potuerit ad probari, anno integro missas facere non praesumat." 119Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.6, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.116: "Quod si sciens episcopus contra haec statuta agendum esse crediderit,...pro ordinationis timeritate sex mensibus a celebrandis officiis sequestretur." 120 Concilium Aurelianense, a.541, c.10, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.134. 121Concilium Arelatense, a.524, c.3, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.44: "Et licet haec iam prope omnium canonum statuta contineant, tamen, ne cuicumque sacerdotum supplicantum, sicut iam dictum est, inportunitas vel suggestio iniqua subripiat, necesse fuit, ut nunc severiorem regulam sibi vellent Domini sacerdotes inponire." 170 122Caesarius, Sermo 1:14, CCSL. CIII, p.10: "Nam illud, in quo multi contra omnium canonum instituta frequentissime praevenimur,...." 123 Concilium Toletanum, a.633, c.54, Mansi X, col.632: "Hi qui in discrimine constituti poenitentiam accipiunt, nulla manifesta scelera confitentes, sed tantum peccatores se praedicantes, huiusmodi si revaluerint, possunt etiam pro morum probitate ad gradus ecclesiasticos pervenire." 124"Vita Eligii," 11:2, MGH SM IV. p.695. "Vita Audoini," c.3-4, IY1GH SRffl V, p.555-556; Ouen is said to have engaged in fasts, vigils, and prayers, but he is not specifically called a paenitens. 125,,Vita Bavonis," c.3, MGH SRJjQ IV, p.536: "Cum lacrimis veniam postulans, pedibus quoque beati pontificis provolvitur, cum conpunctione sua confessus facinora, et de contrariis sibimet eum passionibus alloquitur, pro peccatis maximis et minimis penitentiam acturus." Bavo converted in the early seventh century, but the vita is late, from the time of Louis the Pious (Uiattenbach-Levison) . It is apparent that Bavo was seeking a penitential rule of life ("his verbisdivinis...quae sanctus Amandus ei secundum evangelicam nuntiaverat disciplinam," c.4, p.537), but it must be noted that Amand's precise response is lost in a welter of scriptural quotations, so that the vita never really states that Amand assigned public penance to Bavo. 1 26 Ibid.t c.4, p.537: "...comam capitis sui abcidere depraecatus est, et adeptus venerandi pontificis Amandi manibus clericatus honorem, meruit fieri consors apostolorum." 127,Vita Richarii," c.3, NGH SRJY) VII, p.445-446: "...ille admonitus verbum Dei recipit, confessionem suam dedit eis et delictum suum cum lacrimis eis prodiit. Ex eo tempore, ut coepit, totam vitam suam in poenitentiam et religionem sacram finivit....Nee olim in tempore cognitum sacerdotii sui populum quern predicabat, honorem illic praestabant...." See section 111:1. This vita was written in the seventh century (Dekkers). 1 28 Vogel, La discipline ps'nitentielle. p.116-118, points out the decline of public penance in the sixth century; it survived mainly in the form of penance in extremis (p.118-121, 164-166) and by open coercion of flagrant sinners by bishops (p.157-158). Vogel, "Le dossier hagiographique," p.20, points out that confession of sins does not necessarily prove the existence of canonical public penance, especially since (p.23) in the mid-seventh century, assigned penance which follows it in saints' lives may refer to Irish tariffed penance. It should be pointed out, however, 171

be excluded. 129Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis*," p.291-301, discussed the similarities and rapprochement of Irish tariffed penance and conv/ersio# especially (p.294-298) as reflected in the lives of saints of the seventh century. Since he considered conversio to be an entirely separate discipline from public penance, he did not really pose the question of whether the penance referred to in the lives of Eligius, Bavo, and Riquier was a continuation of voluntary public penance. It would seem safer to assert that voluntary public penance was one form of conversio which still existed in the seventh century. Whether it merged into, or was influenced by, Irish tariffed penance, it was nevertheless a continuation of a much older tradition. One does not have to assume the influence of Irish penance to explain the clear references to paenitentia in this form of conversio in the seventh century.

130Caesarius, Sermo LXVIII:3, CCSL. CIII, p.287: "Sunt enim aliqui paenitentes, qui ideo cito reconciliari volunt, ut carnem accipiant. ...etiam reconciliatus paenitens, ubicumque aut in suo aut in alieno convivio olera aut legumina aut pisciculos invenire potuerit, aliam carnem non debet accipere. Hoc ideo dico, quia, quod peius est, sunt aliqui paenitentes, qui et carnem cum grandi aviditate accipiunt, et vinum forte aliquotiens usque ad ebrietatem bibunt."

Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.22, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.118: "Paenitentiam coniugatis nonnisi ex consensu dandam." 119 ,JZConcilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.21, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.118: "Paenitens quae defuncto viro alii nubere praesumpserit, vel suspecta interdicta familiaritate cum extraneo vixerit, cum eodem ab ecclesiae liminibus arceatur. Hoc etiam de viro in paenitentia posito placuit observari." 133 Avitus, "Epistola ad Gundobadum Regem de subitanea paenitentia," ffiGH Auct.ant. VI, 2, p.30-31: "Quos si absque capitalibus culpis, in usu coniugalis copulae, dies suprema reperiat, utpote rem licitam praesumentes nee damnatione dignos putamus nee commemorationis sacrificio excludimus. E contra si professam compunctionem, saeculo retrahente, vacuaverint, quasi iam apostatas, id est ab standi firmitate deciduos, necesse est a commemoratione suspendi: cum melius sit manere intra quantulamcumque salutem, humilitate mediocrum, quam ipsam salutem ex toto destrui, violatione 172

summorum; et totius inveniatur cum honestate in matrimonio vivere, quam, castitate mentita, illicitis licita maculare." Bishop Av/itus of Vienne died 518 (Dekkers). See Vogel, La discipline penitentielle. p.39-40. 134Salvian, De qubernatione Dei V:10, CSEL. VIII, p.110: "...ut eos non tarn putes antea paenitentiam criminum egisse quam postea ipsius paenitentiae paenitere, nee tarn prius paenituisse quod male vixerunt quam postea, quod se promiserir bene esse victuros." 135 I bid., p.118: "...multi etiam religiosi, immo sub specie religionis vitiis saecularibus mancipati." 1 *^fi Concilium Toletanum, a.589, c.22, Mansi, IX, col.995: "...sicuti sacerdotalis contemplatio probaverit, eum communioni restituat. Hi varo qui ad priora vitia, vel infra poenitentiae tempus, vel post reconciliationem relabuntur, secundum priorum canonum severitatem damnentur." 137 Concilium Toletanum, a.589, c.12, Wansi, IX, col.996: "...saepius enim laicis tribuendo desidiose poenitentiam, ad lamentanda rursus facinora post acceptam poenitentiam relabuntur." 138Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.25, CCSL. CXL1/III. p.119: "Et quicumque ille post paenitentiam habitum saecularem non praesumat; quod si praesumpserit, ab ecclesia alienus habeatur." 139 ' "Ordo ad reconciliandum penitentem," ed.Ferotin, Le Liber Ordinum. col.97: "Deinde, fixis genibus ante altare, indutus vestibus mundis religiosis, iacet in oratione...." 140 Ibid.. col.96-97: "Dum venerit is qui a penitentia solvendus est, sive vir seu mulier, in loco conpetenti constitutus, instigatur a sacerdote, ut susceptum donum penitentia sic semper in sua retineat mente, ne ultra iam illi liceat secularia desideria repetere, et arta ista itinera conservare...." 141Isidore, "Sententiae" II. 13:19, £L, LXXXIII, col.617: "Dum per poenitentiam expulsa fuerint ab nomine vitia, si forte post haec, intercedente securitate, quaelibet culpa subrepserit, confestim delectationes pristinae vitiorum mentem avidius irrepunt, pulsantesque hominem in consuetis operibus gravius pertrahunt, ita ut sint novissima illius pejora prioribus.' 142 ^Alcuin, "De virtutibus et vitiis liber": c.XIII, BU* CI, col.622: "Lavatur itaque et mundus est, qui 173 praeterita plangit, et iterum flenda non admittit. Lavatur et non est mundus, qui plangit quod gessit, non deserit: et post lacrymas haec quae fleverat, rapetit....Poenitentia vera non annorum numero censetur, sed amaritudine animi." CHAPTER IV. CONDITIONS OF ENTRY

IV:1. Motivations and Inducements Before discussing the external conditions and cere­ monies under which entry into the state of lay conversio was accomplished, it would be well to examine the conditions which moved people to express their religiosity in that way. Ideally we should examine directly the mental and religious state of conversi prior to their conversions, but that is impossible because we possess only a few very brief auto- i biographical allusions to conversio. In discussing motives we must always keep in mind that the descriptions we have are generally second-hand, often at considerable remove. Since the beginning of an individual conversion frequently occurred early in the career of someone famous for his later accomplishments, and since the earliest part of saints' lives are often the least accurate historically, we often possess, in all probability, only a reconstruction of what a biographer felt to have been an ideal motive for conversio. or, at worst, only a literary topos. Consequently, contempor­ aneity and other knowledge about the author's reliability must be considered in using sources on such a subjective matter as motivation. On the other hand, probably most writers of saints' lives had undergone some kind of conversio

174 175 of their own. Some must have had intimate knowledge of the conditions they described. For example, the life of Eligius is based on a work by St. Ouen, a close friend of Eligius' 2 and practically a participant in his conversion. Gregory of Tours had witnessed dozens of conversions at the shrine of St. Martin's and sometimes gave pastoral counseling to conversi. Motivations should be divided into two categories: long-range, meaning a gradual internal development of religiosity culminating in conversio. and short-range, mean­ ing the immediate, largely external conditions which necessitated a choice of conversio. Because of the limita­ tions of the sources, we shall concentrate on the latter. One of the most striking classes of incentives to conversion was sickness and healing. Healing generally preceded the type of conversio manifested in attendance at the shrine of a saint and in voluntary servitude. It was an expression of gratitude toward the saint as well as an internal reorientation toward the divine. Many examples were given by Gregory of Tours in his continual encourage­ ment of the cult of St. Martin. Some degree of moral amend­ ment was expected of those who received such supernatural assistance, but attendance and servitude were by no means demanded or even, so far as one can see, encouraged. Most healings were not followed by conversion to a special religious life; in most of the innumerable miracles recounted at the end of hagiographical texts to prove the 176 sanctity of the buried hero, the incident of healing ended with the joyful departure of the one who had just had all of his faculties restored. Of those incidents which were followed by a religious vow, one typical pattern was the departure of the one restorec to health, his subsequent indulgence in immorality followed by a relapse, or sometimes a relapse for no apparent reason, and his formal conversion in the light of this sign of divine displeasure, often at the shrine where he had obtained his cure. For example, Gregory told the story of an epileptic from Vienne who went to the basilica of St. Martin in Tours to obtain a cure. After outwitting some demons, Martin cured him. But after receiving his pristine health, he began to drink too much, and became paralyzed on one side. Neverthe­ less, he ceased to indulge himself, was tonsured, and again 3 received his health. Sometimes the one cured returned to his home for a short time, probably to set his affairs in order, but returned to the site of his healing to fulfill his vow to enter a religious life. Thus a blind man from Avranches received his sight at St. Martin's basilica after long fasts and prayers, returned to his home, and "for joy in so much devotion vowed to tonsure himself in the same place, which, returning afterwards, the avowed man fulfilled." Often, however, the one cured converted immediately, without returning home, either remaining in attendance on the saint or taking a more general vow of religion. The 177 immediate conversion, without pausing in former domestic existence, seems to have been characteristic of slaves and child paupers who had no dependents or property to dispose of, and of women whose sudden loss may not have left their families without economic support. A blind woman from Vermandois received her sight at St. Martin's basilica and "then having forgotten husband and children, having changed her garments, passed over to ecclesiastical religion, 5 inspired by God." An orphan cured of a wasting disease at the shrine of St. Gall "in memory of having his health restored, spent the rest of his life in faithful and devout attendance in the same holy place." The psychological and spiritual urge to convert in such circumstances might be overwhelming gratitude or mortifica­ tion over a former sinful life. A noble matron confined to her bed for twelve years was cured by St. (Ylelanius, and "getting up...rendered thanks to almighty God, who had restored her health through his holy bishop Melaniuss" she then gave all of her possessions to the bishop and entered 7 voluntary servitude. A nobleman of the Frankish guard was cured at St. Martin's shrine of lameness contracted in royal service, and "decided to convert, having examined the guilts on his own conscience;" he fulfilled a vow to tonsure himself and give all of his substance to Martin's basilica. A somewhat different relationship between infirmity and conversion is occasionally found in saints' lives: people 178 reassessed their former secular lives when a personal catastrophe such as sickness or blindness made them intro­ spective; catalysts such as visions or visits from holy people might move them to publicly convert. St. Eptadius, for example, had been talked into marriage by his noble parents and was then stricken with fever. Among his visitors were "three honest virgins consecrated to God," who made such an impression on him that "he immediately vowed himself to God from complete faith." After his recovery, he repented of the "mundi milicia," and began a severe penitential g regimen. The life of St. Landibert contains accounts of two blind people who were cured at the site of his death; a woman was told in a vision to give herself over to the service of the holy place, and finding her vision restored when she awoke, fulfilled the heavenly injunction to witness to the merit of the saint; 10 a man received a similar admonition in his sleep, vowed himself to the unceasing 11 service of the holy place, and received his sight. St. Pardulf, who was said to have been rascally as a boy, began to lead a holy life when he was struck on the head and blinded by a falling tree which he and a gang of other youths had set on fire; his biographer speculated that his blindness led him from a contemplation of this world to that of the next.12 Another class of immediate motivations toward conversio involved a desire, either long held or suddenly conceived, 179 to remain celibate. Admittedly this category begs the question of the origin of the desire to remain celibate, but it is undeniable after any reading of the sources that many conversi openly converted only when they were suddenly confronted with marriage, which involved a commitment to a secular life. Many chose avowed celibacy as a sign of their religious conversion. The social convention of arranged marriages frequently brought to a crisis a previous life of youthful religiosity. Thus when the parents of St. Gallus, from a senatorial family of Lyons, wished to marry him off, he felt constrained to preserve his adolescent religious resolve by running away to a monastery where he received the tonsure. 13 St. Leobard, who later became a hermit, began a life of conversion while a boy, but finally gave in to his father's exhortations to marry; however, his father died soon after the engagement ceremony and Leobard received a bad impression of worldly domestic life when his brother in a drunken stupor refused to let him into his home; he fled into the night and vowed to make a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Martin to seek guidance in how to express his conversion. The vow of celibacy often preceded, of course, continent marriages, in which the husband and wife mutually resolved to remain celibate on their wedding night. Such hidden religious austerities sometimes were stimuli to a later, more public conversio of some kind. Such was the case of a couple of Auvergne, mentioned by Gregory of Tours, who lived 180 as husband and wife while secretly practicing continence until the husband became a cleric and the wife put on religious garments to proclaim her conversion. 15 Two bishops of Autun in the fourth and fifth centuries had been husbands in continent marriages before they were elected. Riticius* wife, who died before he became a bishop, had asked him on 1 fi her deathbed to join her in the tomb in chastity. Simplicius and his wife, who continued to sleep in the same bed after he became bishop, had to undergo an ordeal by fire to prove their chastity. 17 Bishop Melanius of Troyes, of the same period, began a religious life when his wife, who had taken a youthful vow to virginity, convinced him on their wedding night to remain continent and to spend the night in vigils. 18 St. Amator, later bishop of Autun, preserved his virginity by mutual agreement with his wife on their wedding night after the bishop engaged to perform the wedding ceremony read the priestly office instead of the marriage office unbeknownst to their guests or parents. 19 Not all vows of continence by married couples were made at the beginning of the marriage, however: Salvian apparently led his wife to a life of conversio and continence near Lerins after they had been married long enough to have a daughter. 20 The important points, as far as motivation is concerned, are that the powerful social convention of arranged marriages was some­ times felt as a threat to young people of either sex who had private asperations toward a life of conversio; that this 181 threat forced them to act on their desires by flight, open conversion, or secret agreements with their spouses; and that the resolve of one marriage partner could be a primary motivation to the conversion of the other. The loss of a spouse as well as the acquisition of one sometimes brought laymen to the crisis of conversion. Pro­ fessed widows constituted a special class of conversae. The death of a husband or wife sometimes freed one with incli­ nations toward a special religious life for asceticisms including continence involved in a vow of conversio. For example, the life of Sadalberga described her as having been married against her will; when her husband died after two months, she led a life of heightened religiosity, engaging in vigils, fasts, and almsgiving, for two years without

r formally becoming a professed widow by changing her garments.l The death of a beloved spouse was also a psychological shock strong enough to cause a moral re-assessment in those with no previous inclination toward a public conversio. Thus St. Bavo had apparently led a rather reprehensible life as a youth ("he was constant in shamelessness and inflamed with the twisting flanks of the obscene"), but reformed under the influence of a good wife. When she died he decided not to take another wife and soon sought "the way of conversion" 22 from bishop Amand by becoming a voluntary public penitent. A Gallican aristocrat known and studied by Sidonius led a life of private religiosity on his estate, with dietary restrictions and chanting of psalms but without changing to 182 religious dress, while rearing a daughter left to him after the death of his wife.2 3 One may surmise then, that the death of a spouse was sometimes a primary, sometimes a secondary motivating factor in the entrance into conversio of both men and women. Another strong psychological stress that may have motivated laymen to adopt a life of heightened and public religiosity was involvement in warfare and siege. Uie have no accounts of specific individuals who entered a religious life in this way, but allusions to general reactions in such situations leave little room for doubt. St. Genevieve was said to have assembled matrons of Paris during the siege by Attila to engage in fasts, prayers, and vigils to avert the conquest of the city. 24 A similar reaction occurred in the city of Saragossa while it was besieged by the Franks in the sixth century: many "converted to God" and put on penitential vestments; women especially were said to have donned dark garments and put ashes on their heads.2 5 It was probably in consequence or expectation of wartime devasta­ tion that bishops of the province of Tours promulgated an open letter to their people around 567 warning them to prepare for divine wrath by practicing chastity; betrothed couples especially were counciled to put off their marriages.' It is impossible to say whether any such conversions were permanent, but, as will be discussed later, vows of chastity and changing of garments, whether in penance or some other type of conversio. were theoretically irrevocable acts. 183 Although family pressure was sometimes exerted to prevent a person's entry into an open conversio. family influence was also sometimes decisive in inducing a conversion. The conversion of a sibling might influence one by example. Venantius, the older brother of Honoratus, was "called by his example to conversion, and the older following the younger, during the brief time he lived, just as in companionship, so 27 also he was leagued with him in virtue." In the case of a spouse-, it was necessary to obtain the commitment of the marriage partner to celibacy before one could practice that religious discipline oneself. Examples of the mutual conversion of husband and wife have been discussed before. Here we should emphasize that the initiative frequently came from one partner's interest in conversio, which might grow some time after marriage. In writing to his parents-in-law from Lerins, where he was living in continence with his wife and daughter, Salvian had his wife Palladia say, "he invited me to religion, he invited me to chastity." Whole families were sometimes known for their religiosity, creating expectations that individual members would enter some form of conversio even after secular careers. Indeed, it has been remarked that "the only conversi or conversae known to us belonged to the aristocratic families 29 of the Ruricii, the Aviti or the Apollinari. That state­ ment is focused upon economic ability to lead a life of private religiosity and relies upon an excessively rigid 184 definition of conversio. but it is true that family example seems to have been an important factor in conversion. Sidonius wrote a letter to an acquaintance who led a life of secret conversion on his estate urging him to convince a neighbor to adopt a penitential religious life using the argument that the father of a priest and the son of a bishop would be like a brier between roses if he did not 30 become holy himself. The sublimated religiosity of parents whose secular duties made it difficult for them to convert might be manifested in their dedication of their children to a religious life, either cloistered or in their own homes. St. Geremarus was an important political councillor to Dagobert I for a number of years before he left his family and the world to enter a monastery after the death of that king. In the meantime he had one of his two daughters dedicated to God, apparently in infancy, though they both died as professed virgins.3 1 There is no doubt that the dedication of children by their parents was permanently binding, for the Council of Paris held in 614 had ordered excommunication for girls living in their own homes who married after their garments had been changed either by themselves or by their 32 parents. Besides the influence of family, several examples of conversion because of the urging or influence of others have already been noted. St. Riquier, for example, became a 1B5 penitent of some kind after Irish missionaries preached to him. 33Eligiu s was responsible for a whole circle of conversi 34 in the service of the Merovingian palace. Aridiusf serving as a youth in the Austrasian palace of Theodebertf was con- verted by bishop Nicetius of Trier. 35 Several of the sermons of Caesarius of Aries urged his people not to put off the day of their conversion. In general then! people were moved to conversion by pastors* preachers* and religious laymen. It is possible that one interesting but less important factor motivating people to undertake a life of conversio was discontentedness with occupations* social standing, or living conditions, but lack of documentation makes it impossible to do more than speculate. Certainly there were those in the fifth and sixth centuries who converted for the sake of reputation, for they were criticized by Fastidius, Salvian, and Julianus Pomerius. 37 There were unfree people who left servitude in the course of conversion. One of them was a huntsman in the service of a nobleman who was urged by a hermit one day to abandon his present master and serve God. Although he wished to become a cleric, he led a life of secret conversion for some years out of fear of his master, 3R until, the latter having died, he too became a hermit. However, as this example suggests, a lay religious life did not in itself alter one's legal, social, or economic status; Gregory of Tours mentioned a washer-woman who had changed her 1B6 garments but not her profession. 39 Probably the usual relationship between conversio and social betterment through religious profession was that those prevented by poverty or ignorance from becoming clerics or monks turned to conversio instead, exactly as the huntsman first did. There were other reasons for entering a state of lay conversio which will be discussed elsewhere in some detail. Some expressed their conversion in a regimen of lay religiosity partly because they were thwarted in their desires to enter monastic or clerical life. Such were the cases of Paulinus of Pella, who had a family to care for, and of Uandrille, who was at first unable to secure the royal permission then necessary for a man of his social class to abandon secular duties and liabilities. We may speculate that court functionaries such as Eligius, Ouen, and Desiderius put off clerical ordination while in a state of lay conversion because they could not yet secure royal permission or because they found their secular influence useful in helping others or simply from a feeling of penitence and humility.4 2 Women, on the other hand, often converted because their husbands received ordination. The vows of celibacy involved in both clerical ordination and lay conversio required the consent of one's spouse, and women who gave such consent were forbidden to remarry even, in the case of clerics, after their husbands' deaths. Such women sometimes entered wholeheartedly into a private 187 religious regimen, as is suggested by Gregory of Tours' 44 account of the wife of bishop Namatius of Clermont. When the motives are analyzed, however, one must admit that, not only are the bare circumstances of many known conversions irrecoverable, but many even of the individual conversions for which we possess relatively full information do not fit well into any of these categories. What is one to do, for example, with Hilary's detailed discussion of the psychological reticulation surrounding Honoratus' spiritual growth, except to note finally that he underwent a gradual increase of religiosity despite domestic hindrances until he burst into the "flame of conversion?" 45 Furthermore, it is obvious from stories of childhood conversion, or of secret interest in asceticisms and exceptional devotions since childhood, that no later circumstances, choices, or encouragements in these cases can adequately explain such a religious impulse. Gregory of Tours mentioned several people who had led religious lives from their youths up with no suggestion that they had been dedicated by their parents. The example of the deacon Vulfolaic is especially interesting since Gregory heard the story of his "conversion" from his own lips. When Vulfolaic was a poor child he had heard of St. Martin, and began to keep vigils in his honor and give away as alms any money that came into his hands. Since, as he said he knew nothing about Martin, he could not have been inspirec 1B8 by his example. It was only when he had reached adulthood that he came under the influence of abbot Aridius of Limogesi went on a pilgrimage to St. martin's shrine at Tours, and finally became a stylite near Trier.4 6 Until he became a deacon, Vulfolaic followed some of the patterns of lay religious life we hav/e discussed, though he may not have formally changed his garments or tonsured his hair. But the primary impetus to his conversion did not come from the example of Martin, the influence of Aridius, or any of the possibilities that have been discussed above. It was a continuous pattern of development since childhood. Many authors of saints' lives were, of course, anxious to show such evidence of conversion from their heroes' earliest encounters with the world, but Vulfolaic's own story should prove that it is indeed often necessary to explain conversio as a seed planted in the early dark which might be nurtured or bent by later desires and external circumstances, but which sprouted quite independently of them.

IV:2. Age at Entry Conversio as a spiritual state was not susceptible to limitations of age. Private devotion to God and to a religious life was open to anyone capable of willing it, and adherence to accepted norms of asceticisms and worship could hardly be forbidden to anyone capable of practicing them. Hagiographical models of a religious life begun in childhood 189 47 have already been mentioned* Caesarius began giving auiay 48 all his possessions at the age of seven. Vicentianus was said to have begun leading a life of heightened religiosity at ten.4 9 Genevieve was known for her religious devotion from her earliest years, and practiced severe dietary austerities from the age of fifteen to fifty. 50 Nevertheless, bishops felt it was within their prerogative to place some restrictions at least on the practice of continence, since the conjugal rights of a married person could not be denied by one spouse's adoption of continence without the consent of the other.5 1 Were there limitations of age placed upon public entry into conversio in theory or in practice? Bishops were apprehensive about the entry of young people into voluntary public penance. The Council of Agde (506) cautioned that "penance is not easily undertaken by young people on account of the weakness of their age." 52 In 538 a Council of Orleans actually ordered that "no one presume to give the benedictjo paenitentiae to young people", but it specified no penalty. 53 Caesarius of Aries, despite his frequent advice to the laity not to put off doing penance and being converted, 54 granted the inability or reluctance of the young and married actually to change their garments. 55 We may note that in the seventh century Eligius, despite his intense religiosity as a youth, waited until he had attained "the manly age" to enter formally voluntary public penance. Nevertheless he was certainly still young 190 enough to be included in the age group which earlier had aroused the concern of sixth-century bishops. No doubt the proven strength of one's chastity before penance, in the case of Eligius and others, would have done much to assuage the misgivings of pastors over the weakness of youth. It seems doubtful that the conciliar warnings of the early sixth century would have been successful in ending youthful entry into voluntary penance. A sermon of the late fifth century sometimes attributed to Faustus of Riez spoke with approval of those entering voluntary penance at an early age: "As for the fact that from time to time we see souls requesting penance who vow to God a precious treasure from the beginning

of consecrated adolescense, we know that God inspires this for the furthering of our Church...." 57 Voluntary penance may have been especially hard on young people, but clearly that did not always prevent them from undertaking it in the fifth or seventh centuries, and probably not in the sixth. Were other conversi under restrictions or expectations as to age? mentions of specific ages in connection with lay religious life are rare in the sources, most of those that occur deal with women. There was some confusion, reflected in the canons of Gallican synods, over the proper age for the veiling of avowed virgins. The Council of Agde (506) followed an older tradition in forbidding them to be veiled 59 before forty. However, the Council of Tours held in 567 191

interpreted older canons to mean a minimum age of twenty- five, and the Capitulare Ecclesiasticum of 789 and the Synod of Frankfort (794) adopted the same rule. There can be no doubt that these rules were meant to apply to virgins remaining in their own homes as well as those who were cloistered: two Merovingian decrees specifically mentioned the two groups in the same canons, and the Grdines f^omani contain directions for blessing of veils under rubrics for those "who, converted from the world, wish to keep privately 65 in their own homes the habit of chastity received." However, the ceremony of veiling was not the constitutive act of commitment to a life of chastity, as will be discussed later. A blessing of dedication and changing to religious 67 garments could precede veiling by any length of time. Thus when a Council of Aries (442-506) excommunicated virgins who had vowed themselves to God and yet married after their fifl twenty-fifth year, the canon did not assume that the commitment was made at twenty-five, but that it had preceded a formal consecration and veiling at that age. The Synod of Itlacon (581-583) considered in almost the same terms the case of virgins vowed to God, either by their own volition or by the wish of their parents, who subsequently came to the "agB of beauty" and were married. Among these virgins, then, were some who were dedicated to a religious life in childhood, probably by their parents but perhaps in some cases of precocity by themselves. 192 There are some examples of dedication of children in their own homes in the hagiographical literature. The two daughters of Geremarus, one of them "pledged to a man" and the other "consecrated to God," have already been mentioned.' St. Columban was said to have consecrated several Frankish children to the religious life. One, the future bishop Donatus of Besancon, was given by his parents to Columban to 71 be consecrated at his baptism. The consecration did not refer simply to the baptism, for it was a pious act in returi for which the parents were promised other children. Although the child was later educated in a monastery, he was given back to his mother to be reared. Columban also dedicated Burgundofara, the future abbess of Faremoutiers. Although the child "was under the years of infancy," he was said to 79 have "vowed her to the Lord." Around the same time, Columban "consecrated by his blessing" two children later famous as St. Ouen (Dado) and his brother Ado, the associates of Eligius in his life of conversion at the Frankish palace. They also were "under the years of infancy." 73 The precise meaning of these dedications will 74 be discussed at greater length later. For now it is enoug to note that they did involve expectations of a later religious life, and not necessarily in a monastery, for Ouen served in the Merovingian palace with Eligius until he became bishop of Rouen. Such expectations were summed up rather vaguely in the "Vita Columbani":"whomever he 193

consecrated, the last day found persevering in faithful 75 worship." Infants, then, could be vowed by their parents to some sort of lay religious life. It is not unusual to find conversae and conversi qualified by the words "puer/puella" or "adulescens". "Adulescens" is a vague term, of course, and may refer to young people of marriageable age as well as those near the end of childhood. However, it is enough to indicate that it was fairly common practice to enter conversio at an age during which Gallican councils tried to discourage people from undertaking penance. One of the followers of St. Albinus was called by Fortunatus a "conversus adolescentulus," 76 particularly loved by the saint for his excellent conduct. Achivus undertook a penitential lay regimen "in aduliscentia" when he was unable to join a monastery, but he was old enough 77 to serve in the army with his father. St. Genevieve was asked by a certain "puella" to change the latter's garments; the girl was betrothed to an "aduliscens" who attempted to 78 prevent the ceremony of conversion. Young people sometimes vowed themselves to God, or were vowed by their parents, in seeking cures from various mental and physical disorders. Bishop Austrigisil instructed the parents of a "puella adulescentula" to change her garments, blessing her religious habit himself, and prescribed for her abstinence from wine 79 and meat. Columban's disciple Eustasius was said to have cured the future abbess Sadalberga of blindness when she was 194 a young girl» first exacting a rather vague promise of a 80 religious life from her; this was not a formal change of garments, apparently, since her parents later married her 81 off against her will. Youthful professed widows were perhaps not so common, considering the sad prerequisite, but they were not unheard- of. The "Statuta ecclesiae antiqua" (ca.475) granted Church support to "viduae adulescentes" who were physically disabled. Another canon instructed bishops and priests to examine the cases of "adulescentiores viduae vel sanctimoniales" brought 8 T into close contact with clerics. There is no doubt that we are dealing with widows who had actually dedicated themselves to continence and changed their garments. A later addition to the "Statuta ecclesiae antiqua" dealt with "widows, however much they may be in minor years and left by husbands at an immature age, who will have vowed themselves to God and, having laid aside their lay garments, by the testimony of the bishop and the Church will have appeared in a religious habit...." 84 Church councils were as concerned about the temptations of widows left at a young and marriageable age as they were about young penitents, but they were not prepared to prevent their entry into a lay religious life. Instead, by the later seventh century, they were to be placed in convents if they were involved in scandals. Considering the other extreme of age, there appears to have been no obstacle to entry into conversio for those of 195 advanced years. A whole series of Church councils insisted on the availability of public penance to any who wished it on their deathbeds, provided that they continued to observe the penitential regimen if they recovered. 86 Sidonius thought that sixty years was an excellent age for his friend Germanicus to make a "profession of religion" and render open satisfaction for the hidden sins he might have committed in 87 such a long life. The widowed mother of Aridius changed her garments and followed a religious regimen xith her son after he had returned to his estates to lead a life of conversio. It is possible that she was only in middle age, but the author of the Vita Aridii made the following state­ ment in his preface: "...many serving in old age have ventured to cling to God, so that those who formerly had borne the world's temptations, at some time return to Christ 89 without blemish." In summary, there were in practice few restrictions on entry into conversio based upon age. Bishops were uneasy about allowing young people to bind themselves to the regimen of abstinence involved in voluntary penance, and many no doubt were adamant, but there are indications that young people nevertheless became voluntary penitents. In other types of lay conversio with less structured traditions, there is no evidence of expectations excluding any age groups. "Conversi adulescentuli" were not uncommon. Conciliar canons which forbade the veiling of virgins before a certain age did 196 not in fact forbid a life of consecrated virginity to women below that age, if indeed they were successful even in regulating the age of veiling.9 0 Both girls and boys were dedicated to a religious life in childhood, or even in infancy, the youngest example being a new-born infant. Children could enter conversio either through dedication by their parents or by their own volition, though it is not clear whether the earliest examples of independent conversion by children involved a formal outward and binding expression of their resolve. Dedication of children by their parents certainly did. Whether or not our sources refer to children below the age of puberty publicly entering conversio independently of their parents' will, there is no reason to think that they could not.9 1 There are instances of people called "adulescentes" converting by a change of garments at their own volition. Honoratus did so against his father's will when he had passed childhood but was apparently still a very young man in his father's household.9 2

IV:3. Vows Historians who have written on conversio have assumed without comment that its formal, outward expression involved a vow of some sort.9 3 Certainly conventional formulae referring to lay religiosity seem to indicate a solemn promise of some kind which bound one permanently to a state involving particular expressions of heightened religiosity. 197 Virgins and widows, for example, were described in conciliar canons as women who had "vowed themselves to God." 94 Another common class of phrases referred to people who "profess" religion, virginity, widowhood, penance, chastity, or continence. 95 In variants of that phrase, we find "professed 96 97 widows," a "profession of a penitent", and a "profession 98 of religion." Somewhat vaguer phrases, found especially in hagiographical literature, refer to people "devoted to God" and "dedicated to God." 99 Such formulae evidently refer to a specific method or event of entry into a lay religious state. Did conversi verbalize their intentions and adherence to a religious regimen in any conventional fashion? It does not seem so. There are certainly examples of people who were definitely or possibly conversi who bound themselves to the performance of specific pious acts by religious vows. Vows to build churches, to go on pilgrimages, and to be tonsured were particularly common. St. Trudo experienced an inward conversion which he expressed in abstinence, chastity, prayer, vigils, alms, and the dress of a pauper; he made a vow at the beginning of his life of conversion, but it had a specific object: he "vowed a vow to God" to build a church on his estate. 101 A man in danger of shipwreck had invoked the aid of St. Nicetius and then made a vow not to cut his hair or beard until he presented himself in person to bishop Nicetius at Trier} Nicetius had the man tonsured and sent 198 back to his home in Auvergne. 102 Gregory of Tours mentioned other conversions which involved specific vows. A man cured of blindness "for so much joy vowed to be tonsured" at the basilica where he was cured. 103 Another cpnversus fulfilled a 'vow of good deliberation" by having himself tonsured. 104 Such vows were concerned with limited and specific actions. The vows themselves were not a constitutive act of entry into conversio. nor were they necessary for it. An interesting passage in one of Sidonius' letters, rendered rather obscure by his customary wordplay, may illustrate the different concept underlying the specific religious vows discussed above and a more general "vow" of a religious life. Sidonius' friend had made and fulfilled a vow to build a church; Sidonius, responding to an invitation to consecrate the church, expressed a wish that "just as you return vows, so you may vow returnings, and that not only by secret religion, but also by open conversion." 105 "Returnings" (reddenda). the object of the verb "vow/ means conversion, perhaps because it suggests a "turning around" (conversio). When a "vow" meant conversion, it involved no specific, limited acts there was no object of the verb "vow" other than the religious life itself or the subject himself. On the other hand, when a vow was understood as a specific, limited act, it could be a noun standing for the construction of a church, for example. In other words, one vowed oneself to God; one did not "make vows" to enter a lay religious 199 life. The distinction is important, for it involves an understanding of what made one a conversus. There is nothing to indicate that specific promises or formulae were articulated by the conversus in a ceremony of entry. To b_e vowed or dedicated or professed did not necessitate a verbal vow; one could be vowed merely by assuming the external characteristics of a life dedicated to God. Because of the definite religious expectations associated with it, the changing of one's garments was a vow, an announcement to the community and to God, as much as a verbal pronouncement would have been. That is not to say that the desire for a religious life, its sacrifices and the duties embraced, were never put into words. Wo doubt conversi articulated them over and over again in prayer during their long nightly vigils. "Votum" was perhaps partially used in such a sense in the vita of Theudarius. He was said to have yielded to the wish of Caesarius of Aries that he remain at the basilica for a while to learn ecclesiastical discipline while on his way to join the monks of Lerins, having converted as a youth and 1 n 6 recently laid aside worldly dress. He followed Caesarius' advice, "day and night in fasts, vigils and prayers committing the vow of his soul to God." 107 Even here, however, it was not the observance of fasts, vigils and prayers that Theudarius vowed; instead, it seems to have been the whole internal conversion expressed and effected by the religious 200 activity that is to be understood as a "vow". What he vowed was his soul; his conversio was the vow. No doubt conversi expressed their intentions beforehand to the religious figures who guided them, or who presided over a ceremony of entrance into conversio, or who heard their confessions. The point is that a verbal oath or promise was not a traditional part of the ceremony or action which gave the irrevocable seal to a conversion. However, ecclesiastics who dedicated people to God did not go about laying the state of life upon them without ask­ ing if they or their parents desired it. Thus St. Germanus, after talking to Genevieve and her parents, said to the girl: "I ask, do not fear to profess to me, if you wish to preserve in sanctity consecrated to Christ, as his bride, your immaculate and intact body." Genevieve answered: "Bless you, father, because you ask what I want: if I ask for victory. I wish...that the Lord may think my devotion worthy to 10 8 fulfill." The dialogue was a personal exchange. After some spiritual advice, Germanus led her to the church where he then blessed her with a laying-on of hands. 109 Abbot Eustasius first asked Sadalberga "whether her youthful 110 soul aspired to the worship of divine fear" before he had her fast for two days and then cured her blindness. Sadalberga subsequently thought of her answer as a committment to a religious life, 111 but it was not part of a ceremony of consecration. 201 We can read the procedure for blessing conversi and conversae in the Visigothic Church as recorded in the Liber Qrdinum. It contains no specific promises to be recited by the recipient of the blessing; indeedi the ordo includes nothing whatever for him or her to say. It begins with the stipulation that "first, let him petition the sacerdos by whom he desires to be made a reliqiosus." but that was

merely the sort of request for ecclesiastical blessing mentioned in the preceding paragraph. 112 There is a list of specific spiritual graces (humility, knowledge, gravity, compassion, and others) which the bishop asked God to

nurture in the conversust but they are not in the form of questions or articles of allegiance such as stability, obedience, or adherence to a rule. 113 Presumably the convert merely responded "amen" along with everyone else after each prayer. For a monastic convert ("monacus vero in cenobio"), there was a short extension of the ordo in which he bound himself to stabilitas by having his name signed to a written charter ("in pactionis libello") by the abbot and placing it upon the altar, 114 but non-coenobitic conversi made no such vow. It is possible, of course, that a somewhat different ordo was used in the Gallican Church, but there is no reason to think that it differed so fundamentally as to require the recitation of specific vows by the conversus. Of the three Benedictine monastic promises, stability, obedience, and conversio morum. 115 only the last was applicable to the state of secular conversio anyway, except possibly for those 202 in constant attendance on shrines and basilicas. Certainly chastity was the most social of the religious expectations °f conversio, and the only one with which Church councils concerned themselves. Such expectations as alms, fasts, vigils, and prayers were rather more private practices which simply depended on the religious ardor of the one assumed to practice them. The whole ceremony of entry, then, or perhaps the assumption of any external signs of conversion, probably constituted the "vow" of a convert. It is impossible to conclusively prove such an assertion, since the evidence is essentially negative: there are no examples of a convert "taking vows" in any later monastic sense, while there are instances of the use of the word votum in what appear to be references to the whole ceremony of entrance. Let us examine a test case which contains the most emphatic use of the word votum: Jonas of Bobbio's account of the beginning of Burgundofara's religious life, a highly reliable, almost 11 fi contemporary source. Burgundofara's father promised her in marriage against her will. The girl was soon stricken with blindness and fever, and Columban's disciple abbot Eustasius of Luxeuil called at the family home. When Eustasius reproached her for not being obedient to Columban's "prohibition," she replied that she was "not herself responsible for opposing such vows." Eustasius asked her if she had given her assent to a return to worldly ways "after heavenly vows." She denied that she had ever abandoned 203 117 "such vows in the smallest way." It is obvious that Burgundofara and Eustasius thought that she was definitely committed in some way to obligations that could be called vota and that they involved continence above all. Her father evidently did not feel the force of her vota as strongly as she did, for he kept trying to regain control of the girl in 118 order to marry her off until Eustasius had her consecrated by the bishop. Perhaps we are dealing, therefore, with a form of dedication to a lay religious life whose obligations were not so clearly understood because there was a certain vagueness in the tradition, as we have already noted, 119 and because the person dedicated was not clearly marked as a reliqiosa. How had she incurred such obligations? It was not by donning religious garments, for she did that after she had recovered her health when she was consecrated by the bishop. Jonas explicitly referred to the bishop's action as a consecration: Eustasius "put on [herj the garment of religion through the bishop of that city...and consecrated iherj by salutary sacraments.' The "vows," then, were not promises made in a ceremony involving a change of garments such as we have examined in the Visigothic Liber Ordinum. nor in a ceremony of veiling since veiling would not have preceded a change of garments. But Jonas also referred in the same chapter to Columban's previous dedication of the girl as a consecration: "...Burgundofara, whom...Columban 204 1 21 had consecrated to the Lord." Evidently it was Columban's consecration which could be referred to as vota. Columban's consecration had been described considerably earlier in the vita in the following terms: "...blessing his daughter named Burgundofara, who was below the years of infancy, he vowed [herj to the Lord." "Vow" here is a transitive verb; it would seem that it is a question of what is done to Burgundofara, of making her over to a mode of life which avoided certain worldly pursuits, particularly marriage (Columban's "prohibition"). Since Burgundofara was an infant, it is not likely that she uttered specific vota; it is theoretically possible, but it is much more likely that any promises were made by her parents. (We have previously examined Columban's consecration of a baby at baptism.) Her parents had promised to give her to the Lord and Columban had responded by a "blessing", probably a laying-on of hands such as Germanus performed on Genevieve. It seems likely that the blessing was the vow. It might seem to us more semantically correct to speak of Burgundofara as "vowed" (as did the conciliar canons we have examined above), but that did not stop Jonas from also referring to the whole ceremony as "vows" even though the child probably did not utter a word. One cannot close out the possibility that some conversi did take vows as specific religious promises at their entry into conversio. but it seems that almost all uses of the 205 word "vows" can be explained in the sense given above. Caesarius of Aries, according to a highly reliable vita, formally converted at the age of eighteen by going to bishop Silvester at Chalons-sur-Saone to ask for a tonsure and change of garments. After explaining his desire, the vita described the entire actual process in the following sentence: "The bishop therefore giving thanks to Christ, without any delay he proceeded to excellent vows." 123 If vows had been mentioned in addition to some other part of* the rite of conversion, we would have an indication of the existence of specific promises; but, since the "votis optimis" were evidently meant to be equivalent to the tonsuring and changing of garments, we may understand the word to be used in the same sense in which it was used to refer to the blessing of Burgundofara. If so, however, it is an important addition to our comprehension of "vows" for conversi: not only could the word be used to refer to a blessing without change of garments (perhaps without any external symbols) which subjected a child to the expectation of leading some kind of special religious life, it could also be used to refer to the sort of ritual involving tonsure and change of garments found in the Visigothic Liber Ordinum (and, here, in Gaul) sought by adults desiring a more obvious or public expression of conversio. It is probable that some uses of the word vovere refer not only to the dedication of a conversus but also to a 206 written charter. This seems particularly likely in the cases of those who expressed their conversion by entering the servitium of a saint or shrine. We have already examined instances of lay men and women giving all of their property to a holy person when they entered his service. 1 24 The "Virtutes Fursei" contains the following interesting use of the verb "to vow": a wealthy woman was cured of a sickness by drinking water from Fursa's tomb and monastery at Peronne; "afterward coming herself with all her household and parents, they vowed themselves and all their property to God for the merits of Saint Fursa...." 125 As far as the people are concerned, it would seem that they dedicated themselves to some kind of symbolic servitium at the shrine. Their property, however, was very likely transferred to the shrine 1 76 and monastery in some sort of charter of donation; probably the charter mentioned the family's dedication of themselves as well. The use of the word "vow" to refer to the donation of the property did not depend on a religious dedication of its owners, for a previous passage in the same work mentioned a woman who, in order to be cured from blindness, "vowed whatever she had acquired from youth to Christ for the love of Saint Fursa." 127 There cannot be much doubt about "vow" sometimes meaning an actual donation of property and entry into, at least, a symbolic servitude, for in an almost identical circumstance earlier in the life a more explicit verb was used: Fursa freed an entire family from a 207 malign spirit, and "they themselves converted to God, for love of the saint they offered themselves and all their property in gift [or service] to the saviour." It seems reasonable for us to assume the existence of charters where donations of property are concerned, and at least a mention within them of the new religious status of the donors. Such vows, than, could be expressed in written form. But the vows were not specifically articulated promises of conduct; like the other ceremonies of conversion discussed above, "vows" were equivalent to the integral process of conversion with its attendant expectations of a forma Vivendi.

I\/:4. Tonsure There are not a great number of references to tonsure involving conversi in the sources, but there are enough to show that the problem is most complex. First, it would seem that tonsure could be a part of entry into all types of conversio in one period or another, but that it was not always and necessarily involved in any of them. Secondly, there were several different kinds of tonsure, and the exact form and meaning of the ritual is not always clear in a particular case. Nevertheless, tonsure was an extremely important sign of dedication to a religious life, so important that it seems often to have been considered the constitutive act in making one a conversus. but so important also as a mark of monastic and clerical orders that the 208 confusion it created between those remaining in lay society and those separated from it led to its gradual suppression as a sign of lay conversio. Tonsure was canonically demanded for entry into public penance. The Council of Agde in 506 ordered excommunication for those who refused to receive the tonsure or change their garments when they became penitents. 1 29 The tone of the canon leads one to suspect that there was some difficulty in getting all laymen to accept that part of the ritual, probably because it created a much more permanent differentiation from the rest of the faithful than imposition of hands or the placing of the cilicium upon the head. Uoluntary penitents would surely have been much readier to receive the mark acknowledg­ ing their sins to their neighbors. A canon of the Council of

Toledo held in 589 indicates that enforcement of tonsure in public penance was a problem in Spain as well. 1 30 The same canon specified a distinction between men and women in enter­ ing public penance: men were to be tonsured, but women were to change their garments instead. 131 As equitable as that distinction may sound, it does not seem to have been the practice in Gaul, however. There, although there is no indication that women were tonsured except as a form of civil punishment, men originally underwent both a tonsure and a change of garments in voluntary penance. Caesarius of Aries, in acknowledging the reluctance of many to commit themselves permanently to a penitential way of life, said in 209 one homily, "But perhaps, when we summon everyone in general to penance, someone may reflect within himself saying: 'I am a young man with a wife; how can I either cut my hair or assume the habit of religion?' uie are not saying this, dearest brothers, we do not preach this, that young men who

are seen to have a wife ought to change their habit more than their behaviour." 1 32 In another homily, the bishop indulged in this bit of sarcasm: "But perhaps there is someone who says: 'I am in the army, I have a wife, and therefore how can I do penance?' Just as if we, when we suggest penance, say that everyone ought to be eager to tear out his hair and not give up his sins, and rip off his clothes rather than his habits." 1 33 In Caesarius' time and territory, then, tonsure was only part of the external, public mark of the male penitent. It is necessary to dwell on the evidence from Caesarius' sermons because his is the only direct witness to the actual practice of tonsure and change of garments in voluntary penance in Gaul. It will be seen, however, that tonsure and garments were associated in entry into other forms of conversio as well, and it has previously been shown that penitential and "non-penitential" conversio closely influenced each other. The practice of tonsure at entry into other types of conversio is well-attested for the fifth and sixth centuries in Gaul. Hillary said that Honoratus' hair was cut and his garments changed when he burst into the "flame of conversion." 210 When Caesarius of Aries decided to convert, he asked his bishop to "transfer him to divine servitude" by cutting his 1 *^fi hair and changing his dress. U.e may infer from this passage that the bishop customarily presided over the ritual of conversion and that the two actions specified were crucial to the ritual. Uie must say that tonsure by the bishop was customary because, while there is every indication that conversi frequently sought episcopal guidance when they converted and 1 37 episcopal performance of the ritual, there are cases of conversion involving tonsure in which a bishop probably was not involved. Sigiramnus, for example, was required by his station in life to serve in the royal palace, but underwent a profound spiritual conversion while there, and finally ran away to the shrine of St. Martin, where "finally, because he had long desired it, he tonsured his own hair so that he might remain forever in the clerical class. ' Uihen the bishop heard of it, he accepted the tonsuring with some reluctance as an accomplished fact and admitted him to the 1 38 ranks of his clerics. Sigiramnus' case is rather special because he was a secret conversus who became a cleric by self-tonsure, though it is not at all clear what his clerical status was afterward. His bishop evidently thought it unusual for a man to become a cleric by self-tonsure, but it may not have been at all unusual for laymen to profess their conversion by self-tonsuring while remaining laymen. From 211 what has been said before about the difficulties of those in royal service in obtaining permission to leave their worldly status, 139 it is likely that Sigiramnus would not have been tonsured by a bishop even if he had requested it. There is an example of probable self-tonsure under similar circumstances in which the conversus definitely remained a layman: Landrille was also in royal service, as some kind of fiscal overseer, when his wife expressed a desire to convert; he consented, and expressed their mutual conversion in the following manner: "he cut his own hair and put around her the grace of the veil.' It is expressly stated in the next chapter that "he was still in the lay order." 141 After he attempted to join a monastery, King Dagobert I summoned him to the royal palace to explain why a man "in suo ministerio' had tonsured himself without his orders. 142 While Uiandrille, as a royal minister, might also have found it difficult to obtain a tonsure from a bishop, there is no indication that the validity of his self-tonsure was questioned. Cn the contrary, he was unquestionably felt to have given an irrevocable expression to an internal conversio; it was the fact that it was done "sine sua iussione" that the King questioned. Tonsure seems to have been a usual, if not invariable, feature of entering conversion in symbolic servitude at the shrine of a saint. There are several examples of* such conversions in which tonsure was not mentioned, but one cannot be sure that the ommission is significant. It is clear 212 from the sources which do mention tonsure that it was in those cases the constitutive act of entry into the service of a saint. Internal conversion and external preparations might precede, but the ritual cutting of the hair put into effect the promised relationship with the saint. The language of Gregory of Tours shows this clearly: a Frankish nobleman, "Having examined the faults on his own conscience, resolved to convert; that is to say, that having cut his hair he would be a slave to the holy bishop [(YlartinJ . But first he secured a precept from the King that he hand over all his property to the basilica while still alive. Which done, having tonsured his head," he fulfilled his vow. 144 Always it was the tonsure which came last and accomplished formal entry. Conversion by tonsure to the service of a saint had nothing necessarily to do with social rank, for, besides the noble­ man mentioned above, Gregory told the story of a slave who was vowed by his master to the service of St. Martin, receiv- ing his freedom and the tonsure at the same time. 145 A conversion thought of as only partially begun or lapsed could be brought to full expression by tonsure: a relative of St. Trudo's had promised him that he would observe chastity, but when the holy man died, his relative disregarded the promise of continence and took a wife. He was then stricken by lameness, went to the saint's tomb, and "cutting his hair, gave all of his inheritance to the tomb of St. Trudo, and there in servitude of the Lord led a holy life to 213 146 the end of his days.'' Apparently, then, a secret conversio or an early religious life leading up to a public expression of conversio could be led without tonsure. The Visigothic Liber Urdinum of the seventh century contains a short ritual entitled "Senedictio super parvulum, qui in ecclesia ad ministerium Dei detonditur." 147 It may be an example of the sort of ritual of tonsuring given to those who converted to a servitium in the basilica or shrine of a saint. There are two separate rituals. One of them contains no reference to youth in the blessings and prayers despite the title, and speaks of one "converted from the life of the world." The other begins with a biblical verse referring to children, though it asks later for "wisdom and chastity" for the Lord's servant. 149 The only reference to the position of the convert in the church is vague, but is certainly reminiscent of what little we know about the position of those discussed above: "...who, to the cult of religion, for the honor of your name, most devotedly is offered to your holy martyrs (names) so that serving continually in your catholic church," he may merit the blessings mentioned. 150 If these benedictions were reserved for children, something very much like them must have been used for adults tonsured to the service of shrines, tombs, and churches. One of the Visigothic rituals contains a reference to anointing at the 151 conclusion, so that it is possible that a blessing with oil accompanied a tonsuring given in the church. 214 The exact form of the tonsures given to conversi is difficult to know. Probably there was no unanimity. Short hair of any shape, along with other hints of a deliberate restraint from worldliness, was sufficient to mark someone as a religiosus. Sidonius recognized immediately that a friend had entered religion merely by his lack of ostentation and his clothing, though he did not know whether he was monk, cleric, or penitent; of his hair, which helped to mark him, he said only "short hair, long beard." 152 Honoratus also was said simply to have changed a long hair style for a short one at his conversion: "His luxuriant tresses were reduced to short hair." 153 Bavo, who had already been tonsured as a cleric, had his head shaved (or scalped) when he symbolicall became a public slave as a sign of remorse, 154 but that was probably an extreme form of self-mortification taken from civil law. 155 The Visigothic ordo for conversi specified a 156 tonsure in the shape of a cross. There is no indication of such an artful cutting in Gallican sources. The liber Ordinum also contains a prayer and benediction for one "who wishes to cut his hair only in front" 157 which was accompanied by an imposition of the hand and referred to someone of a 158 young age. Perhaps such a tonsure was given to children 159 consecrated by St. Columban and others. Whether or not all publicly professed male conversi of the fourth through sixth centuries were tonsured, the practice seems to have dropped off in the late sixth or early 215 seventh centuries. It is incredible that a description of a conversion as detailed as that of St. Eligius' would not have mentioned a tonsure if he had received one. None of the group of conversi serving at the Frankish courts of the seventh century is said to have been tonsured. There were probably two reasons for that fact. One was that Merovingian

kings did not want their noblest and especially their ministers, to be tonsured without their permission. The 161 sbory of St. Wandrille makes that clear enough. Their desire to control the loss of nobles to the monastic life is understandable, but it is a problem why they might have denied permission for a layman to tonsure himself, as will 1 fi9 be discussed later. The other probable reason for a decline in tonsuring of conversi during the seventh century is that bishops and councils seem to have become more concerned about the conduct and mode of life of those who publicly professed a religious regimen while remaining in lay society. The first canon relegating lapsed female converts to convents came out of the Council of Latona in 673-675. Evidence concerning tonsuring is simply lacking, but it seems reasonable to suppose that bishops began to be reluctant to give the tonsure to laymen whose secular conduct they could not super­ vise because they lived in their own homes without religious superiors. With the first Carolingians, the same concern was immediately taken up by the state. In 755 King Pippin 216 issued a capitulary containing a directive that men "who say that they have tonsured themselves for God," and yet managed their own secular affairs and were 'not under the hand of a bishop" or in a monastery, uiere to enter monasteries or the order of canons. By the middle of the eighth centur then, and probably before, the tonsure was fixed upon as the distinguishing criteria between laymen and ecclesiastics regular and secular. No longer should conversi exist as a vague order of reliqiosi with attributes and privileges both of the militia Christi and the militia saeculi. They were to choose, and the tonsure was to be the instrument of choice.

However, the early Carolingians did not abandon the special concern shown by the Merovingian kings with the special status of religious converts within the nobility. In theory, a public profession of religion, defined as a tonsure in the case of men, could not be laid aside if it was 165 freely assumed. The Council of Neuching in 772 stated that "after the tonsure of his hair, no one may presume to let it grow in the popular fashion;" if he did so, he was to be forcibly corrected or excommunicated. In 800 councils meeting under the orders of Charlemagne determined that a noble was not to be tonsured until the diocesan bishop had looked into his case. If the noble were tonsured and also gave property to a monastery or church, he could enter the ranks of the monks or canons there. But if he should decide after receiving the tonsure that he would rather live in his 217 own home, then he was liable for military service just as 1 67 "the other laymen" were. Clearly the king was concerned about the availability of warriors from the landed class. It would be too much to say that this canon meant to countermand the canon of 772 and allow tonsured aristocratic reliqiosi to live on their estates and also serve in the army. But it would not be too much to say that the canon demonstrates a certain amount of confusion over the exact status of noble reliQiosi. If they "afterwards wish to reside on their own property," did that mean that they could leave a monastery and let their hair grow back? That seems doubtful; it would be a glaring defiance of canonical discipline. Probaoly the canon was struggling with the problem of a class of tonsured conversi, of good families and living on their own property, which was already in existence. The canon meant to offer such men the choice of either becoming ecclesiastics under supervision or definitely falling into the class or laity subject to military service. Churchmen were supposed to show more care in tonsuring noblemen who had the resources to live as tonsured reliQiosi totally without regard for the theoretical subjection of all tonsured men to ecclesiastical supervision. It is not likely that such legislation was entirely successful. Some tradition of tonsured conversi survived among the nobility: St. Gerald of Aurillac in the later ninth century was a layman in secular dress but received a 218 tonsure and engaged in all of the religious practices we 1 68 have seen among conversi, including symbolic servitium. His particular tonsure must have been of the monastic type, on the crown of the head, for he was said to have hidden it with a cap. 169 But Gerald was a warrior, wearing arms and leading his men into battle, though he was careful to avoid shedding blood himself. He ruled his domain strictly and had considerable political pretensions. 170 Certainly Gerald was highly exceptional in his time, but it would seem that the efforts of both Church and state to eliminate the problem of tonsured lay conversi was more successful in driving them to a closer accomodation with the demands of secular life than it was in depriving them totally of the profession of religious life by tonsure.

IV:5. Mutare vestimentum The general concept and appearance of special religious garb as a mark of lay conversion was discussed earlier. 171 This section will concentrate, therefore, on the change of garments as a ceremony of entry; and study some aspects of the evolution of the practice with particular reference to external pressures. Ule have seen that in the fifth and sixth centuries the change of garments was considered appropriate for both men and women as an expression of conversio, though men were often tonsured as well. Alteration of habit, literal or 219

figurativef was a primary consideration in lay conversion for Gennadius, and he mentioned no distinctions between sexes or types: "But we do not deny that mortal sins are purged by secret satisfaction, but first a change of worldly habit 172 and eager confession of religion...." The change of garments at entry into voluntary penance has been discussed previously: penitents were not to return to secular dress even after reconciliation. 173 Unlike the Visigothic order of penitents, both men and women wore religious garments in Gaul. The change of garments at entry into more general conversio. not into the canonical order of penitents, has been illustrated by the examples of Honoratus and Caesarius 174 of Aries. Lupus of Troyes in the fifth century also expressed his conversio by changing to somber garb. 175 The donning of religious vestments by professed widows and virgins is thoroughly documented both by conciliar canons and hagiographical literature. Gregory of Tours mentioned change of garments by women who converted at his own and other shrines and basilicas: for example, one woman cured at the cathedral of Dijon "remained there, and...having 176 changed her vestments, she was very religious." Gregory stressed the tonsure as the mark of entry into conversio for men who lived at shrines, but it seems possible, considering the evidence for other types of conversio, that at least some of them also changed their garments. Gregory's story of the slave who received his freedom when he was tonsured for the 220 service of St. Martin has been cited before, but unfree people could remain in servitude even after having changed to religious dress: The capitulary of Herstal in 779 ruled that the master would be responsible if "a servant girl who with the concurrence of her lord receives a religious vestment" should subsequently marry or commit adultery. 177 In summary, then, mutatio vestimentorum figured prominently in every type of conversio in Gaul for which we have evidencs. How was the symbolic change of garments performed? Again, as in the case of tonsure, the indications are that it would be a mistake to look for rigid uniformity of custom. Widows and virgins were canonically required to perform the ceremony of donning religious garments in the presence of the bishop. The earliest Gallican source, a canon of the Council of Orange held in 441, stated that "the profession of widowhood lis to bej made in the__presence of the bishop in the secretarium, (being] proclaimed by the widow's vest- 178 ments imposed by the bishop." The 'Statuta ecclesiae antiqua' spoke of widows who "have vowed themselves to God, having laid aside lay vestments by the testimony of the bishop, and have appeared in the religious habit of the Church." 179 Episcopal witness to the change of garment, then, was important in the profession of widowhood, though it may be noted that the second source did not actually provide that the bishop be present at the moment of changing, merely that he confirm that the dress had been assumed. Another canon from the same 221 collection dealt with the dress of virgins at the ceremony of consecration: "...when she is offered to the bishop at her consecration, let her be apparelled in such vestments as 18 are always used, appropriate to her profession and sanctity." Here too the bishop was apparently present at the actual assumption of the religious garments. The Visigothic ordo for conversae spoke of the sacerdos as actually putting the 181 "vestment of religion" on the woman. The change of dress was here an integral part of the Church ceremony. The canonical sources of the fifth century, therefore, indicate that the change of garments was part of a ceremony of entry performed by the bishop on the entrant, or at least with the bishop as witness. Unfortunately for consistency, we know that habits were not always changed by bishops, or even clerics. St. Genevieve herself changed the garments of a girl who asked her to do 182 so. During an incident in the vitae of St. Gall, a girl changed to the religious clothing of a virgin by performing the ceremony on herself while at private prayer in a 183 church. Both of tnese girls were in danger of being married and may have felt constrained to forgo the normal ecclesiasti­ cal process. However, their assumption of the religious state was certainly considered valid by both sources. The Council of Tours of 567 specifically stated that women who had changed their garments could not marry under the excuse that "they changed themselves in dress so that inferior 222 184 people would not defile them." St. Radegund dressed her­ self in a "monastic vestment" to persuade bishop Medard to consecrate her a deaconess against the wishes of King Chlotar I, her husband. Considering that the canonical norm for assuming religious dress was apparently within the context of a rite of episcopal benediction, and that some nevertheless did not adhere to that norm in converting, it is difficult to know whether a change of garments performed by a lay person privately was generally followed by some additional ecclesias- tical ceremony of consecration, or whether the bare fact of the change was considered sufficient in itself to bestow 187 the status of conversio. There is a benediction in the Visigothic Liber Ordinum. separate from the order for con­ verts, entitled "a prayer for sanctifying the vestment of those who are newly converted and wish to change to a religious habit for themselves," but one cannot be sure that 188 this was not uniquely a case of monastic novices. On the whole, it seems likely that, if the simple alteration of vestment by any ecclesiastical or lay agent was not entirely sufficient in the fifth century,it gradually became so. A relatively late source, the Council of Friuli (796/797), seems to indicate that both virgins and widows who had changed their garments were considered inescapably committed to a life of continence even if they had not received a canonical benediction: "...concerning women of 223 whatever condition, that is to say virgins or widows, who, promising a resolution of virginity or continence of their own free fill, were made over to God and were dressed as a sign of continence in a black garment like the religious one, just as the ancient custom was in these regions: even if they are not consecrated by a sacerdosi nevertheless we order them 169 to persevere forever in this resolution." The Council of Friuli is not a Gallican source, but there is every reason to think that unblessed conversae in religious habits existed in Gaul as well. Th& evidence is reasonably clear for widows at least, for Gallican councils attempted to suppress the rite of benediction for widows altogether, holding that the change of garments was entirely sufficient. The Council of Tours held in 567 had this to say on the subject: "...whoever changes herself in vestment, without deceit in that resolution (ijn .eo proposito) let her take care to persevere in that which she arranged. Some say: A widow was not blessed, so why should she not take a hus band? But everyone knows that a benedictio vidualis is never read in the books of canons because the resolution alone (solus propositus) ought to be sufficient for her. As we have seen in a previous section, the propositum. or "vow", could be identical with the change of garments, an equation which is implicit in the first sentence of this passage: "...quae se veste mutaverit,...in eo proposito." The canon thus witnesses that it was not customary ("everyone 224 knows") to give a benedictio to widows even though they put on religious garments. In support of its position against

blessing widowsf the council referred to a canon of the Council of Epaon which forbade the consecration of widows as 191 deaconesses. The precedent was a weak onef but it suggests that the bishops felt that a benediction involving a laying- on of hands (a consecration) was so superfluous for widows after a change of garments that its only conceivable purpose must be entry into the (forbidden) order of deacohesses. Apparently the Gallican councils were not immediately successful in the attempt to suppress either the blessing of widows or the consecration of deaconesses, 192 but the donning of the habit was recognized as a satisfactory public expression of conversion. There is no canon which clearly states that it was not necessary for virgins living in their own homes to seek an ecclesiastical benediction, but other councils of the mid- sixth to early seventh centuries implied that the change of habit was the constitutive public act of conversio for all female religious remaining in lay society. The Council of Orleans held in 549 stated that "those who, in their own homes, virgins as well as widows, are converted by changed 193 garments" could not marry. The Council of Paris held 556-573 said the same thing of "those who by a change of garment, widows as well as virgins, are professed by a 1 94 public declaration of religion, penance, or virginity." 225 The Council of Paris held in 614 repeated the prohibition for "widows and virgins who wear the habit of religion in their own homes, whether they change their garment by their parents or by themselves." 195 By the second half of the sixth century, thsn, the change of garments was recognized as the constitutive act of lay conversio for women in Gaul, and it is highly probable that it was not necessary for them to seek ecclesiastical benediction in order to be bound by the obligation of continence while remaining in secular society. Among male converts, on the other hand, the opposite evolution occurred: by the seventh century, they had ceased to change their garments as an expression of entry into lay conversio. The parallel with the development in tonsure is obvious, of course, but the indications are that the change of habit among conversi declined somewhat earlier than the tonsure, during the sixth century. The following sources, listed in rough chronological order, contain clear allusions to change of habit by men who remained in the lay state, or assume a significant lack of distinction between men and women in reference to it: 430 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati,"c.8 ("conversio": male) ca. 430 Fastidius, "De vita Christiana," XX:1 ("religiosi": no sex mentioned) ca. 440 Salvian, De oubernatione Dei. V:1Q ("religiosi," "paenitentia," "conversio": no sex mentioned) 226 ca. 450 Sidonius, Epistulae IV.24:3 (perhaps penitent: male) ca. 470 Gennadius, "Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum," c.22 ("secreta satisfactio": no sex mentioned) ante 500 Iulianus Pomerius, "De vita contemplativa," 11:4 ("conversi": male) 442-506 Council of Aries, c.25 ("paenitentia": no sex mentioned) ante 506 Ruricius, Epistulae 11:32 ("conversio": male) 506 Council of Agde, c.15 ("paenitentes": no sex mentioned) 504-542 Caesarius, Sermo LVI:3 ("paenitentia," "conversio": male) 53B Council of Orleans, c.28 ("benedictio paenitentia": possibly male) ante 549 "Vita Caesarii," c.4 ("divino...servitio": male) 5th-8th cent. "Vita Lupi," c.2 ("conversio": male) The sources, therefore, cover the fifth and the first half of the sixth centuries.19 7 There is a clear mention of a change of garments by a man in the "Vita Corbiniani" (764- 198 783), but his status afterwards is unclear. The conciliar sources deal only with penitents and are not, as we have seen, always a good reflection of actual practice. The lives of Caesarius of Aries and Lupus of Troyes prove that the tradition of changing garments at entry into conversio was still understood in the middle of the sixth century, but, of course, the first parts of the narrations are set in 227 a period two or three generations earlier; the passage con­ cerning Lupus* change of habit seems to be based on Hilary's 199 life of Honoratus anyway (though the substance of the tradition about Lupus is probably quite accurate). Caesarius' sermons are certainly a reliable indication of actual practice, but the two passages on change of garments by conversi reflect a certain reluctance on the part of laymen to do it; at least, they stress that there were less rigorous forms of penance and conversion available to laymen. In summary, then, the practice of mutatio vestimentorum by male converts seems to have been declining during the first half of the sixth century, though it was still alive in mid- century.

Gregory of Tours, in the second half of the sixth century, made no allusions to change of garments by men, though he referred at least eight times to female converts doing so and at least six times to male converts receiving the tonsure. One suspects that at least some of Gregory's conversi changed their habits when they were tonsured, but Gregory clearly saw the tonsure as the primary outward expression of conversion by men. The "Vita Wandregiseli" is unique in providing a fairly reliable glimpse of the relative rate of decline of the tonsure and garment among conversi. The life was written at the end of the seventh century but is set in the reign of Dagobert I (623-638). Wandrille was said to have tonsured 228 himself while remaining a layman and living a life of heightened religiosity, but "afterward, because the man of God abandoned the delights of this world, he wished to live in a holy monastery in the habit of religion. It seems fairly certain, therefore, that LJandrille converted with a tonsure but not a change of garments, conceiving of the latter action as a mark of coenobitic conversio. The evidence thus far is less than overwhelming, but it appears that change of garments definitely disappeared as an expression of lay conversion some time in the sixth century. It had been abandoned by the early seventh century. We have seen that some tradition of tonsure for lay converts sur­ vived far into Carolingian times in Gaul despite the efforts of lay and ecclesiastical legislators to confine it to the cloister or clericate. The Carolingians did not have to contend with the ambiguity of laymen dressed as religious because the practice was already dead.

During the seventh century, however, a different idiom in contemporary sources began to replace the obsolete phrase "mutare vestimentum/habitum' in reference to lay conversio; "sub habitu saeculi/laico' and minor variations. Its use is a clear indication that the conversi so labelled had not changed their garments, but originally there would have been little point in using the phrase if the religiosity of the men might not have created some doubt in the minds of readers over whether they were lay or ecclesiastical con­ verts. The contexts in which the phrase was used point to 229 the possibility of some royal influence on the evolution away from the change of habit among aristocratic conversi; of the eleven saints' lives written at or before the beginning of the ninth century which apply the phrase to converts, seven or eight of them refer to conversi connected with royal government. The Germanic kings had no objection to the laymen in their service leading private lives of extreme religiosity; indeed, considering the way conversio throve in the royal courts of the seventh century, some must have provided a favorable climate for it. But they seem to have been unable to conceive of how anyone who officially enrolled himself in the militia Christi by donning its uniform or cutting his hair, despite his right to remain within lay society as a conversus, could legitimately fulfill his prior function as a loyal member of the king's leudes. Merovingian royal officials had to be versatile, secretaries sometimes lead­ ing armies, and a man in religious dress could not be a warrior. However, it seems doubtful that the Merovingians were always concerned about the practical disadvantages of change of garments; there is no indication that Eligius or Ouen or the other palace relioiosi of their circle in secular dress were ever required to muster with the army. It may seem somewhat paradoxical that the Merovingians of the seventh century were perfectly ready to appoint to bishoprics men from the same class of royal servants who on 230 occasion drew royal wrath by tonsuring themselves or joining a monastery. However* kings appointed bishops in their own good time and pleasure. It would seem that it was simply the royal prerogative which was of the greatest concern, vis-a-vis conversion, to the Merovingians: if a man was serving as a royal official, or had ever done so, he was to hold himself completely at the king's will; change of garments without royal permission could not be allowed in principle, and as long as the king found him useful, he apparently was not supposed to alter outwardly his worldly status. Such, at least, is probably as far as we can go in attempting to reconstruct the custom and mood of what was essentially Merovingian court discipline rather than political necessity.

The earliest source to use the phrase "sub habitu saeculari" of a convert, the "Vita abbatum Acaunensium" written in the sixth or seventh century, referred to the position of St. Hymnemodus in the Burgundian court of King Gundobad. Both the source and the situation may thus be contemporary with the period of decline of the change of garments by men. The language of the narrative about Hymnemodus leaves little doubt that it was the requirements of royal service which made him refrain from expressing his conversion publicly by putting on religious dress: While he was "under the secular habit he wore the yoke of Christ..*. While he assisted in the royal palace, a diligent servant of the royal power, he was guarding his whole integrity of mind, so that he fulfilled the office entrusted to him: he 231 faithfully drilled in the army of Christ within the lodging of his breast, (while) according to the precept of the Saviour, he rendered what was God's to God; to the king also he rendered uninterruptedly the obligation of service." 202 Hymnemodus may have had a particularly strong reason for not putting on religious dress at court, since Gundobad was Arian, but nothing was said of that. It seems to be simply assumed that lay dress must be worn in royal service. The same concern is evident in the life of Austrigisil, a minister in the Burgundian court of the Merovingian king Guntram, which was composed a century later: "He was most pleasing to the king and most affectionate to all his fellow soldiers, so much that he usually held out the towel on which the king dried his hands, and from this he was called a mapparius, (napkin-bearer). At that time, to be sure, in the secular habit, he persisted in alms and vigils, and most vigilantly in prayers by day and night, and he was panting with ineffable desire after his heavenly fatherland. Now in this world he seemed to serve most faithfully, while covetously he desired to cling inseparably to heavenly things." 203 In other words, Austregisil was secretly, or perhaps inwardly, a conversus and longed to express his allegiance to the militia Christi outwardly as wall, but could not combine such an action with his present service in the royal court. Eligius was described five times in his vita as being "sub laicali/saeculari habitu." In the court of 232 Dagobert I that did not mean simply foregoing the religious habit; it meant great splendor of personal ornament, for the king demanded that his ministers dress the part of great secular lords. Eligius was said to have given away for the poor all the splendid things that he could wear, for which reason he went about in "mean garments" with a rope for a belt: "when the king saw him despoiled for the devotion and love of Christ, taking from his own person he gave him his own clothing and belt; for he said it was not proper that those who served in the world should go about adorned, while those who took everything from themselves for Christ were 2Q5 inglorious." Whether the king was so moved by the incongruity of his own outward splendor or not, the result was the same: Eligius was to dress up. While the phrase "sub habitu saeculi/laico" out of context was not simply a technical idiom for conversion, since it meant merely "layman" when applied to mere laymen, it was full of important conotations when applied to relioiosi. It broke out of the literal level because it was half of an understood dichotomy: the religious layman be­ longed outwardly to this world, but inwardly to heaven; the public habit contrasted with his private regimen. The thought can be seen clearly, for example, in passages from two vitae of the seventh-century "Vitae abbatum Habendensium" which refer to the same man, Romaric, a palace official under Theodebert II of Austrasia (595-612): "...under the lay 233 habit indeed, but even then he had a religious mind;" "in the lay habit he led a religious life," 207 This use of the phrase occurred not only in hagiographic literature; it was used in a precept of Dagobert I appointing Desiderius bishop of Cahors and alluding to his life of con­ version in royal service and before: "...we knew that the illustrious man Desiderius our treasurer kept the observance of religion from the time of his childhood in all things and served as a soldier of Christ under the secular habit, and in this way held to angelic conduct and a priestly life...." 20 The phrase "sub habitu saeculi" was used almost as a technical idiom here, for this was not a hagiographer explaining why a saint had delayed in beginning an ecclesiastical career, but the royal government itself speaking with approval of the manner in which a lay religious life had been led in the service. If an exactly contemporary document, and a legal instrument at that, could use the phrase of a man before he had embarked on an ecclesiastical career, obviously "a soldier of Christ under the secular habit" had a real con­ temporary significance in referring to lay conversion. It seems as though, from the time that laymen ceased to express their conversion by an outward change of habit, the very fact that they were outwardly indistinguishable from the rest of the laity acquired a religious significance of its own. Before, there had been some confusion over whether a convert was a layman or not; now it was clear that a 234 layman could be a relioiosus. Alcuin, at the beginning of the ninth century, still sounded somewhat surprised over the development which, it was realized, had reached full flower in the Prankish court of the seventh century; the time of King Dagobert I, he said, was conspicuous for the cultivation of religion, for not only were many monasteries built then, but "many men from the lay habit were found to be relioiosi."209 The conclusions on the subject of change of garments should be summarized. Throughout the fifth century, public conversion was expressed by the assumption of religious dress by both men and women. Th-a change was customarily accomplished in an ecclesiastical ceremony involving an episcopal benediction, but when garments were changed privately by the convert or at the hands of another non- cleric, the conversion was considered by both Church and society as a valid and irrevocable assumption of the obligation of conversio. as long as it was done with the consent of the convert or his parents. During the sixth century, Church councils emphasized change of garments as the constitutive act of conversio for women. During the same century, change of garments was abandoned by male converts. The custom was still alive but declining during the first half of the sixth century,but during the second half tonsure emerged as the most important public expression of male conversio. though it was in its turn largely 235 suppressed in the eighth century. Among converts in the service of the royal palace, change of garments was not possible because it was not allowed by the kings* Instead, the image of dress reflecting an inward change was replaced in contemporary thought and writing by the image of an out­ ward secular state contrasting with an inward religious state. The phrase "sub habitu laico/saeculi" was often used in the seventh century sources to refer to conversi in this spiritual predicament. It also reflected a growing feeling, already discussed under tonsure, that converts could not occupy a middle ground between laity and monks or clergy, but must be definitely subsumed under the lay order if they were not cloistered or ordained.

IV:6. Veiling Only women, of course, took the veil as a sign of entry into conversion. Its relationship to the most important symbol of conversion, the change of garments, is not perfectly clear because of the ambiguities of the sources, at least in the earlier period, but it seems that they were separate actions which might or might not be performed at the same time. Like the change of garments, the veil was ordinarily and canonically imposed during an ecclesiastical ceremony but was also assumed privately or imposed by other non- clerics. The veil was considered a special and indispensable mark of entry into a convent, and attempts were made to 236 restrict it to that usage by forbidding women to wear the veil outside of convents; nevertheless, it was worn by conversae living in their own homes. Widows as well as virgins and married women were veiled. Even though the veil was often worn outside of monasteries by women dedicated to God, it was by no means indispensable as a mark of conversion; it was not the constitutive act of conversio. Evidence for considering veiling as an action separable from the assumption of other religious garments is not decisive, but the idea seems soundly probable. Ule have already seen that Prankish synods attempted to establish a minimum age of twenty-five (or forty) for the veiling of women. 210 It has been conclusively proven that men and women converted, some by change of garments, at an earlier age (though there are at least two probable cases of veiling girls in their minority along with changing their 211 garments). The Council of Latona (673-675) drew a distinction between garments and veils in stating that widows who changed their garments would be protected by the royal government, thus suggesting that such widows remained in secular society, while widows who took the veil were to be cloistered. 212 !iie lack a clear test case of a woman changing her garments and later receiving the veil. Most conciliar canons speak of changing garments or (more seldom) of veiling separately from each other. However, the passages from which we can infer any kind of relationship suggest, as 237 we would suppose, that veiling could occur along with or after a change of garments, but not before. The Council of Neuching, for example, assumed that a veiled woman had already changed her garments: "...nor may a veiled woman, having abandoned the veil, dress in the secular habit." 21 3 Conciliar canons assumed that the veil was given in an ecclesiastical ceremony by a priest or a bishop. The Council of Tours held in 567 confirmed this for virgins: '...concern­ ing virgins, who were spiritually married to Christ and were entitled to be veiled by a sacerdos...." 214 The ceremony of veiling was thus a ritual deliberately evocative of the veiling of the bride in a marriage between a man and woman. 215 By the eighth or ninth century, attempts were made to distinguish between the ecclesiastical agents in the veiling of virgins and widows: virgins were to be veiled only by bishops, widows only by priests. If a bishop should preside over the consecration of a widow, he could bless her veil, but she was then to take the veil from the altar and place it on her own head. 217 The Council of Paris held in 829 referred to the practice of priests consecrating 218 the veils of widows. without consulting their bishops and 219 forbade its continuance. However, both virgins and widows received the veil from non-sacerdotal hands as well. Sometimes abbesses veiled woman in a religious ceremony: the Capitulare ecclesiasticum of 789 stated that some abbesses ventured "to veil virgins 238 with a sacerdotal benediction." 220 The Council of Paris held in 829 also stated in condemnation that some abbesses were 221 in the habit of veiling both widows and virgins. 222 These cases probably involved women entering convents, but there are also clear references to the veiling of women outside convents by non-clerics. The Council of Paris in 829 condemned women, without specifying whether they meant widows or virgins, who "without sacerdotal consent impose the veil on themselves, so that under the pretext of this veil they 223 can become watchers and attendants of churches;" priests no longer were to allow such women in basilicas. Evidently, then, women who converted to the servitium of a church some­ times did so by veiling themselves and sometimes became a cause for scandal. The vitae of St. Gall contain a story of a girl who veiled herself at the same time that she assumed religious vestments while at private prayer in the basilica at Metz, though she subsequently entered a convent. 224 The variety of ways in which women received the veil was reflected in the capitularies of Verberie in 756 and Compiegne in 757, which stated that women, "in whatever manner they receive the veil," were to remain in their religious status as long as they had undertaken it 225 voluntarily. St. Uiandrille was said to have veiled his wife at the same time that he tonsured himself. That is an interesting addition to our knowledge of the veiling of 239 conversae because presumably, whether theirs was a continent marriage or not, toandregisel's wife technically would not be 227 considered either a virgin or a widow. In fact we know that there was nothing uncanonical about veiling a married woman as a sign of her entry into conversio, for the royal capitularies of Verberie and Compiegne considered the situation of a woman who veiled herself without her husband's consent and decided that it should be left up to the husband to decide whether the woman could remain in her veiled state flop or not. It follows that, although all the printed ordines and benedictiones for veiling women speak of virgins or widows, a wife who converted along with her husband also might receive the veil, whether at her own hands, her husband's or a cleric's. Some women were certainly veiled outside of convents in their own homes and continued to live in secular society. Gregory of Tours mentioned "a certain woman, veiled and dedicated to God," who showed up at the episcopal election for Auvergne with a vision of the proper choice for bishop; 229 apparently she was free to come and go as she wished. The Capitulary of Compiegne in 757 made a distinction between women who were cloistered and those who were veiled outside cloisters when it permitted a man to take another wife if he gave consent for his spouse "to serve God inside a convent for the cause of religion, or gave license to veil her out- 230 side a convent, as we say, for the sake of God." A council 240 held at Rome in 826 gave evidence that such women could continue to live outside convents: "Women who undertake the religious habit or the veil under cover of religiosity, when they are nubile, are not permitted to associate continually with men, but shall live regularly, choosing a convent, or they shall keep chastely at home the habit undertaken." 231 Veiled women must have lived in their own homes in Gaul as well as Italy, despite efforts of Gallican councils to relegate them to convents. The Council of Latona (673- 675) promulgated such a canon for widows.23 2 The Capitulary of Ver in 755 which attempted to place tonsured men in monasteries extended the rule to "veiled maidservants of God." 233 It does not seem that such legislation was entirely effective, at least among the social class which could afford to live sequestered on its own estates, for the Council of Paris held in 829 admitted the existence of "noble women

w ho, having lost their husbands, are veiled and are delighted to remain in their own homes." 234 Such women were not to take the veil until thirty days after the deaths of their husbands, at which time they could enter a convent if they wished to live the religious life. 235 Despite the significance attached to the veil in eighth and ninth-century canons, its assumption does not seem to have been the constitutive act of conversio for women, nor was it always even assumed* The Roman synod of 402, which 241 answered questions proposed by the bishops of Gaul, considered under separate canons the problems of lapsed virgins who had been veiled and those who had not been veiled* Veiled virgins who married or were otherwise incontinent were to do penance for "many years'. But even a virgin "who was not yet veiled, but resolved to remain thus [a virgin] , even if she was not veiled in Christ, nevertheless because she resolved, and was not veiled in marriage,' she could not legitimately marry a man; if she did so, she too was to do penance for a long time. 237 Obviously, then, a woman could convert, and be forced to adhere to the consequences of conversion, without taking the veil. Her propositum must surely have been expressed by a change of garments or some of the other patterns of lay religious life we have examined. Nothing was said of her entry into a convent, and it seems unlikely at such an early date. The canon was legislating instead for virgins who had not yet reached the proper age for veiling, but had announced their conversio in some other public fashion. The decision on the equal culpability of lapsed virgins who were not veiled was the rule in Gaul into the later sixth century, for the Council of Tours held in 567 quoted Pope Innocent I, under whom the earlier synod had met, to the same effect: "Those who are not yet covered with the sacred veil, nevertheless they represented themselves as remaining always in the virginal propositum; even if they are 242 not veiled, if they marry afterward," they must do penance. The public expression of the propositum has been discussed previously; 239 it is absolutely clear that the veiling was not a necessary part of the propositum. There is no way of knowing how often non-cloistered conversae assumed the veil after having previously entered conversio through some other expression such as change of garments. The Council of Latona (673-675) seems to have encouraged widows to remain in their own homes after a change of garments, but to enter a convent after veiling. 240 There is.certainly nothing in any source to suggest that converted women could not remain all their lives outside of convents without having been veiled while following a religious regimen. It seems likely, though, that veiling came to be associated with conversion more and more frequently, especially during the eighth and ninth centuries. Most canons from councils and capitularies which assume veiling on the part of widows and virgins are from that period. However, there are very few applicable sources of any kind from the seventh century, so that it is difficult to establish a trend. One canon from the First Capitulary of Thionville

(805) is surely significant. \tle have examined previous ecclesiastical instructions on minimum ages for veiling, but Charlemagne's directive to his missi reflects a practice of veiling girls in childhood: That girls of the age of infancy 241 be not veiled before they know what they wish to choose." 243 Apparently the veil was then used even in the dedication of some young children by their parents. None of our earlier sources on entry of children into the religious life mentioned veiling. Even if it was still theoretically possible for a woman to express her conversion by change of garments, for example, without the veil, in practice the veil seems to have become closely associated with the change of garments. Almost all manuscripts of the Qrdines romani with rituals for consecration of virgins, including those which specifically mention that the woman is to remain in her own

home, refer to the blessing of the veil in addition to the change of garments. 242

IV:7. Summary of Conditions of Entry Certain important conclusions about the broader nature and development of conversio in Gaul can be drawn from the preceding discussions of circumstances and modes of entry. The first is that there simply never were any hard and fast rules for the external expression of entry into a lay religious life led within secular society; there were only various norms for the dedication of men and women to God which shaded into one another to form a broad line of tradition. Contemporaries certainly had expectations about what happened when one became a conversus or relioiosus of some sort, but exceptions to every mode of entry abounded. Ule cannot make rigid assumptions based upon any sources 244 taken at their face value. Uhen councils suggest, and the lives of Caesarius and Honoratus illustrate, that a man converted by tonsure and change of garment, there are the letters of Sidonius and sermons of Caesarius to show that it was not necessary. Uhen the canons assume that one changed garments in the presence of the bishop, there are the lives of Genevieve and Uiandrille to show that it might not happen so. liihen canons state that women could not be veiled below the age of twenty-five, there is proof that they were nevertheless, and that the religious state for women was not dependent upon veiling. Nor was it dependent upon changing garments, as the tradition of secret conversio shows. Nor was age any barrier to dedication. VOJJS were not verbal oaths, but referred simply to a public expression of conversion such as a change of garments. It can only be misleading to think that religious conversion depended upon any ceremony. Contemporaries realized that it was a spiritual state whose possible expression depended upon tradition balanced against other constraints. One was a convert if people said so, and people said so if one either acted like it or looked like it in a variety of ways.

The second generalization to be made about methods of converting is that norms and expectations changed during the period from the fifth to the ninth centuries. Ceremonies of entry for men were used less and less, while they were emphasized more and more for women. Whereas Honoratus, 245 Caesarius, and Lupus in the fourth and fifth centuries followed an expected norm of conversion by undergoing tonsure and change of garments, in the seventh century Eligius, Ouen and Desiderius were no less identified as reliqiosi even though they did neither. What did not change, unlike modes of entry, was the whole complex of patterns of life which in some combination could reliably identify a conversion within secular society: it included continence, alms, restricted diet, fasts, vigils, prayer, other penitential practices, sometimes voluntary servitude, and association with other religious laymen. By the late eighth or ninth centuries, tonsure and change of garments by men were identified by lay and ecclesiastical authorities with entry into the clerical or monastic states. Conversi. particularly of the noble class, were forced to seek a closer accomodation with their secular obligations if they were to remain in secular society. Military duty especially was demanded of them. Conversae of all types, widows, virgins, and married women who adopted continence, continued to change their garments, and veiling seems to have become more closely associated with entry into a religious state. Conciliar canons indicate that bishops attempted to supervise more closely women who openly converted, and to relegate to convents those who caused scandal. In general, we can observe that males who adopted a life of heightened religiosity "in the world" were perceived more often as laymen with ordinary secular obliga­ tions, while women who underwent conversion were more easily 246 identified with a class of relioiosae which included the cloistered by the outward forms of their entry into the religious life. NOTES TO CHAPTER IV Among the autobiographical statements uie possess are these: St. Radegund's Testamentum recorded in Gregory of Tours, H.F. IX:39, IYIGH SRffl I, p.162; St. Bertichramnus' Testamentum. PL.. LXXX, cols.387-410. Gregory of Tours, H.F. VIII:15, MGH SRffl I, p.333-334, repeated the story of the conversion of the ex-stylite Vulfolaic as it was told to him by Vulfolaic himself. There is also the autobiographical "Eucharisticos" of Paulinus of Pella, and the letter from Salvian and Palladia to her parents on their conversion. None of these sources has much to say about long-range motives for conversion, since they are all, with the possible exception of the "Eucharisticos," written for other purposes. 9 On, the authorship of the Vita Elio.ii see L. Van der Essen, Etude critique et litteraire sur les Vitae des saints merovinciens de l'ancienne Beloigue (Louvain, 1907), p.329-336. 3 Gregory of Tours, "De virtutibus S. Martini" 11:18, JjTGH SRffl I, p.615: Tamen post receptam sanitatem, cum coepisset vinum uti superflue, corpusque a diu abstento imbre maduisset, latus ei cum uno pede manuque contrahitur. Se parsimoniae se iterum deputans caputque tunsorans, rursum beati virtute redditur sanitati." 4 Ibid., 111:19, p.637: "Abrincatus quoque incola, cui per sex annos videndi usus fuerat denegatus, beati confessoris expatiit salvari praesidio. Ad cuius basilicam accedens, multoque tempore ieiuniis et orationibus vacans, auxilium beati implorat antistitis. Denique adveniente sacrosancta festivitate, populis missarum solemnia spectantibus, huic visus est redditus; rediitque in patriam videns, qui ad sanctam basilicam alio deducente pervenerat. Pro tantae pietatis gaudia vovit se ibidem tonsorari, quod postea rediens devotus implevit." 5 Ibid., 11:9, p.612: "Gunthedrudis quaedam de Virmandense terreturio oculorum lumen perdiderat; quae relinquens domum et patriam, fide commonente, venit ad sanctam basilicam, ibique diebus multis deserviens, unius oculi meruit recipere visum. Qui mox oblita virum et filios, vesteque mutata, ad relegionem eclesiasticam, Domino inspirante, transivit." "Vitae Galli auctore Walahfrido Liber II," c.38, fflGH SRM IV, p.334: In eodem monasterio inter scolasticos tunc 247 24B temporis erat quidam puerulusi pauperculis licet parentibus oriundus.... Cumque immatura rnorta utriusque parentis solatio nudaretur, quamvis cottidianum victum suis laboribus assidue quaeritaret.... Is lateris quodam dolore percussus... Qui die altera, ulceribus iam superductis, sanus inventus, ob memoriam redditae sibi sanitatis reliquum vitae tempus in eiusdem sancti loci excubiis fideli devotione transegit." 7 "Vita S. (Ylelanii Episcopi Rhedonensis," c.3, AAS5, Jan. I, p.330: "..•quaedam matrona nobilis genere.*.jacuerat autem duodecim annis aegrota, ita ut nusquam pergere, numquam vel de lectulo sine alterius adjutorio potuisset exurgere.... Quae mox surgens, et supra pedes proprios se erigens, omnipotenti Deo egit gratias, qui earn per suum sanctum Pontificemfflelanium reddidera t sanitati.... Sua omnia beato Pontifici tradidit, et ei postmodum, Domino servitura, adhaesit." Q Gregory of Tours, "De virtutibus S. Martini" 111:15, MGH SRM I, p.636: A certain Gundulfus lived as a boy with Gunthar, son of King Chlotar. in climbing a tree on the King's orders, he fell and lamed a foot. Many years later, he lamed the other foot in falling from a horse. He was carried to the basilica of St. Martin, where he prayed pros­ trate on the pavement. He rose cured. Then he resolved to convert: "Tandem, inspectas propriae conscientiae noxas, converti decrevit, scilicet, ut humiliatis capillis ipsi sancto deserviret antestiti.... Capite tunsorato, impleto bonae diliberationis voto, pes eius, qui effractis ossibus fuerat breviatus, elongatur." 9"Vita Eptadii Presbyteri Cervidunensis," c.3-4, IY1GH SF{IY| Hit p. 187: "Et inter reliquos venientium, qui praefati assidue egrotum corpusculum requirebant, tres ad eum honeste virgines, Deo sacrate puelle visitando venerunt. Quas ille ut dignissimas Christi lampades sibi placuisse prospexit, statimque se Deo ex integra fide et animum intentum religione devovit ei qui in indivisa Trinitate magestatem subsistit.... Repente mutatur, ex omnibus deseritur mundi milicia, caelestis desiderio adsumitur, seculi pompa calcatur, humilitas eligitur, et substantia dispensatur in pauperibus." This vita goes on to describe his penitential asceticisms. 10 "Vita Landiberti Episcopi Traiectensis Vetustissima," c.21, NGH SRffl VI. p.374: "Igitur in iam dicta villa Leodio caecus nomen Baldigislus amonitus fuit per visum, ut surgeret et excuparet locum diligenter, ubi vir Dei interfectus fuerat, Expurgefactus a somno, statim luminaria propria receptus quasi numquam fuisset orbatus, iniuncta oboedientia, cum gaudio perseverat, magnificans Deum et sanctum Landibertum, pro cuius merito lumina vitae recepit praesente." 249 11Ibid.. c.22, p.374-375: "Item alius vir in eodem loco nomen Raganfridus, duo capitis luminaria amissa, similiter admonitus est in somnis, emundare locum coepit devotus; lumen tandem receptus, sanus demum ad ipsum locum non discessit servire." 12,1 Vita Pardulfi Abbatis L'Jaractensis," c.2, MGH SROT VII, p.26: "...ob hoc vulnus occulorum lumen amisit; sed claritatem veri luminis per infusionem sancti Spiritus per internos occulos conternplare meruit, caequs corpore et fulgens in opere, temptatus ad tempus et non mortificatus, temporali aspectu paulisper privatus et perpetuo bonorum operum claritate succensus, ita ut videntibus mundi huius claritatem dux fore prevaleret itineris patrie celestis ...." 1 3 Gregory of Tours, "Liber Vitae Patrum," VI: De Sancto Gallo Episcopo," c.1, fiGH SRM I, p.680: "Sanctus denique Gallus ab adulescentia sua devotus Deo esse coepit, diligensque ex tota anima Dominum, et ea quae Oeo dilecta esse noverat dilegebat." When his father wished to marry him off, he ran away to the monastery of Cournon near Clermont and asked the abbot to tonsure him. On the topos of early marriage and refusal to marry, sometimes involving conversio, see Graus, Volk, Herrscher und Heiliqer. p.468-471. 14"Liber Vitae Patrum," XX: "De Sancto Leobardo Reclauso," c.1-2, p.741-742. 15 Gregory of Tours, "Liber in Gloria Confessorum," c.31, WGH SRM I, p.767: "Duos fuisse apud Arvernum, virum scilicet et puellam, refert antiquitas, qui coniuncti coniugio, non coitu, et in uno stratu quiescentes, non sunt ab alterutrum polluti in voluptate carnali. Post multos vero annos, cum eis esset latenter vita castissima, ex consensu pari vir tonsoratur ad clericatum, puella vero religiosum induit vestimentum." 1 fi Liber in Gloria Confessorum. c.74, p.792: '...uxorem simili morum honestate praeclaram sortitus est, cum qua spiritalis dilectionis conhabentia, non luxoria copulatur..•. Igitur longa post tempora mulier declinans caput ad lectulurn, beati viri auribus extrema profert verba, dicens: 'Deprecor, piissime frater, ut post discessum meum,...ut quos unius castitatis dilectio uno conservarit in thoro unius reteneat sepulchri consortio."' Such a request was, of course, tantamount to a request to remain continent forever. 17 Ibid.. c.75, p.793: "Accepto quoque pontificatus ordine, beata soror, quae prius fuerat non libidine, sed castitate viro coniuncta, non passa est ab stratu pontificis 250 submoveri; sed in ilia puritatis castitate quam prius viri castissimi thorum adibat, secura de conscientia mentis sanctae, sciens se uri non posse incentivi ignis ardore." An account of the ordeal by fire follows. 18"Vita S. lYlelanii Episcopi Trecensis," c.2, A_B» XXXIV- XXXV, 1915/16 (1921), p.290-291: His bride, whom he had apparently just met at the wedding, made the following announcement to him on their first night together: "Ego, iuvenis, ab ineunte aetate dicavi pudicitiam Redemptori meo Deo proferens, nihil virginitate dulcius ducens...." There follows a long argument by the bride in favor of virginity, fflelanius, who had apparently not given a thought to continence before, was surprised but convinced: 'Narrante haec virgine Melanius stupit, miratur, exultat, paucisque respondit: ... Gaude, virgo sanctissima, adquaesisti fratrem dum coniugem pertimescis, spiritualique affectu iugale consortium praevenisti." 19 "Vita S. Amatoris episcopi Autissiodorensis," c.4, AASS. Mai, I, p.54. Bishop Valerian of Auxerre performed the wedding ceremony. "Qui dum appopians libellum sacrarum precum dextera arriperet, divino jam instinctu atque providentia perennis naturae humanae opificis; pro societatis coadunatione atque bono conjugali effundere preces cum vellet, sacro eos Levitarum dedicavit officio. Sed nullus astantium, quae ab Episcopo gesta fuerant, nisi tantum hi qui benedictionibus fruebantur, cognoscere potuerunt." Amator used this circumstance to convince his wife on their wedding night to live in continence. 20Salvian, Epistula IV, CSEL. VIII, p.205-212. The lette to his parents-in-law, was written in the names of himself, his wife Palladia, and their daughter Auspiciola. Salvian referred to his conversion (p.206, 11.14-15) and had Palladia mention their agreement on a life of religion and chastity (p.207, 1.23). 21 "Vita Sadalbergae abbatissae Laudunensis," c.S, lYjGH $RM V, p.53-54: "...contra puellae voluntatem earn cuidam viro generositate pollenti Richramno nomine in matrimonio tradiderunt, qui vix earn duobus mensibus iure matrimonii habens, humanis rebus exemptus vita privatus est." C.9, p.54: "...Sadalberga cum per biennium iam viduata resideret, licet sub laico habitu degens, vigiliis, ieiuniis atque elemosinis, in quantum vires suppetebant, intenta, praedita, quae Dei sunt Deo inhiantur reddebat...." 22 "Vita Bavonis Confessoris Gandavensis," c.2, WGH SRffl IV, p.535: 'Tempore quippe suae iuventutis beatus Bavo actibus pravis exercebat saeculi voluntatem. Constans erat in Turpibus et incensus obscenis laterum flexionibus, sed, 251 Christo auxiliante, hoc iuge ipsius vitium cito versum est in bonitatem." C.3, p.536: "Eodem quoque tempore coniunx eius obiit.... Quae postquam migravit de hac luce, aliam noluit ducere uxorem; sed, inspirante Domini misericordia, ad viam conversionis Amandum sanctissimum pontificem expetiit." 23Sidonius, Eoistulae IV. 9:3-4, |GH Auct. ant. VIII, p.51: This letter has been quoted several times. Sidonius mentioned a number of characteristics of conversio in the life-style of Vettius, though he still wore secular dress. He was evidently very attached to his daughter, which may be the reason he had not entered a kind of religious life that would have taken more of his time. C.4, p.98: "Filiam unicam parvam post obitum uxoris relictam solacio caelibatus alit avita teneritudine, materna diligentia, paterno benignitate. ..." 24"Vita Genovefae virginis Parisiensis," c.12, MGH, SRM III, p.219: "Quorum matronas convocans Genuvefa, suadebat, ut ieiuniis et orationibus ac vigiliis insisterent, quatenus possint, sicut Iudith et Ster, superventura clade evadere." There is no indication in this passage that the other women entered conversio. though the matronae may have been professed widows. However, it was an ideal situation to encourage permanent vows to the asceticisms and religious life they were observing. 25 "Vita Droctovei abbatis Parisiensis auctore Gislemaro," c.11, I*1GH SRf/l III, p.540: 'Nam conversi ad Dominum, indictoque ieiunio sibi, induti etiam ciliciis, cum tunica beati Vincentii martyris, eiusdem civitatis olim archydiaconi, cum hymnodiis circuibant muros civitatis. Mulieres quoque pullis amictae palliis, cinerem imponentes capiti, sparsis crinibus, sequebantur reliquum vulgus eiulando planctibus nimiis." This is a ninth-century account of a sixth-century event, but there is no reason to doubt the circumstances of the legend of the cloak of St. Vincent upon which it is based. "Epistula episcoporum provinciae Turonensis ad plebem," Concilium Turonense, a.567, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.197- 198: "...ut, si qui ex vobis sunt in sponsali pactione divincti nee adhuc in matrimonii foedere cupulati, nuptiarum suarum etsi definitum iam tempus sit, licit apostolo vota nuptialia permittente, nos tamen consilium dantes hortamur, ut iusto moderamine debeant ad praesens differe, duplici conditione compulsi, ut aut ira Domini per castimoniam corporis et sinceritatem cordis oratione assidua valeat mitigari...." The bishops also urged the people to penitence, almsgiving, and the dissolution of incestuous unions. 252 97 Hilary, "Sermo de Vita S. Honorati," c.9f Cavallin, p.55: "...qui exemplo ipsius ad conversionem vocatus, et senior juniorem secutus, in ipso brevi quo vixit tempore, sicut collegio ilium, ita etiam virtute comitatus est." 28Salvian, Epistula IV, CSEL. VIII, p.207, 1.23: "Invitavit me ad religionem, invitavit ad castitatem." 29 / Vogel, La discipline penitentielle en Gaule, p.138: "Les Seule conversi ou conversae que nous ccnnaissons appartiennent aux families aristocratiques des Rurice, des Avit ou des Apollinaire...," only this senatorial class had the wealth and leisure to lead such a religious life. I trust that I have by now disproved this contention. It is easy to fall into such a belief, at least concerning conversi of the fifth century, by concentrating on the close circle of related, upper-class conversi mentioned in the letters of Sidonius, Ruricius, and Faustus. JUSidonius, Epistulae IV. 13:4, MGH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.65: 'Nam sacerdotis pater filiusque pontificis, nisi sanctus est, rubo similis efficitur, quern de rosis natum rosasque parientem et genitis gignentibusque floribus medium pungentibus comparanda peccatis dumorum vallat asperitas. ' 31 "Vita Geremari abbatis Flaviacensis,;' c.4, HUGH SRffl IV, p.629 "Dum frequentaret multis temporibus palacium regis, ut consueverat, tractat favens seculo, cui cum omnibus rebus suis se sociare potuisset.... Fecit namque Dominus, ut ex ea generaret unum filium et duas filias. Desponsata vero fuit viro ilia in medio nata, iunior Deo sacrata. Arabe quoque virginitatem professe vitam finierunt, sepulteque sunt in ecclesia beati Remigii...." 32Concilium Parisiense, a.614, c.15, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.279: "De viduabas et puellis, quae sibi in habitu religionis in domos proprias tarn a parentibus quam per se vestem mutaverint...." 33 "Vita Richarii sacerdotis Centulensis primagenia," c.2-3, JHGil §£l!l WHt p.444-446. 34 Eligius influenced Quen and his brother Ado as well as the group of captives he freed. See 'Vita Eligii," c.B-10, MM. S_RJ!l IV, p.675-678. To their circle were added Desiderius, later bishop of Cahors, and Paul, later bishop of Verdun. See "Vita Desiderii," c.4, JVIGH Sfijj] IV, p.566. Ouen influenced Geremarus; see 'Vita Geremari," c.5, ff)GH SRiYl IV, p.629. 35 Gregory of Tours, H.F. X:29, MGH SRffl I, p.440. 253 35Caesarius, Sermo XVIII:2, CCSL. CIII, p.83; Sermo LVI:3, CCSL. CIII, p.249-250; Sermo LXIV:2, CCSL. CIII, p.275-276. 37 Fastidius, "De vita Christiana," c.XXr ad. Haslehurst, The Works of Fastidius (London, 1929), p.102-104. Salvian De oubernatione Dei V:10, CSEL. VIII, p.118-119. Julianus Pomerius, 'De vita contemplativa" 11.4:1-2, £L» LIX, col.448. Gregory of Tours, "Liber Vitae Patrum" XII:2, fflGH SRffl I, p.712-713: A certain Brachio hunted wild boars for a powerful man, Sigiwald. One day he chased a boar into the cell of the hermit Aemilianus. The hermit urged him to abandon his present master and serve God. Bracchio left and pondered leaving the world. He decided to seek some way of becoming a cleric: Sed conpunctus a divina pietate,... aditum quaerere coepit occulte, qualiter clericus esse possit, quia publice propter terrenium dominum non audebat." Instead, he began to engage in long nightly vigils and to teach himself to read. See section 11:9. 39 Gregory of Tours, H.F. 11:1,fflGH SRff l I, p.37: "...mulier, ad quem cubicularii eius vestimenta deferebant aa abluendam, quae sub specie religionis erat veste mutata....'1 Paulinus of Pella, "Eucharisticos," 11.456-462, CSEL. XVI, p.308-309: he did not dare to live in the perfect manner of a monk "...cum mihi plena domus caris affectibus esset, qui sibi servari consuetam indicere curam posse viderentur...." 41 "Vita Wandregiseli abbatis Fontanellensis," c.7, fflGH SRffl, V, p.16: 'Dagobertus rex,...pro eo quod ipsum hominem Dei in iuventute in suo ministerio habuisset, volebat eum inquietare, pro eo quod sine sua iussione se tonsorasset...." See section 11:12 on difficulties of royal servants in becoming monks. 42 Desiderius was made bishop of Cahors by Dagobert I after considerable disorders in the province and at court made it necessary to have someone in the see whom he could trust; see 'Vita Desiderii," c.8, £GH SRJM IV, p.568. Eligius and Ouen left court to become bishops after Dagobert died and was succeeded by a minor, Clovis. 43 Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.13, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.8: "Si se cuicumque quaecumque mulier duplici coniugio presbyteri vel diaconi relicta coniunxerit, aut castigati separentur aut certe, si in crimenum intentione persteterint, pari excommunicatione plectantur.' See also Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.32, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.32-33. Concilium Iflatisconense, a.585, c.16, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.246: "...quae uxor subdiaconi vel exorcistae vel acoliti fuerat, mortuo illo secundo se non audeat sotiare matrimonio." 254 44Gregory of Tours, H.F. 11:17, MH SRJ1 I, p.65: She changed her garments, busied herself in maintaining the basilica, and had special religious observances at meals (she used bread given her by a poor man as euloqion) . 45 See Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.4-8, Cavallin, p.51-55, on the early development of Honoratus' religiosity. His final decision to embrace conversio is described in terms of a long-developing psychological and spiritual crisis: 'Nee longas talis meditatio moras pertulit; sed ilico in flammam conversionis nutrita huiusmodi fomentis scintilla prorupit" (c.8, p.54). 46 °Gregory of Tours, H.F. VIII:15, JO SRW I, p.334: "'Dum essem,' inquid, ' puer parvolus, auditio beati Martini nomine, nesciens adhuc, utrum martyr an confessor esset, vel quid boni in mundo gessisset, vel quae regio beatus artus tumulo mervisset accipere, iam in eius honore vigilias celebrabam, ac, si aliquid inter manus nomismatis advenisset, aelimosinas faciebam. Iamque in maiore aetate proficiens, litteras discere studui.... Deinde Aridio abbati coniunctus ab eoque edoctus, beati Martini basilicam adii." On the topos of early conversion in saints' lives, and on the necessity to exercise caution in dismissing such descriptions as literary rather than actual social conventions! see F. Graus, Volk, Herrscher und Heiliqer im Reich der Werowinqer (Prague, 1965), p.69-70, 74. 48 "Vita Caesarii," c.3, HIGH SRIYl III, p.458: "Qui sanctus ac venerabilis cum septimum seu amplius gereret aetatis annum, ex vestimentis, quae circa se habuisset, absque ulla dubitatione pauperibus tribuebat." 49 HV"\lita Vincentiani," c.4, MGH SM V, p.117: "In puericia vero positus, cepit Domino militare cum apicibus. Erat autem decern annorum, sed inventutem corporis vicebat rigore mentis. Adolescencia computabatur in annis, sed virtus mentis regebatur in membris." 50 'Vita Genovefae, c.1, MiJ S_RJ1 III, p.215: "Sed primum ab ineunte aetate eius devotionem, turn demum gratia Dei in ipsam conlatam fidelibus censui innotisci." C.15, p.220-221: "A quinto decimo namque usque ad quinquagensimo aetatis sue annum a die dominico in quinta feria et a quinta idem die dominico ieiunium desolvit...." Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.27, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.124: ...certe coniugatis nisi ex consensu parcium et aetate iam plena earn dare non audeat.' 255 Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.15, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.201: "Iuuenibus etiam paenitentia non facile committenda est propter aetatis fragilitatem." 53Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.27, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.124: "De paenetentum conversione. ut ne quis benedictionem paenetentiae iuuenibus persunis credere praesumat...." 54 Caesarius, Sermo XVIII, CCSL. CIII, p.82-86i Sermo LVI, CCSL. CIII, p.248-250. 55 Caesarius, Sermo LVI, CCSL. CIII, p.250: "Sed forte, quando generaliter omnes ad paenitentiam provocamus, aliquis xntro se cogitet dicens: Ego iuvenis homo uxorem habens quomodo possum aut capillos minuere aut habitum religionis adsumere? Nee nos hoc dicimus, fratres carissimi, non hoc praedicamus, ut iuvenes, qui coniugia habere videntur, habitum magis quam mores debeant conmutare." 56 ao"Vita Eligii," c.7, MGH SRM IV, p.673: "Non post longum spatium cum iam Eligius virilem ageret aetatem, cupiens se vas Deo exhibere sanctificatum ac metuens, ut ne aliqua suum delicta pectus fuscarent, omnio adulescentiae suae coram sacerdote confessus est acta; sicque sibi austeram inponens paenitentiam...." 57 Eusebius 'Gallicanus', Homilia VIII, c.5, CCSL. CI, p.87: "Quod autem, carissimi, videmus aliquotiens etiam illas animas paenitentiam petere quae ab ineunte adolescentia consecratae pretiosum deo thesaurum devoverunt, inspirare hoc deum pro ecclesiae nostrae profectibus noverimus..•." Though this and other sermons of the collection are sometimes attributed to Faustus of Riez, there is no general agreement on his authorship; see Dekkers, p.212-213, ^966, CO R.^Wetz, "La consecration des vierges en Gaule, des origines a l'apparition des livres liturgiques," Revue de droit canonique. VI (1956), 329-331. Metz seems to assume here that the age of forty was normative, but veiling at twenty-five seems to have been the livelier conciliar tradition in Gaul. 59 Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.202: "Sanctimoniales, quamlibet uita earum et mores probati sint, ante annum aetatis suae quadragensimum non uelentur." 6DConcilium Turonense, a.567, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.186: This canon quoted the Council of Aries forbidding marriage of professed virgins after twenty-five (see note 68 below) and c.26 of the Council of Carthage held in 416: "...ne non uelata moriatur, aut exigentibus parentibus aut 256 his, ad quorum curam pertinat, uelauerit uirginem seu uelauit Intro uiginti quinque annos aetatis...," fi 1 Capitulars Ecclesiasticum, a.789, c.46, MGH Leqes *» p.61: "...ut virgines non velentur ante virginti quinque annos, nisi rationabili necessitate cogente." Concilium Francofurtense, a.794, c.46, MGH Concilia II, p.170: :De virginibus, quo tempore velandi sint vel quibus occupationibus ante annos viginti quinque, si necessitas compellit, ea quaerantur# quae in canone scripta sunt."

for the close correspondence between the veiling of virgins remaining in their own homes and those who were cloistered, see R. Metz, La consecration des vierqes (Paris, 1954), p.218-219; and R.ffletz, "Benedicti o sive consecratio virginum," Ephemerides liturQicae. LXXX (1966), p.276-277. 64Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.19, CC5L. CXLVIIIA, p.155; Edictum Clotarii II, a.614-615, c.18, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.285. 65 A M. Andrieu, ed., Les Ordines Romani du haut moyen age, I: Les manuscrits (Louvain, 1931), p.182: "Wont-Cassin 451...: Consecratio virginum quae a seculo conversae in domibus suis susceptum castitatis habitum privatim observare voluerint. Benedictio velaminum. Require in consecratione virginis...." For other manuscripts which mention veils in connection with virgins in their own homes, see p.380, 437, 452. For manuscripts which mention veils in connection with conversion by change of garments, see p.36, 43, 66, 151, 173, 393, 399, 425. The whole ordo for consecration of virgins in their own homes, with rubrics on veiling, using Andrieu's collations, is in C. Vogel and R. Elze, eds. L,e Pontifical flomano-Germanique du dixieme siecle. I (Vatican, 1963), p.51-54. See section IV:6. 67 For the importance of the benedictio by imposition of hands, the changing of garments, and the public profession of continence which, especially in Gaul, could precede the consecration by veiling, see R. Pfletz, "La consecration des vierges," p.335-339. These ceremonies will be discussed later. 68Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.52, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.124: "De puellis quae se voverunt Deo et praeclari decore nominis floruerunt, si post viginti et quinque annos aetatis ad terrenas nuptias sponte transierint...." 257 69Concilium friatisconense, a.581-583, c.12, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p«226: "De puellis vero, quae se Deo voverint et praeclari decoris aatate ad terrenas nuptias transierint, id custudiendum esse decrevirnus, ut, si qua puella volumtaria aut parentibus suis rogantibus religionem professa vel benedictionem fuerit consecuta et postea ad coniugium aut inlecebras saeculi....'

"Vita Geremari," c.4, NGH SRM IV, p.629: "Desponsata vero fuit viro ilia in medio nata, iunior Deo sacrata. Ambe quoque virginitatem professe vitam finierunt...." See section IV*1, note 31. 71"Vita Columbani,' c.14, JYIGH Sfii IV, p.79: "'Si,' inquit, 'voti vestri est, ut largitoris donum eius nomini consecretis rnihique ex lavacro suscipiendum tradatis, pro vobis ego Domini clementiam implorabo, ut nan solum eum quern Domino vovetis habeatis, verum etiam, quantum volueritis, post pignora suscipiatis.'... Quern vir sanctus suis manibus receptum sacravit sacroque lavacro ablutum ipse suscepit Donatumque nomen inponet matrique ad nutriendum reddit." 72 Ibid., c.26, p.100: "Benedixit ergo vir Dei domum eius filiamque illius nomen Burgundofara, quae infra infantiae annis erat, benedicens, Domino vovit...." 73Ibid., c.26, p.100: "...erantque his filii infra infantiae annis detenti, quos mater ad benedicendum, viro Dei obtulit. Videns ille matris fidem, infantulos sua benedictione sacravit, qui post, mox ut pubescere coeperunt, Chlotharii regis primum ac deinceps Dagoberti gratissimi habiti; qui postquam saeculi gloria fuerunt inlustrati, anhelare coeperunt, ut per gloriam saeculi non carerent aeternam." 74 See section IV: 3. 75 I bid., c.26, p.100: "...quoscumque sacravit, in boni cultus perseverantia dies suprema invenit." 76Venantius Fortunatus, "Vita S. Albini," c.41, MGH Auct. ant. IV, p.31: "...unus de obsequentibus iam conversus adolescentulus, quern pro qualitate morum peculiarius diligebat...." "Vita abbatum Acaunensium, ' c.9, WGH smvi III, p.178-179: Hie in aduliscentia cum patre Heraclio in Gratianopolitano tarritorio militiam agitavit. Post paucum temporis horruit mundi huius inlecebram et monasterium Grenencense expetiit. Parentes autem dissimulabant eum, eo quod non possit districtionern rnonasterii sustinere.... Cui dixerunt: 'Si istud desideras, aptabis corpus ad 258 poenam,' quod postea vir devotus cum patientia magna sustenuit. 7fl "Vita Genov/efae," c.28, HIGH §M III, p.226-227: "Puella quaedam ia.-n nobilis et iam desponsata nomine Caelinia, ut conperit tantam gratiam Christo Genov/efe conlatam, petiit sibi ab earn veste mutare. Quod cum aduliscens, cui fuerat promissa, audisset, protinus indignatione repletus ffleldus urbem, ubi Cilinia cum Genovefa morabatur, advenit." 79 *"Vita Austrigisili," c.14, MGH SRM IV, p.199: "... puella adulescentula, parentibus amantissima, nomine Friovala, quam nequissimus spiritus oppressione crudeli cruciatu vexabat.... Benedixit vestimenta eius et velari earn parentibus religiosa v/este precoepit et a carnibus et vino abstinere debere dixit; quod et factum est." The girl later entered a convent. Bfl "Vita Columbani abbatis discipulorumque eius Liber II, c.8, WGH SRI*] IV, p. 122: "Quam cum vidisset, sciscitatus est, utrum iuvenilis animus ad cultum divini timoris adspiraret. Affactim, ut tenera quiverat aetas, ait se paratam esse sacris praeconiis obtemperare...." After she had fasted for two days, Eustasius healed her with holy oil. "...ut haec, quae lumen reciperet, post divina munera uberius ad cultum timoris Deo adspiraret." 81"Vita Sadalberga," c.6,fflGH SRffl V, p.53: "...contra puella voluntatem earn cuidam viro generositate pollenti Richramno nomine in matrimonio tradiderunt..•." DO ^Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, c.475, c.36, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.172: "Viduae adulescentes, quae corpora debiles sunt, sumptu ecclesiae, cuius viduae sunt, sustententur." I bid., c.68, p.177: "...adulescentiores viduae vel sanctimoniales clericorum familiaritatibus subiciantur." 84 Ibid.. c.104, p.185: '...si viduae, quamlibet adhuc in rninoribus annis positae et immatura aetate a viro relictae, se devoverint Deo et veste laicali abiecta sub testimonio episcopi et ecclesiae religioso habitu apparuerint ..." Such are to be excommunicated if they marry. Munier has added an editor's note on this canon advising that it appears in only one manuscript and is spurious. Since we are concerned only with the existence of such young professed widows, it is not crucial to us whether it was part of the original collection. Indeed, the addition is even more interesting in that it suggests a continuing concern with youthful widows who had dedicated themselves to religion. 259 85Concilium Latunense, a.673-675, c.13, CCSt,. CXLVIIIA, p.316: Professed widows were allowed to live in their own homes, but "...si neglegentes de castitate earum extiterint, ad eas revertentes in monasterio trudantur*" Concilium Arausicanum I, a.441, c.3, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.78-79; Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.28, p.120; Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.20, p.170; Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.36, CCSL. CXLVIIIA,p.33-34. 87Sidonius, Epistulae IV. 13:1,fflGH Auct . ant. VIII, p.65: Sidonius said that Germanicus had passed "duodecim lustra". C.4 of the same letter: 'Et quoniam nemo ferme est, qui plectibilibus careat occultis, ipse super his, quae clam commissa reminiscitur, palam fusa satisfactione solvatur." 88"Vita Aridii," c.8, MGH SRM III, p.585: 'Igitur beata Pelagia, mutato saeculari habitu, induitur sanctimoniale vestimento; efficitur in Dei amore religiosa, filium bene conversum Dei ortatur ad praemium." Pelagia's life as a professed widow was certainly active no matter what her age: Aridius left to her the running of the entire estate, servants, crops and vineyards, and the duty of supplying food and clothing for the monks of the monastery he founded. See Gregory of Tours, H.F. X:29,ffiGH SRJYl I, p.440-441. 89 Ibid.. c.2, p.582: "Plerique vero a primaeva aetate, nonnulli in adulescentia vel in iuventute, multi in senectute militantes Deo adherere conati sunt, ut qui dudum temptamenta mundi tolaverunt." 90 See note 79 above, in which the "puella adulescentula" was ordered to be veiled by Austrigisil, as well as having her garments changed. 91 See I. Feusi, Das Institut der Gottgeweihten Junofrauen (Freiburg, 1917), p.169: she thought that children might take "vows" on their own, without their parents' knowledge, and that the act did not necessarily involve an ecclesiastical consecration in order to be valid. 92 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.5, Cavallin, p.51-53. See section 11:1. 93 » Poschmann, p.129, discusses whether "das Gelobnis der vita religiosa oder des aszetischen Lebens" may be seen as a counterpart to public penance; p.135-136 mentions a "Profess gesprochen" as a possible indication of conversio or penance. Vogel, La discipline penitentielle. p.129 denies that terms such as professus penitentiam and relioio professionis refer to any special vow of abstinence taken by the penitent, the 260 state of penance itself being a sufficient guarantee of a life of abstinence; nevertheless, p.134 mentions a "v/oeu de chastete' as the promise of reliqjo made by a conversus. It would seem instead that uinat holds for the state of penance holds equally for the state of conversio. It did not occur to Galtier to discuss vows in entry into conversio. probably because he intended to show a close similarity between conversio and private penance, and vows would have set conversi too clearly apart. 94 "Se vovere Deo1': Concilium Valentinum, a.374, c.2, CCSL, CXLVIII, p.38: Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.52, p.124; Concilium pr.atisconense, a.581-583, c.12, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.226; Edictum Clotarii II, a.614-615, c.18, p.285; Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.104f CCSL. CXLVIII, p.185. 95 "Religionem professae": Con. Aurelianense, a.538, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.121; "virginitatem professae': Con. Veneticum, a.461-491, c.4, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.152; "viduitatis...professionem': Con. Arausicanum, a.441, c.26, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.85; "professus est paenitentia": Con. Turonense, a.461, c.8, CCSL, CXLVIII, p.146; "qui prius conversionis proposito professi fuerint castitatem': Con. Arausicanum, a.441, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.84; "professae continentiam": Statuta Ecclesiae Antiqua, a.475, c.104, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.185. These citations are only examples. "Professas viduas ': Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.46, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.123. 97 "Sub paenetentis professione": Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.11, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.8. "Sanctam religionis professionem": Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.25, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.119. 99 "Devotus Deo": Gregory of Tours, "Liber Vitae Patrum" VIM, fflCii SJ3JV] I, p.680. "Se Dei.. .dedicavit" ; 'Liber Vitae Patrum" XIV:1, p.718. 100"Vita Trudonis," c.4, JY!GH SRJ} VI, p.278: "...igne divini amoris succensus, abstinentiae et castitatis orationisque et assiduum vigiliarum et elemosinarum inmortali Domino rependebat cultum.' C.8, p.281: his garments made him seem a lowly person ("despectis vestimentis indutus"). This explanation is only to prove that Trudo was marked as a conversus by his appearance and way of life rather than by his vow* 101 Ibid.. c.3, p.277: "...praeces omnipotenti Domino fudit in eodem loco votumque vovit Deo, quod...in sua propria hereditate ecclesiam aedificaret." The postponed fulfillment 261 of his vow is a central theme of his vita. He was reminded of it in a dream after one of his nightly vigils (c.5, p.279); bishop Chlodulf of Itietz learned of it (c.7, p.280): the importance of the vow was stressed in no uncertain terms: " ...vovens vovisti votum in pueritia tua....'' But his life °f conversio was not begun by the vow and was independent of it. 102Gregory of Tours, "Liber Vitas Patrum XVII:5, MGH SRfl) I, p.732-733: 'Ego autem vovi, ne prius comam capitis tonderem, quam tuis obtutibus praesentarer.' Tunc iussu episcopi tonsoratus homo Arvernum adiit, unde se esse confessus est.-1

103"De virtutibus S. martini" 111:19, MGH SRW I, p.637: "Pro tantae pietatis gaudia vovit se ibidem tonsorari, quod postea rediens devotus implevit." Ibid., 111:15, p.636: Quo facto, capite tunsorato, impleto bonae diliberationis voto...." 105Sidonius, Epistulae IV.15:2, MGH Auct. Ant. VIII, p.67: Quod restat optamus, ut deo nostro per uberes annos, sicut vota redditis, ita reddenda voveatis, idque non solum religione celata, sed et conversione manifesta." "Vita Theudarii abbatis Viennansis auctore Adone, ' c.2,fllGH SRIY1 III, p.526: Sarcina igitur temporali exhoneratus ac saeculi veste ad plenum nudatus, ut perfectius domino Iesu Christo serviret, Lyrinense coenobium expetere cogitavit." Unfortunately, this is not a contemporary vita, having been composed in the third quarter of the ninth century. Ado apparently had access to reliable sources, however (Krusch, p.525). 107 Ibid., c.4, p.527: "Substitit itaque ibi beatus Teudarius secundum voluntatem beati Caesarii, et die noctuque ieiuniis, vigiliis et orationibus votum animi sui Oeo committens..•. 108"Vita Genovefae," c.5, mCH SRJl III, p.216: 'Cui sanctus Germanus dixit: 'Queso, ne verearis mihi profiteri, si vis in sanctimonio consecrata Christo inmaculatum et intactum corpus tuum, quemadmodum sponsa eius, servara? Cui Genevefa respondit: 'Benedictus tu, mi pater, quia que desidero sciscitas, si ambio adipisci. Volo,' inquid, 'sancte pater, et ora, ut devotionem meam Dominus implere dignetur.' 109 Loc.cit.: Pervenientes ergo ad ecclesiam, cursum spiritalem nona atque duodecima caelebrantes, semper sanctus Germanus manum suam super caput eius tenuit...." This was 262 not her actual consecration as a virgin, for that occurred shortly afterward: c.B, p.216; see Metz, "La consecration des vierges en Gaule, p.334-335. 110 "Vita Columbani abbatis discipulorumque eius Liber II,' c.7, MGH SR.f'l IV, p.122: "Quam cum vidisset, sciscitatus est, utrum iuvenilis animus ad cultum divini timoris adspiraret." 111 She was married against her will: 'Vita Sadalberga,' C.6, MGH SRM V, p.53. 1 "1 o "Ordo conversorum conversarumque," ed. Ferotin, Le Liber Qrdinum, col.82: "In primis, ut postulet sacerdotem a quo se religiosum exoptat fieri." 113 "Ordo Conversorum Conversarumque," Le Liber Qrdinum, ed. Ferotin, col.84. The entire litany is too long to cite in full, but, by way of example, it begins thus: Sit uite probabilis.-Amen. Sit sapiens et humilis.-Amen. Sit scientia verus.-Amen. Obedientia clarus.-Amen.'' 114 I bid., col.85-86: 'lYlonacus vero in cenobio, quum hunc predictum ordinem primitus susceperit, ita ut stabilitatem professionis sue per adnotationem sui nominis firmet, hie ordo servabitur....et roborato proprio nomine in pactionis libello per manum abbatis, suscipiunt eum deducendum ad altare presbiter et diaconus.... ' 115 The Benedictine "promissio" was a verbal profession: see T. McLaughlin, Le tres ancien droit monastique (Paris, 1935), p.68. One seeking entry to a monastery committed himself to strict observance of whatever rule it was using. In fact, the "vow of religion' in reference to monks probably referred to the whole act of entry in the same way that the "vows" of other conversi did. In the Benedictine rule, however, the one seeking entry did make a solemn promise to the abbot, in the presence of all, and did sign his name to a written formula professing stability, obedience, and conversio morum; poverty and chastity were, of course, subsumed under the latter. For a summary and bibliography on all this see P. Sejourne, "Voeux de religion,' Diet, de theoloqie catholique. XV, part 2» col.3270 ff. For the meaning and formulae of early Benedictine vows, see McLaughlin, p.66-67. For the conversus remaining "in the world," only the commitment to chastity would have been applicable. !ile must guard against reading the more specific, later medieval understanding of monastic vows into the "vows of the conversi. The larger distinction to be made here is that conversi probably did not make any spoken or written promises as part of their ceremony of entry. Perhaps it should be noted here that a letter of petition in monasterio conversare" in the Marculf Formulary (seventh-eighth century) 263 promises obedience to the abbot with no mention of the rulei while a similar letter of petition from the ninth century in the JYjGH "Formulae Extravagantes ' promises ' stabilitatem meam et conversionem morum et oboedientiam secundum regulam sancti Benedicti coram Deo et Sanctis eius.' The increasing influence of the Benedictine rule on the concept of monastic vows is obvious. (MGH Formulae, p.104, p.570.) 11 ft It is contained in the "Vita Columbani," completed by Jonas in 642. Burgundofara was blessed by Columban in 610; she died around 660. 117 "Vita Columbani abbatis discipulorumque eius Liber II," c.7, HIGH SRffl IV, p.120: "Eusthasius patrem increpat, dicens, suae noxae esse, quod haec tantis ureretur poenis, quia viri Dei interdictum violare vellet. At ille dissimulans:... Nan se talibus votis obstare debere ait. Accedens itaque ad stratum puellae, sciscitatur, si suae fuerit adsentationis, quod contra beati Columbani interdictum post vota caelestia rursus iteraret terrena. Ast puello detestatur, se talibus votis numquam paruisse, ut terrenis caelestia commutaret... .'• 11 fi Ibid.i c.7, p.121: "Cumque pater cerneret sospitate filiam redditam, sponso tradi decernit, pollicitatione pristinae caecam oblivionis foveam inferens." The father's understanding of the vows' is never elucidated by Jonas, except that Eustasius reproached him for pursuing his daughter to forcibly marry her off, so presumably the abbot thought that the father should have some understanding of her religious status. 119 See chapter I. 120 'Vita Columbani," 11:7, p.121: "...religionis vestem per pontificem urbis illius Gundoaldum nomine induit sacravitque salutaribus sacramentis." 121 Ibid., c.7, p.120: ...eratque simul cum patre matreque filia Burgundofara, quam...beatus Columbanus Domino sacraverat. 122 "Vitae Columbani abbatis discipulorumque eius Liber I," c.26, p.100: "Benidixit ergo vir Dei domum eius filiamque illius nomen Burgundofara, quae infra infantiae annis erat, benedicens, Domino vovit...." 123 "Vitae Caesarii episcopi Arelatensis Libri Duo," c.4, ITIGH SRIY) III, p.458: ' ... praemissa supplicatione, prostravit petens, ut ablatis sibi capillis mutatoque habitu, divino eum pontifex servitio manciparet.... Agente ergo pontifice gratias Christo, nulla extitit votis 264 optimis mora." Caesarius died in 542. The vita was completed before 549 by a team of knowledgeable clerics at the request of Caesarius' sister. See Dekkers, p.226, #1018, and Beck, p.xxxv. 124 See section 11:14. 195 "l/irtutes Fursei abbatis Latiniacensis," c.23, p.449: "Postea ipsa veniens cum omni domu sua et cum parentibus, se ipsos et cuncta propria Deo pro meritis sancti Fursei voverunt et postea multis vixerunt annis." It is difficult to see how they could have vowed the property except by giving it some how to the saint's shrine (or some other foundation in his honor), and a charter would certainly be necessary in such a case. It is possible that they dedicated the property to Fursa symbolically and paid only an annual rent or some other symbolic gift to the shrine, but the existence of a charter still seems likely in such a case. It seems more probable, however, that to "vow" the property meant to promise its ownership to the saint through the foundation built in his honor. Probably they retained usufruct of the property during their own lifetimes, as was usual in charters donating all of one's estates to a monastery. I have been unable to find an example of a charter mentioning the simultaneous entry of the former possessor into servitium. However, there is an interesting charter of donation from Fulda, from the late eighth century, by which an "ancilla Christi" gave her entire landed inheritance to St. Boniface, buried at Fulda, while at the same time she "vows and promises' to leave worldly vanities and enter a certain convent fed. E. Stengel, Urkundenbuch des Klosters Fulda, Histqrische Kommission fur Hessen. X (Warburg, 1951), p.321-324;) . 127 "l/irtutes Fursei," c.21, p.448: "Quae diu iacens iuxta sancti sepulchrum, quicquid a iuventute adquisivit, Christo propter amorem sancti Fursei vovit...." 1 98 I bid., c.B, p.443: "Ipsi conversi Deum, pro amore sancti se et cuncta propria in munus detulerunt salvatori." 12 Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.15, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.201: "Paenitentes, tempore quo paenitentiam petunt, impositionem manuum et cilicium super caput a sacerdote sicut ubique constitutum est, consequantur; et si aut comas non deposuerint, aut vestimenta non mutauerint, abiiciantur et nisi digne paenituerint, non recipiantur." See l/ogel, La discipline oenitentielle. p.108. 130 Concilium Toletanum, a.589, c.12, Mansi, IX, col.996: "•..si vir est,... • prius eum tondeat.... saepius enim laicis tribuendo desidiose poenitentiam, ad lamentanda rursus facinora post acceptam poenitentiam relabuntur." 265 131 Loc.cit.: "...si vir est,...prius eum tondaat, at sic posnitentiam ei tradat; si vero mulier fuerit, non accipiat poenitentiam, nisi prius mutaverit habitum...." 132Caesarius, Sermo LVI.-3, CCSL. CI II, p.250: "Sed forte, quando generaliter omnes ad paenitentiam provocamus, aliquis intra se cogitet dicens: Ego iuvenis homo uxorem habans quomodo possum aut capillos minuere aut habitum religionis adsumere? Nee nos hoc dicimus, fratres carissimi, non hoc praedicamus, ut iuvenes, qui coniugia habere videntur, habitum magis quam mores debeant conmutare." fflorin (p.24B) calls this sermon an "admonition of St. Faustus', so that this Gallican tradition would seem to hold for the mid-fifth to the mid-sixth centuries.

133Caesarius, Sermo LXl/:2, CCSL, CIII, p.280: "Sed forte est aliquis qui dicat: Ego in militia positus sum, uxorem habeo, et ideo paenitentiam agere quomodo possum? Quasi nos, quando paenitentiam suademus, hoc dicamus, ut unusquisque magis sibi capillos studeat auferre, et non peccata dimittere; et vestimenta potius evellat, quam mores." See chapter III for the general relationship and affinities between voluntary penance and other forms of conversio. 135 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.8, "...ilico in flammam conversionis nutrita huiusmodi fomentis scintilla proripuit.... Rediguntur ad breves capillos luxuriantes comae; transfertur ad nitorem mentis vestium splendor." 136"Vita Caesarii," c.4, MGH SM. lilt p.458: "... seque illius temporis pontificis sancti Silvestri vestigiis, praemissa supplicatione, prostravit, petens, ut ablatis sibi capillis mutatoque habitu, divino eum pontifex servitio manciparet...." 1 37 See Galtier, "Penitents et 'convertis'," p.283-291. 138See "Vita Sigiramni," c.3, JO SRW 11/, p.608, on his lay religious life while in royal service. C.5, p.609: "...sic demum quod dudum exoptaverat sui capitis comam, ut perpetim Christi in sorte clericus permaneret, totondit. Quod audiens pontifex qui tunc huius preerat civitatis, grantanter accepit, quodque eciam hac in re peractum erat, libenter indulsit, immo etiam exin gremio fidelium clericorum eum collocare decrevit...." 139 See section II:12. 140 'Vita Uiandregiseli," c.4, jYjjGH SRJYl V, p.15: "Fit ex utraque parte consensus; ipsi autem sibi comam capitis deposuit et ei velamenti gracia circumdedit." 266 141 Ibid.. c.5, p.15: "Adhuc cum esset in laico ordine.... Ibid., c.7, p.16: "Dagobertus rex,...pro eo quod ipsum hominem Dei in iuventute in suo ministerio habuisset, volebat eum inquietare, pro eo quod sine sua iussione se tonsorasset, et ipsum in suo palacio perducere iussit." See section 11:14 on voluntary servitude. Gregory of Tours, "De virtutibus S. ttartini" 111:15, PIGH SRffl I, p.636: Tandem, inspectas propriae conscientiae noxas, converti decrevit, scilicet, ut humiliatis capillis ipsi sancto deserviret antestiti. Sed prius a regem praeceptum elicuit, ut res omnes basilicae traderet vivens. Quo facto, capite tunsorato, impleto bonae diliberationis voto.... ' 145 Gregory of Tours, 'De virtutibus S. Martini" 11:4, MCH SRffi I, p.611: "Qui, tunsorato capite, accepta libertate, beati domni usibus nunc deservit.' 1 4fi "Vita Trudonis confessoris Hasbaniensis auctore Donato," c.24, WGH SRM VI, p.293: "Fuit namque quidam vir nomine Harifridus consanguinea lege sancto patri propinqjus. Hie ergo ammonitus fuerat a beatissimo patre, ut ob castitatis observantiam nusquam duxisset uxorem; at ille post obitum viri Dei hoc verbum postponens uxorem duxit.' St. Trudo then appeared to him in a dream and struck his leg with lameness. "Salubre autem idem praedictus Harifridus, exigentibus beati patris meritis, cogitans, relicto seculari servitio, ad limina beati patris proficiscens, comam capitis sui deponens, cunctam hereditatem suam ad sepulchrum sancti Trudonis tradidit, ibique in Domini famulatu usque ad vitae suae terminum sanctam conversationem perduxit. 147 "Benedictio super parvulum, qui in ecclesia ad ministerium Dei detonditur, ' Le Liber Urdinum. ed. Fe'rotin, cols. 39-40. 148 Ibid., col.39: "...presentem seruum tuum Ilium. ad te ex seculari vita conversum...." Ritual A is contained in Ferotin's footnote 2, col.39: "...ut proficiat a te, Christe, in sapientia et castitate.•.•" 150 Loc.cit.: "...qui ad cultum religionis deuotissime propter honorem nominis tui offertur Sanctis martyribus IJLlis tuis, ut in Ecclesia tua catholica iugiter deserviens, per interuentu omnium sanctorum tuorum concedas ei misericortiiam tuam....'' 267 151 Ibid., col.40: "fflanda, Deus, benedictionem et vitam usque in seculum huic famulo tuo Illo, ut ungentum quod descendit in capite totum maneat et in corpore...." Sidonius, Eoistulae IV.24:3, IflGHt Auct. ant. VIII, p.75: "Habitus viro, gradus pudor, color sermo religiosus, turn coma brevis barba prolixa...." 153 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.8, Cavallin, p.54: "Rediguntur ad breves capillos luxuriantes comae.'1 154 "Vita Bavonis," c.9, MGH SM IV, p.541: "Rogo, ut propter scelus in te commissum corpus meum flagellis cedas caputque meum more latronum decalves et me vinctum pedibus ac manibus, ut dignus sum, in custodiam trudas.' 155 Dn tonsure as punishment see "Capitulare Missorum Aquisgranense Primum,' a.809, c.11, IYIGH Capitularia I (Legum Sectio II), p.150; "Capitula Legibus Addenda," a.818-819, c.16, MGH Capitularia I, p.284. 1 ^fi Ferotin, ed., Le Liber Qrdinum, col.83: 'Et fixis genibus tondit eum: ita ut, dum crucem tonsionis in capite eius facit...." 157 "Uratio super eum qui capillos in sola fronte tondere vult," Le Liber Qrdinum, ed. Ferotin, cols.37-38. 1 ^fl I bid.. col.37: "...ut huic famulo tuo Illo, quum ei manum in nomine tuo inponemus...." Col.38: "...ut per huius benedictionis copiam ad iuuenilem se etatem pervenire congaudeat, letabundus cum parentibus...." 159 See section IV:2. 1 fin "Vita Eligii episcopi: Noviomagensis Liber I," c.t-c.12, IY1GH SRM IV, p.573-680. 161 See notes 81-83 and Section 11:12. See Section IV:5. Concilium Latunense, a.673-675, c.13, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.316: "Illas vero, quas Domini sacerdotes religioso ordine vivere cognoverint, liceat eis in domibus earum caste pieque conversare; ut vero, si neglegentes de castitate earum extiterint, ad eas revertentes in monasterio trudantur. ' 164 Pipini Regis capitulare Vernense duplex a.755, c.11, MGH Concilia II, p.26: "De illis hominibus qui se dicunt propter Deum quod se tunsorassint, et modo res eorum vel pecunia habent, et nee sub manu episcopi sunt, nee in 268 monasterium regulare vivunt, placuit ut in monasterio sint sub ordine regulari, aut sub manu episcopi sub ordine canonica. Et si aliter fecerint, et correcti ab episcopo suo se emendare noluerint, excommunicentur." 165 On the status of boys tonsured without parental consent, see the Concordia Episcoporum, a.813, c.12, MGH Concilia II* p.298-299; and Council of Aix-la-Chapelle, a.817, c.20. 1 fifi Concilium Neuchingense, a.772, c.18, [YIGH Concilia II, p.103: "Ut nullus post tonsuram capillos usu populari nutrire presumat,...ut, si quis...in hoc vitio reperti fuerint, aut corripiantur aut excommunicentur.' 1 fi7 Concilia Rispacense, Frisingense, Salisburgense, a.800, c.44, mGH Concilia II, p.212: "Lit nullus de nobilibus neque abbas neque presbiter tonderi audeat, antequam in praesentia episcopi examinetur eius causa, ad cuius diocesim pertinet. Et si aliquas res vel ad monasterium vel ad eclesiam tradiderit, ubi tonsuratus est, ibi sub canonica vel regulari maneat vita. Si autem postea in propria sua residere vult, faciat hostem ut ceteri laici." "Vita S. Geraldi comitis, conditoris abbatiae Aureliancensis, 11:17, auctore Odone," PJ^, CXXXIII, col.680: "...res suas eidem beato Petro delegavit. Hanc sibi legem praefixerat, ut secundo semper anno ad sepulcrum eorum recurreret, decemque solidos ad proprium collum dependentes, tanquam supplex servus, Domino suo quasi censum deferret.'' He also performed the Divine Office; 1:11, col.649: "... domi vel foris divinum officium, aut simul, aut viritim exercebat." See D. Baker, "Vir Dei: Secular Sanctity in the Early Tenth Century," Popular Belief and Practice (Cambridge, 1972), p.45-46. 169 Ibjd., 11:2-3, cols. 670-671: "...ita attonsus est ut hoc hominibus lateret, superno autem inspectori manifestum esset. Barbam sibi equidem cum novacula mutilavit, quam ad modum coronae, per caput suum ducens, de capillis quoque partem recidebat.... Ad celandam plane sui tonsuram facile reperit argumentum. Barbam quippe veluti onerosam recidebat, et quoniam ab occipitio capilli defluxerant; celabat in vertice coronam, quam, et tiaram jugiter ferens cooperiebat." 170 Ibid., 1:8, col.647: "Nemo sane moveatur, quod homo Justus usum praeliandi, qui. incongruus religioni videtur, aliquando habuerit." See section 11:15, note 276. See Baker, p.49-52. 171 See section 11:4. 269

1 72 Gennadius, "Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum," c.xxii, J.T.S.. VII (1906), p.94: "Sed [et^ secreta satisfactione solui mortalia crimina non negamus, sed mutato prius saeculari habitu et confesso religionis studio per vitae correctionem...." 173 See section 111:6. i in * See section IV:4 on their tonsure. 175 "Vita Lupi episcopi Trecensis," c.2, IY1GH SRIYl VII, p.296: "Turn ille superni spiritus vigors flammatus, transferens ad nitorem mentium vestis ornatum...." The image, as the editor, Krusch, pointed out, was taken from Hilary's life of Honoratus. The life is probably earlier than Krusch's estimate of the eighth century: Dekkers, p.218, #989. 176 Gregory of Tours, "Liber in Gloria Confessorum," c.42, lYiGH SRIYi I . p.774: "In hac enim basilica et sancta Florida quiescit, quae,.ut fuerunt incolae, veste mutata, religiosa valde fuit." 1 77 Concilium Haristallense, a.779, c.18, |Y!GH Leges I, p.38: "...Ancilla vero quae cum voluntate domini sui vestem religiosam susceperit, et postmodum adulteraverit aut maritum duxerit, sit dominus eius culpabilis." 178Concilium Arausicanum I, a.441, c.26, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.85: "Viduitatis servandae professionem coram episcopo in secretario habitum imposita ab episcopo veste viduali indicandam...." A Rosambert, La veuve en droit canonigue (Paris, 1923), p.73 cited this canon to prove that as early as this, widows did not receive their habits from the bishop, but from "a simple priest delegated by the bishop." The canon seems to me to suggest the opposite. 179 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.104, CCSL CXLVIII, p.185: "...se devoverint Deo et veste laicali abiecta sub testimonie episcopi et ecclesiae religioso habitu apparuerint...." The canon was speaking of widows still in their minority, but this passage must be a description of the rite for any profession of widowhood. This canon was considered spurious by the editor, Muniert but that matters little for our purpose, since we are interested simply in popular practice. 180 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, c.99, p.184: "Sanctimonialis virgo, cum ad consecrationem sui episcopo offertur, in talibus vestibus applicetur qualibus semper usura est, professioni et sanctimoniae aptis." The use of the passive ("applicetur") rather than the participle suggests that she was not already wearing.religious garments. 270 181 Ordo conversorum conversarumque," LB Liber Ordinum, ed. Ferotin, col.82: 'Tradit si tonsurias, si vir fuerit: si autem mulier, vestem religionis. Hie vero induit earn western religionis...." 182,,\/ita Genovefae," c.28, WGhl SRM Hit p.226-227: "Puella quaedam iam nobilis et iam desponsata nomina Caelinia, ut conperit tantam gratiam Christo Genovefae conlatam, petiit sibi ab earn vests mutare." 183"Vita Galli auctore Wettino," c.22, MGH SRI IV, p.268: "Quo inlucescente, ingressa est [ecclesiarnj Stephani martyris, clausis post tergum hbstiis; ubi se exuit regiis vestibus indutaque est sanctimonialibus." She had supposedly been dressed to marry King Sigibert II, who ruled briefly over Austrasia and Burgundy in 613. The incident itself may have little historical value, but it must have been believable for a virgin to change her own garments.

184Concilium Turonense, a.567, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.187: "Et excludatur excusationis adinventio, quod modo alique dicere meditantur, quod propterea se veste mutaverintt ne eas inferiores personae macularint," for, the bishop said, virgins and widows were protected by royal decree from being carried off against the wishes of their parents.

185"Vita Sanctae Radegundis," c.12, MGJH, Auct. ant. IV p.41: "Quo sanctissima cognito intrans in sacrarium, monicha veste induitur, procedit ad altare, beatissimum Medardum his verbis alloquitur dicens: Se me consecrare distuleris et plus hominem quam deum timueris, de manu tua, pastor, ovis anima requiratur." 1 Rfi Metz, "La consecration des vierges en Gaule," p.338, has noted that virgins in Gaul could assume the religious garment at any time before consecration: "Mais nous savons qu'en Gaule les vierges n'attendaient pas necessairement la consecration pour prendre 1'habit qui leur etait particulier. Elles le revetaient des qu'on les autorisait a faire profession publique de continence perpetuelle." Gne should add only that they do not seem always to have sought authorization before changing their garments either. 187 "Oratio de veste sanctificanda eorum qui noviter convertuntur, et religiosum habitum sibi mutare volunt," Le Liber Ordinum, ed. Ferotin, col.80. Ferotin noted that the title seemed to refer to a passage in the Benedictine Rule (c.LVIII) concerning new monastic converts. 271 188 Feusi, Das Institut dar Gottqemeihten Junqfrauen, p.169, came to the general conclusion, for all pre-Carolingian western Germanic kingdoms, that vows did not have to be made in the context of a consecration, nor did they have to be followed by one: "Eine weihe war aber nicht einmal absolut notwendig fur die Gultigkeit der Gelubde. Ebenso war dieses Versprechen rechtskraftig, wenn Eltern fur unmundige oder noch nicht einmal geborene kinder gelobten oder wenn kinder in der Jugend ohne Vorwissen der Elten solche Verpflichtungen, aut sich nahmen." However, it has been previously explained that a "vow" usually meant the change of garments itself or some other clear expression of conversion. 189Concilium Foroiuliense, a.796/797, c.11, HIGH Concilia II, p.193: "Item placuit de faeminis cuiuscumque conditionis, puellis scilicet vel viduis, quae, virginitatis sive continentiae propositum spontanee pollicentes, Deo emancipate fuerint et ob continentiae signum nigram vestem quasi religiosam, sicut antiquus mos fuit in his regionibus, indutae fuerint: licet non sint a sacerdote sacratae, in hoc tamen proposito eas perpetim perseverare mandamus." Note the similarity of this canon to Liutprandi leges, a.723, c.30, WGH Leges IV, p.122-123. Metz, "Benedictio sive consecratio virginum," p.273, has proven that there is no point in attempting to reach fine, mutually exclusive definitions of "benediction'' or "consecration" in these sources, since the terms consecratio and benedictio (sometimes along with velatio) were used quite interchangeably in the early f/liddle Ages.

190Concilium Xuronense, a.567, c.21, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.187: "...nam quae se veste mutaverit, absque dolo in eo proposito, quod disposuit, perseverare procuret. Illud vero, quod aliqui dicunt: Vidua, quae benedicta non fuit, quare non debet maritum accipere? Sed omnes sciunt, quod numquam in canonicis libris legitur benedictio vidualis, quia solus propositus illi sufficere debet...." 191 Loc.cit.: "...sicut in Epaunenses canones a papa Avito vel omnibus episcopis conscriptum est: 'Viduarum consecrationem, quas diaconas vocitant, ab omni religione nostra penitus abrogamus...." See Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.29. The Council of Tours also found a precedent in c.46 of the Council of Aries forbidding widows to co-operate in being abducted; see Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.46, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.123. 192 P.-H. Lafontaine, Les conditions positives de J.'accession aux Ordres (Ottawa, 1963), p.40. See the sampling of texts in J. Mayer, ivionumenta de viduis diaconissis viroini- busque tractantia (Bonn, 1938), p.41-52 for the western medieval Church. On the gradual disappearance of deaconessss, 272 see A. Rosambert, La veuve en droit canonique (Paris, 1923), p.67-71. On their survival in Italy, see I. Feusi, Das Institut der Gottqeweihten Junofrauen (Freiburg, 1917), p.193-196. On the continued blessing of widows, see Rosambert, p.72-76. See Lafontaine, p.36-55 on deaconesses in the early Church. 193Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.155: "...vel illae, quae in domibus propriis, tarn puellae quam viduae, conmutatis vestibus convertuntur, cum his, quibus coniugio copulantur, ab ecclesiaa communions priventur." '^Concilium Parisiense, a.556-573, c.5, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.207-208: "...quae vestim commutatione, tarn viduae quam puellae, religionem, poenitentiam aut virginitatem publica fuerint decleratione professae...," are excommunicated if they marry. 195Concilium Parisiense, a.614, c.15, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.279: 'De viduabus et puellis, quae sibi in habitu religionis in domos proprias tarn a parentibus quam per se vestem mutaverint...," such are excommunicated if they marry. 196 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.8, Cavallin, p.54; Fastidius, "De vita Christiana," xx:1, ed. Haslehurst, p.102; Salvian, "De gubernatione Dei," V:10, CSEL. CIII, p.119; Sidonius, Epistulae IV:24:3, lYIGH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.75; Gennadius, "Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum,' c.22, ed» Buchanan, J.T.S.. VII (1906), p.94; Julianus Pomerius, "De vita contemplativa," 11:4:1, £L» LIX, col.448; Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.25, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.119; Ruricus, Eoistulae 11:32, CSEL, XXI, p.415-416; Concilium Agathense, a.506, c.15, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.201; Caesarius, Sermo LVI:3, CCSL. CIII, p.250, Sermo LXV:2, p.280; Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.28, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.124; "Vita Caesarii," c.4, IY1GH SRM III, p.458; "Vita Lupi," c.2, MGH SM VII, p.296. 197 Krusch's extremely late estimate for the composition of the Vita Lupi was probably exaggerated; see "Hagiographia Bollandiani•, AASS Boll.. Dec. (Brussels, 1940), p.313. 198 "Vita Corbiniani episcopi Baiuvariorum auctore Arbeone," c.13, MGJH SRI VI, p.570: "Tunc vir quasi passer a laqueo ereptus paenarum habitum mutavit et sic in sancta conversationis vita sub magisterio viri Dei post multa temporis spatia finem Vivendi fecit." Perhaps he entered voluntary servitium. but, since Corbinian was a bishop, he probably became a cleric. 199 '""Vita Lupi," c.2, MGH SRJ! VII, p.296: " ... transf erens ad nitorem mentium vestis ornatum...." Krusch noted the 273

similarity of this passage to Hilary's "Sermo de vita S. Honorati,:' c.8, Cavallin, p.54: 'Transfertur ad nitorem mentis vestium splendor." 200 Vita Wandregiseli," c.4, WGH SR| U, p.15: "...ipsi autem sibi comam capitis deposuit...." See section IV:4, notes 140-142. C.6, p.15: Post quod ipsi vir Dei reliquid mundi istius oblectamenta, cupiebat in sancto caenubio sub relegione habito conversare.'' 20 1 Those referring to palace conversi are the following: "Vita Austrigisili," c.1, MGH SRjn IV. p.191 (eighth century); "Vita Amati," c.7, MGH SRM IV, p.217 and "Vita Romarici," c.2, MGH SRffl IV, p.221: both of these are parts of the "Vitae abbaturn Habendensium" (seventh century); Vita Richarii confessoris Centulensis auctore Alcuino," c.1, MGH SRiVl IV, p.390 (800-804): Alcuin did not actually state that the men to whom he referred were connected with the palace, but he was almost certainly referring to the palace officials under Dagobert I, whom he mentioned; "Vita Desiderii," c.13, JiIGH SRJjQ IV, p.571 (630): the context of this passage is actually a precept of Dagobert I included in the vita; "Vita Eligii," c.27, MGH 5RJ1 IV, p.685, c.31, p.688, c.40, p.693, c.1 ("Liber II") p.694, c.68, p.734 (before 750); "Vita Amandi," c.17, 01GH SRfn V, p.441 (seventh-eighth century); "Vita abbaturn Acaunensium," c.1, MGH SRftl VII, p.330 (sixth century). The sources which use the phrase of men who were not directly connected with the royal palace are: "Vita Eptadii," c.5, JVjGh SRW III, p.188 (eighth century): Eptadius" family was of the senatorial aristocracy, but the point of the passage was that he wished to live a secret conversio in his own home; "Vita Gaugerici,' c.2, WGH SRIY] III, p.652 (ca.650): as a boy in the bishop's school; 'Vita Sulpicii," c.1, MGH Sfi| IV, p.372 (647-671): as a boy in his parents' home. In the "Vita Trudonis," c.4, MGH SfiW VI, p.278 (784-791): the phrase referred simply to ordinary laymen. 90 9 *Ui£"Vita abbaturn Acaunensium," c.1, JYIGH S_RJ VII, p.330: '...sub habitu seculari iugum Christi blanda clementiae libertate portaret. hie dum in aula regali sedulus famulator regiae potestati adsisteret, hoc tota mentis integritate custodiebat, ut commissum ministerium adimpleret: militiam Christi intra hospitium pectoris fideliter exercebat, reddebat iuxta balvatoris praeceptum, quae Dei erant Deo; regi quoque inoffense debitum servitii exhibebat." 203 '"^"Vita Austrigisili," c.1, MGH SjRJ) IV, p.191: "Erat regi gratissimus et universis commilitonibus amantissimus, in tantum ut linteo quod rex lotis manibus tergere solitus erat ipse proferret, et ob hoc mapparius vocabatur. Tunc vero 274 iam in seculari abitu elemosinis et vigiliis, orationibus die noctuque vigilantissime insistebat et ad caelestem patriam ineffabili desiderio anelabat." ?04 ^ See note 201 above. 205"Vita Eligii," c.12, MGH SRffl IV. p.679: "Postea vero, cum adauctius profecit, cuncta ornamenta in egentium necessitatibus consumpsit. Videres plerumque ire funiculo cinctum, vilibus vestibus tectumf quern videbas dudum radientia auri et gemmarum mole opertum. Nonnumquam vero cum videret eum rex ob devotionem amoremque Christi expoliatum, subripiens sibi ipsi dabat ei proprium et indumentum et cingulumj dicebat enim non esse dignum hos qui saeculo militarent incedere ornatos, et his qui ob Christum cuncta sibi auferrent esse inglorios.

206"Vita Amati," c.7, JY1GH SRJfl IV, p.217: Vir autem nobilis erat in palacio et honorabilis in populo, cui nomen erat Romaricus, sub laico quidem habitu, sed iam tunc mentem gerebat religiosam.' 20 7 *u "Vita Romarici," c.2, WGH SRIYl IV, p.221: Nam cum in laico habitu religiosam vitam gereret, reddebat quae regis sunt regi et quae Dei Deo." 208"Vita Desiderii," c.13, MLfci SRM IV, p.571: "Dagobertu Rex Francorum episcopis et ducibus cunctoque populo Galliarum finibus constituto: ...Et quoniam virum illustrem Desiderium tesaurarium nostrum cognovimus religionis observantiam ab ipso pueritiae suae tempore in omnibus custodire et sub habitu saeculi Christi militem gerere hac mores angelicos et sacerdotalem conversationern habere...." 209 "Vita Richarii confessoris Centulensis auctore Alcuino," c.1, lYiGH SRIYl IV, p.390: "Temporibus gloriosissimi regis Francorum Dagoberti, qui et saeculari potestate praecla et Christiana religione nobilis effulsit; nam et optimates suos dignitatibus exaltabit et servos Dei honoribus excoluit: quapropter et plurima illis diebus monasteria a Sanctis patribus coeperunt construi, necnon et multi ex laico habitu viri religiosi inventi sunt." 210 See section IV:2, notes 58-69. See section IV:2, note 67, note 78, note 79, note 84. For veiling of girls of minor age, section IV:2, note 79, note 90, and section IV:5, note 183. 212 Concilium Latunense, a.673-675, c.12, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.316: 'Feminae sane, quae earum viros amiserint et ad viduitatem studio priscam consuetudinem atque veste 275 mutata permanere voluerint, sub tuitionem principis habeantur Carta si sacrum velamen susceperint eligere, in monasterio recludantur." 213 Concilium Neuchingense, a.772, c.18, lYIGH Concilia II, p.103: "...nee velata relicto velo secularem habitum sumat...." Concilium Turonense, a.567, c.21, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.185: "...de virginibus, quae Christo spiritaliter nupserunt et velari a sacerdote meruerunt...."' See Metz, "La consecration des vierges en Gaule," p.331-333; and Metz, La consecration des vierges dans l'Eolise romaine. p.117ff. 01 ft Capitulare Ecclesiasticum, a.789, c.59, fflGH Leges I, p.62: "In decretis Gelasii papae, ut nullus episcopus vidua velare praesumat." It is possible that this canon was part of an attempt to forbid the veiling of widows altogether. That would seem to follow logically from c.12 of the Council of Latona (note 212, above), which relegated veiled widows to convents. One manuscript of Andrieu's Qrdines romani (identical to a passage in the decretum of Burchard, £L_, CXL» col.798, c.35) states: "de viduis ut nullus eas velare attemptef: Andrieu, Les Qrdines Romani, I, p.249. 217 Vogel and Elze, eds., Le Pontifical ftomano-Germanique, I, p.59, ordo xxxv:2: "Vidua autem quia soluta est a lege viri, se ipsam si vult Deo dare, debet et a presbitero velari, vel etiam consecratum ab episcopo velamen de altari accipere et ipsa sibi, non episcopus, illud debet imponere." A. Rosambert, La veuve en droit canonique (Paris, 1923), p.75, thought that widows did not really receive a veil: "Faisant profession, la veuve rec.oit non pas un ve'ritable voile, mais un habit, le soi-disant habit de veuve: e'est ainsi qu'il faut comprendre les passages ou 1' on parle du voile des veuves, tels que le canon 44 du Concile de Paris de 829 ou le cap.21, du Capitulaire d'Aix-la- Chapelle de 813 adresse' aux ev£ques." That interpretation is quite impossible for this period. Rosambert cited in support of his contention several canons which referred only to the garments of widows. As we have seen, the change of garments was indeed the most important public expression of conversio for women in secular society, but mutare vestimentum certainly did not preclude veiling as well. Canons which refer to the veiling of virgins and widows in the same phrase will not permit any such fundamental distinction between them. 276 Concilium Parisiense, a.829, c.40, MGH Concilia II, p.637: "Cornperimus, quod quidam praesbyterorum incaute et extraordinarie velum viduarum inconsultis episcopis suis consecrarent....' 220 Capitulare Ecclesiasticum, a.789, c.75, MGH Leges I, p.65: "Auditum est aliquas abbatissas, contra morem sanctae Dei aeclesiae,... velare virgines cum benedictione sacerdotali...." 221Concilium Parisiense, a.829, c.43, IVIGH Concilia II, p.638: "...quaedam abbatissae et ceterae sanctaemoniales non solum viduas, sed etiam virgines puellas velare solite sint...." 222 The Council of Paris certainly had in mind widows and virgins in convents: Loc.cit.: "Pene igitur in omnibus monasteriis puellaribus huiuscemodi velatas invenies." Concilium Parisiense, a.829, c.42,ffiGH Concilia II, p.638: "De feminis, quae sine consensu sacerdotum velum sibi indiscrete inponunt. Invenimus, quod quaedam feminae, maxime hae, quae valde sensu tenues sunt, sine consensu sacerdotum idicirco sibimetipis velum inponant, ut sub praetextu huius velaminis acclesiarum excubatrices et administratrices fieri possint. Haec igitur incauta velatio unusquisque episcopus provideat ne in parroechia sua fiat. Et quia in plerisque locis huiuscemodi velatas laquem sacerdotibus extitisse cognovimus, prohibemus, ne quisquam praesbyterorum huiuscemodi personas in basilicis sibi commissis pro huiusmodi obsequio admittere praesumat...."

224,,Vita Galli auctore Uiettino," c.22, MGH SMI IV. p.268: "Quo inlucescente, ingressa est CecclesiamJ Stephani martyris, clausis post tergum hostiis; ubi se exuit regiis vestibus indutaque est sanctimonialibus. Nempe cornu altaris adprehendit et his verbis oravit: 'Sancte Stephane, ...sis pro me indigna hodie intercessor,...ne auferatur velamen istud de capite meo.'" See also "Vita Galli auctore Walahfrido Liber I," c.22, 1GJH SRW IV, p.300-301. 225 Pippini Regis Capitulare Compendiense, a.757, c.14, ft)GH L^qas I» P»28: "In qualicumque modo mulier velum sanctum acceperit sponte, in eo permaneat, nee dimittat." See also Pippini Regis Capitulare Vermeriense, a.756, c.4, MGH Leges I, p.22. 226"Vita Uiandregiseli," c.4, MGH Sgjfl V, p.15: "Fit ex utraque parte consensus; ipsi autem sibi comam capitis deposuit et ei velamenti gracia circumdedit." 277 227 Uandrille and his wife converted soon or immediately after their marriage, but the hagiographer spoke of them as "one flesh"; Loc.cit.: ...suadebat ei conversacionis graciae virtutem magna habire mercidem, et qui in una carne coniuncti fuerant, in gloria sanctorum sine fine copularentur." Pippini Regis caputulare Vermeriense, a.756, c.4, fflGH Leges I, p.22: "...Quod si contigerit, ut mulier sine convenientia viri sui se velare praesumat, in potestate viri eius erit, aut in hoc permaneat, aut non." See also Ibid.t c.21, p.23; Pippini Regis capitulare Compendiense, a.757, c.5, MGH Leoes I, p.28; and c.26, p.28.

229Gregory of Tours, H.F. 11:13, jtiGH SRJfl I, p.63: "Resedentibus tamen episcopis die dominico, mulier quaedam velata atque devota Deo audenter ad eos ingreditur...." 230 Pippini Regis capitulare Compendiense, a.757, c.16, fllGH Leges I, p.28: 'Si quis vir mulierem suam dimiserit, et dederit commeatum pro religionis causa infra monasterium Deo servire, aut foras monasterium dederit licentiam velare, sicut diximus, propter Deum, vir illius accipiat mulierem legittimam." Concilium Romanum, a.826, c.29, MGH Concilia II, p.579: "De feminis sub religioso habitu existentibus. Feminae vero, quae habitum religiosum aut velamen obtentu religiositatis susceperunt, cum essent viripotentes, deinceps viris sociari non permittantur, sed eligentes monasterium regulariter vivent aut in domibus susceptum habitum castae observent....'

232Concilium Latunense, a.673-675, c.12, CCSL, CXLVIIIA, p.316: "...Certe si sacrum velamen susceperint eligere, in monasterio recludantur." 233 Pippini Regis capitulare Vernense, a.755, c.11, MGH Leges I, p.26: "...Et de ancillis Dei velatis eadem forma servetur." 234 Concilium Parisiense, a.829, c.44, MGH Concilia II, p.638-639: "De nobilibus feminis, quae amissis viris velantur et in propriis domibus residere delectantur. Nobiles feminae, quae amissis viris velantur et non in monasteriis sub spiritalis matris regimine, sed potius in domibus propriis, occasione liberorum rerumque suarum, residere delitiisque affluere delectantur,...necesse est, ut ab episcopis pastorali sollicitudine admoneantur et instruantur,...ne sic indiscrete vivendo et terrenis actionibus, sexui suo non convenientibus, se implicando vitam perpetuam amittant." 278 235 Loccit.: "Et abhinc ab omnibus observandum statuimus ut huiuscemodi viduae amissis viris repente non velentur, sed cum conhibentia episcopi sui triginta diebus...expectent, quibus peractis aut nubant aut, si potius Deo se sacrari expostulaverint, admoneantur et instruantur, ut non in domibus propriis, sed in monasteriis sub spiritalis matris regimine Deo se servituras subdant, quoniam huiuscemodi adulescentulas, viros amittentes et in sanctimoniali habitu propriis domibus residentes, persepe in laquem diaboli lapsas esse didicimus." See also Hludowici Pii capitulare ecclesiasticum, a.818TB19, c.21, MGH Caoitularia I, p.278 "Canones synodi romanorum ad Gallos episcopos juxta quaestiones ab illis propositas, ' c.1,ffiansi, III , col.1134: "Quaeritur de virginibus velatis, et mutato proposito, quid exinde judicatum sit. Si virgo velata jam Christo, quae integritatem publico testimonio professa a sacerdote prece effusa benedictionis velamen accepit, sive incestum commiserit, seu furtum, seu volens crimen protegere adultero mariti nomen imposuit, .... In eiusmodi muliere quot sunt causae, tot reatus, integritatis propositum mutatum, velamen amissum, fides prima depravata, atque in irritum devocata.... Unde annis quamplurimis deflendum ei peccatum est, quo dignae fructu poenitentiae facto possit aliquando ad veniam pervenire, si tamen poenitens poenitenda faciat."

^ Ibid.. c.2, col.1134-1135: "Puella quae nondum velata est, sed proposuerat sic manere, licet non sit in Christo velata, tamen quia proposuit, et in coniugio velata non est, furtivae nuptiae appellantur, ex eo quod matrimonii coelestis praeceptum non servaverit, amore properante ad libidinis caecitatem. Et his poenitentiae agendae tempus constituendum est, quoniam seu rapta, seu volens, ad virum ire perverso ordine consensit.... Habent tamen poenitentiae agendae locum, sed cito non habent veniam..

238Concilium Xuronense, a.557, c.21, CC5L. CXLVIIIA, p.184-185: 'Et quia in sententiam papae Innocenti ad Victritium episcopum Rotomagensem latam legitur scriptum de virginibus,.... Et adiecit: ' Hae vero, quae necdum sacro velamine tectae sunt, tamen in proposito virginali semper manere simulaverant, licet velatae non sint, si postea nupserint, his agenda aliquanto tempore poenitentia est, quia sponsio earum a Deo tenebatur....'" 239 See section IV: 3. 240 Concilium Latunense, a.673-675, c.13, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.316: "Illas vero, quas Domini sacerdotes religioso ordine vivere cognoverint, liceat eis in-domibus earum caste 279 pieque conversare...." I bid*• c.12, p.316: "Feminae sane, quae earum viros amiserint et ad viduitatem studio priscam consuetudinem atque veste mutata permanere voluerint, sub tuitionem principis habeantur. Certe si sacrum valamen susceperint eligere, in monasterio recludantur." 241 Capitulare missorum in Theodonis villa datum primum, c.14, HIGH Capitularia I, p.122: "Ut infantulae aetatis puellulae non velentur antequam ille elegere sciant quid velint, salva canonica auctoritate." Andrieu, ed. Les Ordines romani du haut moven age. I: Les manuscrits (Louvain, 1931). For consecrations of virgins remaining in their own homes, see manuscripts on p.182, p.358, p.380, p.437, p.452. For rituals of veiling mentionng a change of garments, see p.36, p.43, p.66, p.151, p.173, p.393, p.399, p.425. The following is an example of the incipit of an ordo for consecrating a virgin remaining in her own home (from MS Monte-Cassino 451, Andrieu p.182): "Consecratio virginum quae a seculo conversae in domibus suis susceptum castitatis habitum privatim observare voluerint. Benedictio velaminum....' The whole ordo can be read in Vogel and Elze, eds., Le Pontifical romano-qermanique du dixieme siecle, I (l/atican, 1963), p.51-54. CHAPTER V. POSSIBILITIES GF WITHDRAWAL AND DISABILITIES

There was in theory no possibility of withdrawing from the state of conversio or its attendant obligations of asceticism and religiosity. In practice, however, lapsed converts could be forcibly returned by lay or ecclesiastical authorities only if they had identified their status by a public expression of some kind, moreover, prior commitments such as marriage and political obligations such as military service had to be considered in deciding whether or not profession of a lay religious life was valid. Despite the unanimity of contemporaries on the life-long nature of conversion, conciliar canons and royal capitularies demonstrate a certain amount of confusion over exactly how to deal with lapsed reliqiosi.

fdost Church councils that met in Gaul between the fourth and ninth centuries legislated on the subject of apostasy from one or another of the lay religious states within secular society which we have examined so far. The problem was obviously troublesome and persistent, but there is no way of estimating its frequency. The groups most often dealt with were virgins, widows, and penitents, though occasionally vaguer classes of reliaiosi were mentioned. By far the most frequently chastised manifestation of

280 281 apostasy was sexual incontinence, though reversion to secular garments and participation in worldly affairs were also condemned specifically. Marriage and fornication were doubtless the most scandalous violations of the regimen of conversion, but it is difficult to decide why virgins and widows should have been singled out for conciliar admoni­ tions more often than male converts. Perhaps there simply were more women converts. Partly as a cause of that, it probably had something to do with a tendency by women, especially widows, to convert without adequate resources and to resolve to live such a life on their own. Doubtless that was why widows were finally forbidden to profess religion within thirty days of the deaths of their husbands, and were to seek the advice of their bishops, relatives, and friends. It certainly had something to do with their vulnerability

to rape and threat, as the many condemnations of those who 2 married virgins and widows by force suggests. Then again, women may have found it harder to escape detection in incontinence and consequences such as pregnancy, as Gregory of Tours' story of the converted, pregnant washer-woman shows. Some evolution occurred in the canonical penalties for lapsed converts. The last council which ordered public penance for those who abandoned a lay religious state was the Council of Tours held in 461. Before that, every canon which dealt only with those who were not penitents had 282 ordered public penance. Since lapsed penitents could not be stricken with the obligations to which they were already subject, they were excommunicated. After 461, every canon which dealt with lapsed lay reliqiosi of any kind ordered excommunication. However, beginning with the Council of Latona in 673-675, some legislation began to relegate untrustworthy converts to monasteries or closer episcopal 7 supervision. The trend probably reflects, in part, increasing ecclesiastical exasperation over worldliness among those who had renounced the world. It may be that the gradual abandonment of public penance for the expiation of grave public sins, and its consequent restriction to the class of voluntary penitents, influenced the change to excommunication; but the middle of the fifth century is rather early by any estimate for the demise of public penance, and councils continued to prescribe it for other Q kinds of misconduct. One factor in the evolution may have been a tendency to lump together the various types of lay conversion in thinking about the problem of lapsi so that q a standard punishment suitable for all was settled upon. Councils faced the problem of how to identify laymen bound by religious obligations. Penitents were forbidden to leave their state in Gaul first by the Council of Aries held 442-506, which made it clear that both sexes were 10 equally bound by the rule. As we have seen, penitents could not change back to secular clothing even after their 283 11 period of abstinence from communion was over. The first two Gallican councils to deal with the problem of lapsed widows, those held at Orange in 441 and at Aries in 442-506, defined their subjects as those who were "professed," which meant, according to Orange, a change of garments in the presence of the bishop. 12 However, these councils gave no temporal penalties for the transgressors, saying only that they were damned. Most subsequent councils discussed apostasy from professed virginity and widowhood together and stipulated the same penalties for the whole class of converted women. Virgins were generally identified as "maidens who vow themselves to God" 1 3 or those who "profess religion" or "virginity." The excuse that a virgin had not been con­ secrated or veiled was not sufficient to allow her to with­ draw from conversion if she had publicly expressed her intention (propositum) in some other way, generally by a change of garments. The Council of Orleans held in 538 tried to express that equality of obligation by excommunicating

those who ravished both "consecrated virgins" and virgins "living .in proposito under a vowed state." 15 The canons had not always been careful about including every expression of virginity however. The Council of Vannes (461-491) ex­ communicated only those adulterous virgins "who profess virginity and are blessed by imposition of hands under the witness of this propositum." which would seem to exclude 284 virgins who had not sought an ecclesiastical consecration. The Council of Aries held in 442-506 ordered penance for virgins who married "after twenty-five years of age;" 17 yet virgins under twenty-five were not really free to marry, for the Roman decision of 402 had covered all virgins, whether veiled or not, and the Council of Valence in 374 had mentioned no age in forbidding them to marry. One can only conclude that bishops were confused over exactly how to define the limits of expression of conversion beyond which a virgin could not return to a worldly life. They tried other formulae: the Council of Orleans held in 549 excommunicated lapsed virgins who were classified on the basis of whether they had entered a convent or were living in their homes; the change of garments was to be the 1B irrevocable expression for all. The definition by garments was used again in the next council to forbid marriage of virgins, that of Paris in 556-573. 19 In actual practice, that seems to have been the action after which a virgin could not go back, probably because it was the easiest criterion to observe and for which to obtain witnesses. Gregory of Tours told a story of King Charibert's infatuation with two sisters; when the king married the one "wearing religious dress," bishop Germanus of Paris excommunicated them. 20 Burgundofara, on the other hand, since she was not in religious garments even though she had been blessed as a child by St. Columban, was almost married off by her father 285 despite the fact that she understood herself to be bound to a religious life.2 1 Sometimes councils attempted to deal with the entire spectrum of lay conversion by forbidding departure from the religious state. Such an approach was the only way to legis­ late for the more vaguely defined areas of lay conversio. The Council of Orange held in 441 assigned penance to 22 "deserters of professed chastity of either sex." While such a ruling made it obvious that no convert was to with­ draw from his religious status, since all converts were bound to chastity, it was actually an impractical definition to try to enforce, since, as we have seen in discussing virgins, it was sometimes difficult to set limits to a "profession of chastity." The problem is conveniently illustrated by a chapter in the life of St» Trudo: one of Trudo's relatives was warned by the saint that, in the interests of his "observance of chastity," he must never take a wife; however, after Trudo's death the man married anyway. It was not until the man received a vision and became lame that he tonsured himself, entered the servitium of Trudo's 23 tomb, and presumably resumed the discipline of continence. Apparently the man had converted by making a private vow of chastity to Trudo, or at least his conversion to continence was known to Trudo but did not involve such a public expression of conversio as tonsure. Could not Trudo's relative be described as a "deserter of professed chastity" 286 before his tonsure? The author of Trudo's vita seems to have thought that he had abandoned a commitment of some sort based on the instructions of the saint. Yet apparently he could have continued to live in a married state after leav­ ing a regimen of chastity had he not been stricken by infirmity and conscience.

The Council of Aries held in 442-506 also attempted a broad definition of conversion in forbidding any withdrawal from it: "Those who apostatize after a holy profession of religion and return to the world..." were to do penance. 24 Any problems of definition raised by the phrase "profession of chastity" would certainly not be alleviated by the alter­ nate form "profession of religion." The Council of Paris which met in 556-573 used the same phrase to cover all possible forms of conversion by women, but clarified it by two significant additions: "whoever, widows as well as virgins, has professed by a change of garments religion, penance, or virginity in a public declaration..." was to be excommunicated forever if she married. 25 For these bishops, then, a convert could not withdraw after making a public declaration of his religious status, specifically by a change of garments. Since male converts were ceasing to change their garments in the sixth century, probably the tonsure would have served for them as the "public declaration" after which they could not return.

In conclusion, Gallican councils certainly wished all 287 converts to remain in their religious state once they had embraced chastity and the religious life in any way; but it seems doubtful that any workable definition of "profession" could be found other than change of garments and taking of tonsure. As we have seen, some male converts (such as those in royal service and in continent marriages) and some female converts (such as those who had been dedicated by a blessing but had not yet changed their garments and those in continent marriages) did neither. One must conclude that it was possible for these latter converts to escape from their private spiritual commitment. One can speculate that their success in doing so would depend on whether their conversion was known to their bishop and how he decided to interpret the canons; voluntary penitents such as Eligius, who did not wear religious garments in public, entered conversio through confession, which may have been sufficient for church authorities to enforce celibacy on them even without a more public profession of religion.

It was possible under special circumstances for a convert to be received, or forced, back into a worldly status even after a public profession. In the first place, a married woman who made a public profession of religion involving continence, and did not receive her husband's permission before doing so, could be returned to her married status on her husband's demand. The capitularies of Verberie (756) and Compiegne (757) confirmed the husband's power in this regard over a wife who took the veil. But 288 there are indications that even a woman only promised in marriage could be reclaimed by her fiance after she had openly expressed her conversion. The Council of Rome held in 743 anathematized anyone who married a virgin or widow "unless 27 she was promised in marriage." Admittedly there are no Gallican canons which bear that interpretation, but there is the example of the young man betrothed to a girl whose garments were changed by St. Genevieve: he attempted to take her back by force. The truth is probably that the Roman canon was attempting an accommodation with actual practice based on strong natural feelings, and that Gallican councils were not willing to admit the priority of betrothal over conversion even though it was sometimes successfully claimed. That conclusion must remain speculative in the absence of any examples of women returning to secular garments because of a prior betrothal. Church policy toward the return of professed converts to secular life might be affected by the needs of the state, especially under the Carolingians. Tonsured conversi living on their own estates were required by councils meeting in 800 under Charlemagne's orders to muster with the army "just as the other laymen"2 9 They may not have given up their private religiosity, but clearly the state would not regard them as relioiosi unless they entered monasteries. In considering the question of whether it was possible in practice for a convert to return to a worldly life, one 289 must remember that the secular government may not always have co-operated completely with the church in enforcing sanctions against lapsi» A canon of the Council of Clichy (626-627) forbade anyone "whether supported by royal authority or by any power" to seize or marry consecrated widows or virgins. 30 It is not at all improbable that royal authority was sometimes invoked to allow a nobleman to marry a woman in religious garments. Vitae of our period do not yield a precise illustration of such an occurrence, but there are examples of appeals to the king for legitimation of other forcible marriages. 31 By the seventh century, male converts did not usually change their garments unless they entered a monastery, and even the tonsure was not necessarily received at entry, particularly among laymen in royal service. Thus, even though men such as Desiderius, Ouen, and Eligius were regarded as reliqiosi in lay dress by their contemporaries, one must assume that there was little external constraint to hold them to their private religious regimens if they had wished to withdraw. Eligius, it is true, entered a voluntary penitential discipline after confession, and may thus have been held to the canonical restrictions on penitents.3 2 It is quite possible that some of his companions in conversion also entered voluntary penance, though none was so described. But there must have been men in the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries who followed the traditions of conversio 290 which did not grow out of public penance, who did not cut their hair or change their garments, and who were not bound by any public proposjtum. The difficulties of bishops in asserting any kind of control over private regimens, and in giving pastoral advice, are probably partly responsible for the growth of handbooks on lay religiosity in the eighth and ninth centuries. 33 Their difficulties are certainly responsible for conciliar efforts to place laymen practicing continence under closer episcopal surveillance. The Roman council of 826 stated that husbands and wives who wished to enter religion must first seek the advice of their bishop, since, if one partner did not wish to dissolve the marriage, it could not be done. Rules for conversion sometimes conflicted: a capitulary of 756 stated that a man who allowed his wife to be veiled could not marry again; a capitulary of 757 said that he could. 35 Despite some effort to offer guidance to laymen who chose a religious regimen, one can imagine that many found the private practice of conversion too difficult and, without an outward mark of their status to restrain them, abandoned the regimen for marriage and worldly pursuits. The inner, spiritual nature of conversio. whose primacy sensitive churchmen had stressed all along, had become almost the only force holding most laymen to its observance. NOTES TO CHAPTER V Concilium Aquisgranense, a.817, Capitula proprie ad episcopos, c.21, HIGH Leges I, p.216: "De feminis quae viros amittunt, placet, ne se sicut hactenus indiscrete velent, sed ut triginta dies post decessum viri sui expectent, et post tricesimum diem per consilium episcopi sui, vel si episcopus absens fuerit consilio aliorum religiosorum sacerdotum, suorumque parentum atque amicorum, id quod eligere debent eligant." 2 See Concilium Arausicanum, a.441, c.26, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.85; Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.46, p.123; Statuta Ecclesiae Antiqua, ca.475, c.104, p.185; Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.121; Concilium Turonense, a.567, c.21» p.187; Concilium Parisiense, a.556- 573, c.5, p.207-208; Concilium Clippiacense, a.626-627, c.26, p.296. 3Gregory of Tours, Hj^F. 11:1, JDQG±1 SjUH It p.37: "Nam mulier, ad quam cubicularii eius vestimenta deferebant ad abluendam, quae sub specie religionis erat veste mutata, concepit et peperit." A Concilium Turonense, a.461, c.6, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.146: "Qui vero se sacratis virginibus per coniunctionem nefandam miscuerit vel propositum professae religionis dereliquerit, utrique a communione habeantur alieni,...donee...ad auxilium paenitentia revertantur." 5Concilium Valentinum, a.374, c.2, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.39: "Canones synodi Romanorum ad gallos episcopos juxte quaestiones ab illis propositas," a.402, c.1 and 2, Mansi III, col.1134-1135; Concilium Arausicanum, a.441, c.27, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.85; Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.25 and 52, CCSL. CXLl/III, p.119 and 124. On the treatment of lapsed penitents and virgins in the fifth century, see Vogel, La discipline penitentielle. p.41-44.

6Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.118; Concilium Andegavense, a.453, c.5, p.138; Concilium Turonense, a.461, c.8, p.146. 7 Concilium Latunense, a.673-675, c.13, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.316; Concilium Haristallense, a.779, c.18, ITiGH Concilia II, p.38; Concilium Remense, a.813, c.34, fflGH Concilia II, p.256. 291 292 \/ogel concluded that canonical public penance except in extremis was generally abandoned by the end of the fifth century (La discipline penitentielle, p.116-118). Councils continued to legislate on public penance, however: see Concilium Veneticum, a.461-491, c.3, CCSL. CXLVIII,p.152: Statuta Ecclesiae Antique, ca.475, c.22 and 65-67, p.170 and 176-177; Concilium Agathensa, a.506, c.15, p.201; Concilium Aurelianense, a.511, c.11, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.8; Concilium Epaonense, a.517, c.23 and 29, p.30 and 31; Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.27 and 28, p.124; Concilium Aurelianense, a.541, c.28, p.139; Concilium Aspasii episcopi metropolitani Elusani, a.551, c.1, p.163; Concilium Cabilonense, a.647-653, c.8, p.304. g Some canons from the mid-fifth to the mid-sixth centuries lumped penitents together with other professed religious in legislating against apostasy from their regimen. Concilium Andegav/ense, a.453, c.5, CCSL. CXLVIII, p. 138: penitents and virgins; Concilium Aurelianesne, a.538, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.121: virgins, penitents, and widows; Concilium Parisiense, a.556-573, c.5, p.207-208: those who professed religion, penance, or virginity. 1DConcilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.21, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.118: "Paenitens quae defuncto viro alii nubere praesumpserit, vel suspecta vel interdicta familiaritate cum extraneo vixerit, cum eodem ecclesiae liminibus arceatur. Hoc etiam de viro in paenitentia posito placuit observari." 11 See Section 111:6. Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.25, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.119: "...Et quicumque ille post paenitentiam habitum saecularem non praesumat...." 1? Concilium Arausicanum, a.441, c.26, CCSL, CXLVIII, p.85: "Viduitatis servandae professionem coram episcopo in secretario habitam imposita ab episcopo veste viduali indicendam. Raptorem vero talium vel ipsam talis professionis desertricem merito esse damnandam." Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.46, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.123: "Professas viduas, si conniventiam praestiterint, cum raptoribus esse damnandas." On lapsed widows, see Rosambert, La veuve en droit canonique. p.83-86. 13Concilium Valentinum, a.374, c.2, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.39; Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.52, p.124; Concilium Matisconense, a.581-583, c.12, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.226. 14 Concilium Turonense, a.461, c.6, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.146; Concilium Veneticum, a.461-491, c.4, p.152; Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.121; Concilium Parisiense, a.556-573, c.5, p.207-208; Concilium Matisconense, a.581-583, c.12, p.226. 293 Concilium Aurelianense, a.538, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.121: "De raptoribus virginum consecratarum seu in proposito sub devotione viventium id statuimus, ut, si quis consaecratae vel devotae, id est religionem professee...." 16Concilium Veneticum, a.461-491, c.4, CC5L. CXLVIIIi p.152: "Eas quae virginitatem professae et bsnedictionem fuerint per manus impositionem sub contastatione huius propositi consecutae...." 17Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.52, CC5L. CXLVIII, p.124: "De puellis quae se voverunt Deo et praeclari decore nominis floruerunt, si post viginti et quinque annos aetatis ad terrenas nuptias sponte transierint.. *." 18Concilium Aurelianense, a.549, c.19, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.155: "Quaecumque etiam puellae seu propria voluntate monasterium expetunt seu a parentibus offeruntur, annum in ipsa qua introverint veste permaneant. In his vero monasteriis, ubi non perpetuo tenentur inclusae, triennium in ea qua intraverint veste permaneant.... Illae, quae in domibus propriis, tarn puellae quam viduae, commutatis vestibus convertuntur, cum his, quibus coniugio copulantur, ab ecclesiae communione priventur...."

1 Concilium Parisiense, a.556-573, c.5, CC5L. CXLVIIIA, p.207-208: "...quae vestium commutatione, tarn viduae quam puellae, religionem, poenitentiam aut virginitatem publica fuerint declaratione professae." 20 * Gregory of Tours, J±t£. 11:26, M£H SJLM I, p.157: "Habebat tunc temporis Ingoberga in servitium suum duas puellas pauperis cuiusdam filias, quorum prima vocabatur Marcovefa, religiosa veste habens, alia vero Merofledis; in quarum amore rex valde detenebatur." p. 158-159: "Post haec Hflarcoveifa, Merofledis scilicet sororem, coniugio copulavit. Pro qua causa a sancto Germano episcopo excommunicatus uterque est." One must admit that Germanus may have been outraged by the consanguinity of the king's conjugal partners as well as the fact that the one he married was in religious garb; Gregory did not make this very clear. However, it was certainly the marriage of professed virgins which had the clearest canonical tradition calling for excommunication of both partners. Legislation on sexual relations with two sisters, which came in the mid-eighth century, called only for separation; see Pippini Regis capitulare Vermeriense, a.753, c.11 and 12, MGH Leges I, p.23 21 "Vita Columbani abbatis discipulorumque eius Libsr II," c.7, JUGH SBJ IV, p.120-121. See section IV:3. 294 22Concilium Arausicanum, a.441, c.27, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.85: "In utroque sexu desertores professaa castitatis praevaricatores habendi et his omnibus per paenitentiam legitimam consulendum." 23"Vita Trudonis," c.24, JTIGH SRM VI i p.293: "Fuit namque quidam vir nomine Harifridus consanguinae lege sancto patri propinquus. Hie ergo ammonitus fuerat a beatissimo patre, ut ob castitatis observantiam nusquam dixisset uxorem; at ilia post obitum viri Dei hoc verbum postponens uxorem duxit." Chastised and physically injured by Trudo in a vision, he went to the saint's tomb, tonsured himself, made over all of his property to the shrine, and lived a holy life there to the end of his days. "Sicque factum est, ut is, qui per virginitatis victoriam admonitus blande ad caeleste regnum properare contempserat, post transgressionem acrius correptus, per paenitentiae lamenta ad perhennis vitae solatia perveniret." The last sentence suggests that it was a matter of breaking a commitment rather than simply delaying to act on an exhortation.

24Concilium Arelatense, a.442-506, c.52, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.119: "Hi qui post sanctam religionis professionem apostatan et ad saeculum redeunt, at postmodum paenitentiae remedia non requirunt, sine paenitentia communionem penitus non accipiunt...."

25Concilium Parisiense, a.556-573, c.5, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.207-208: "...quae vestium commutatione, tarn viduae quam puellae, religionem, poenitentiam aut virginitatem publica fuerint declaratione professae...." tJfZ Pippini regis capitulare Vermeriense, a.753, c.4, fflGH Leges I, p.22: "...Quod si contigerit, ut mulier sine convenientia viri sui se velars praesumat, in potestate viri eius erit, aut in hoc permaneat, aut non." Pippini regis capitulare Compendiense, a.757, c.5, lYiGH Leoes I, p.28: "Mulier si sine commeatu viri sui velum in caput miserit, si viro placuerit, recipiat earn iterum ad coniugium." 27 Concilium Romanum, a.743, c.7, MGH Concilia II, p.15: "...ut virginem aut viduam, nisi desponsatam habuerit, nullus audeat furare in uxorem. Si quis temerario ausu praesumpserit virginem aut viduam furare in uxorem, praater si disponsata habuerit, anathema sit." 28,,Vita Genovefae," c.28, JYjGJd S_RH III, p.226-227. See section IV: 5. 29 Concilia Rispacense, Frisingense, Salisburgense, a.800, c.44,fflGH Concili a II, p.212: "...Si autem postea in 295 propria sua residere vult, faciat hostem ut ceteri laici." See section IV:4. ouConcilium Clippiacense, a.626-627, c.26, CCSL. CXH/IIIA, p.296: "Viduas, quae se Deo consecrare petierint, vel puellas Domino consecratas nullus neque per auctoritatem regiam neque per quacumque potestate suffultus aut propria temeritate rapere vel trahere audeat...." See Concilium Parisiense, a.614, Edictum Clotarii II, c.18, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.285. On royal interference see also Rosambert, La veuve en droit canonique. p.85. 31 For example, St. Rusticula, when she was five years old and living with her mother, a widow in changed garments* was carried off by an aristocrat who appealed unsuccessfully to King Guntram of Burgundy to have her given to him in marriage: "Vita Rusticulae," c.3, fdGH SRfl) IV, p.341. 32 "Vita Eligii episcopi Noviomagensis Liber I," c.7, MGH SRJfl IV, p.673. See section 111:2. Leclercq, La spirituality du moyen age. p.92ff, p.70. 34 Concilium Romanum, a.826, c.36, PflGH Concilia II, p.582: "...Sin autem vir et uxor divertere pro sola religiosa inter se consenserint vita, nullatenus sine conscientia episcopi fiat, ut ab eo singulariter proviso constituantur loco. Nam uxore nolente aut altero aorum etiam pro tali re matrimonium non solvatur." 35 Pippini regis capitulare Vermeriense, a.753, c.21, fllCH Leges I, p.23: "Qui uxorem suam dimiserit velare, aliam non accipiat." Pippini regis capitulare Compendiense, a.757, c.16, WGH Leges I, p.28: "Si quis vir mulierem suam dimiserit, et dederit commeatum pro religionis causa infra monasterium Deo servire, aut foras monasterium dederit licentiam velare, ...vir illius accipiat mulierem legittimam." CHAPTER VI. POSSESSION AND DISPOSAL OF PROPERTY BY CONVERTS AND HCW THEY SUPPORTED THEMSELVES

This examination of how conversion influenced the dispo­ sition and management of property by laymen must be separated from the previously-examined questions of occupations and alms. Abundant alms-giving was part of a pattern of religi­ osity, a repetitive or frequent outward manifestation of an inner spiritual redirection by which lay converts could be recognized, whereas in this section we will be concerned with their general relationship to their possessions, their ultimate use and bestowal of them. In the previous section on occupations, we attempted to discuss what little can be known of how the traditions and expectations of conversio limited the manner in which converts earned their living or served institutions of government, whereas we will now examine simply how they subsisted, whether the method can be called an occupation or not, and how the sources of their subsistence were related to the manner of their conversion.

The first thing to be noted concerning the property of lay converts in Gaul is that there were no canonical restric­ tions on its use or administration before the middle of the eighth century, and never any specific legislation on leaving it to others. The Carolingian councils and 296 297 capitularies which barred men and women openly consecrated to God from living with their own property and administering their own temporal affairs were part of the more general effort to confine such people to monasteries or cathedral chapters. The only legal provision about property-holding by converts, therefore, came at the end of our period; but that legislation gives us some information about practices before the Carolingian restrictions. The Capitulary of l/er (755) relegated to the monastic life or the canonical order "those men who say that they have tonsured themselves on account of God and now hold their possessions or money, and are neither under the hand of the bishop nor live regularly in a monastery;" it applied also to "veiled handmaidens of 1 God." Men and women who had publicly expressed their con­ version, then, continued to live on their own as laymen, to hold property, and to handle money. The Council of Paris held in 829 suggested that a very free life was led by avowed widows on their own estates, unfettered by any customary restrictions on the administration of their property. It condemned "noble women who, having lost their husbands, are veiled and are delighted to reside, and to hasten to wrongdoing, not in convents under the rule of a spiritual mother, but rather in their own homes, with the 9 opportunity of children and of their own possessions." There is no reason to think that other converts were any less free to administer their own property if they had any. 298 Apparently not all of them did. The Capitulary of Herstal (779) ordered that consecrated women and those with whom they committed adultery or fornication were to be placed in monasteries to which their property was to be given, while a legal composition was also to be paid; if, however, they were paupers "who have nothing," and consequently had noth­ ing to give the monasteries at entrance, they were to be placed in the care of their nearest relatives, who were to 3 support them and ensure their future good conduct. If the punishment was meant to apply to the "sanctimoniales" as well as their sexual partners, it suggests that down to the late eighth century some publicly professed conversae lived freely on their own without wealth. Uie shall have to account for their subsistence. There were several possibilities for the support of poorer converts, some of which already have been noted. The very early custom of granting ecclesiastical stipends to widows was specifically provided for by the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua (475), though in return they were to be "assiduous in works of God" and assist the Church "by merits 4 and prayers". Indeed, this canon brings out the basic difficulty of indigent conversi; the conflict between dedication to religious asceticisms and devotions, and the necessity to gain a livelihood. Nevertheless, it does not appear that the Gallican Church in the later fifth century was willing to support all professed widows capable of 299 fending for themselves, for a separate canon in the same collection directed that "young widows who are crippled in body shall be sustained at the expense of the church of 5 which they are widows." The implication was that young widows who were sound in body would not be so provided for. The sense of the canon was that infirm widows would be supported locally. It probably did not mean that they were to be taken care of at the bishop's expense, but rather by the priests of every local community; the Council of Tours held in 567 placed the burden of feeding their resident paupers on "priests as well as citizens of villages". The matriculae of churches no doubt supported indigent religjosi as well as other paupers, orphans, and debilitated people. The situation of those who converted to the service of churches and shrines of saints has been previously dis- 7 cussed. Such people may have been supported partly by small contributions of food and perhaps anything else, such as clothing, brought by worshippers of all classes. The wife of bishop Namatius of Clermont, while seated in the basilica and dressed in religious garments, was given bread by a poor g man. However, the converts in perpetual attendance at shrines were not simply beggars. They were generally thought of as performing some sort of useful function, even if only that of guarding the tomb or basilica. A boy serving at the sepulchre of St. Wicetius in Lyons employed himself in g lighting the lamps. A man healed at the tomb of St. Bonitus 300 spent his days afterward in guarding, perhaps opening and closing, the doors of the church. The children of a man who entered the servitium of St. Melanius were described simply as guarding,or taking care of, the sepulchre of the saint. 11 Such converts may have been granted a stipend from the revenue of the shrine in recognition of their ser­ vice, particularly when they had donated their property to it upon converting. It would seem that these livings might ba susceptible to political influence, for the boy serving at the tomb of Nicetius was said to have been denied "support for livelihood" by prominent citizens of Lyons, and to have had the wrong redressed by King Guntram. 12 The king was said to have provided the convert with "vestitum et alimentum", so that one may surmise that clothing and food were the major items in the support of those serving at shrines. As we have seen in the discussion of occupations, not all unlanded converts served at shrines. Gregory of Tours mentioned a washer-woman 13 and the daughter of a wool worker in the service of the queen. 14 Considering that both of these women became involved in sexual scandals, the Carolingian'attempts to separate reliqiosi from secular occupations may have been justified. 15 One must admit that those serving at shrines were mentioned far mors often than those in humble secular occupations. Indeed, except for those in the personal service of wealthier people, who were sometimes converts themselves and sometimes not, the washer­ woman is the only convert in such an occupation known to us. 301 That fact may not be so significant as it sounds, since Gregory of Tours mentioned other converts who do not seem to have been of aristocratic origin without considering their source of support worthy of mention. 17 It is even more difficult to speculate about the conversion of agricultu­ ral laborers. None who remained in the status of serfdom is known to us, though again that may be because of a lack of interest on the part of the authors of our sources. In a capitulary of 805, Charlemagne ordered that male and female serfs on his own estates be tonsured or veiled only in moderate numbers so that his villae would not become desert- 18 ed. That suggests that those particular outward expressions of conversion were by then considered incompatible with the status of unfree labor on estates, though it says nothing of other expressions of conversion. A capitulary of 779 suggested that there were then unfree female converts who had changed their garments. 19 Gregory of Tours mentioned the conversion of two serfs, but the boy was placed in a monastery, and the girl seems to have been sent to a con- vent. 20 Weighing the inadequate evidence, it seems most likely that it was possible for unfree people to express their conversion outwardly while remaining in servitude, but that those whose work gave them very little time for extraordinary acts of devotion, or little association with converts engaged in them, were rarely allowed by thoughtful bishops such as Gregory to enter conversio without adopting 302 a different existence, such as serv/itium in a shrine. Turning to conversi who possessed wealth, we must con­ sider what expectations conversio created for its use and bestowal. Lay conversion did not in itself involve a renun­ ciation of personal wealth. Paulinus of Pella, a voluntary penitent of the fifth century, had been deeply concerned over the fact that his family estates were slipping out of his possession; indeed, he credited the loss of earthly wealth with teaching him to aspire toward heavenly riches. 21 But, though his spiritual conversion may have made his material losses easier to bear, it certainly did not distract him from attempting to regain his fortune. He was prevented from travelling abroad to recover his estates only by the weakness of his wife, and he made frequent wistful allusions 22 to the gradual erosion of his holdings in southern Gaul. A secret convert whose life-style was described by Sidonius continued to manage his estate carefully and kept slaves 23 in both town and country houses. Honoratus, who changed his garments and received the tonsure when he converted, continued to live on his family estate, which he used as a base for charitable activities, until he and his brother left forever on pilgrimage. 24 The mother of St. Aridius, who changed her garments as a professed widow, continued to oversee the family possessions, complete with household, fields, vineyards, and laborers. 25 The only type of conversio which seems to have involved 303 an expectation of complete renunciation of wealth at the very moment of conversion was entry into the servitium of a saint or holy place. Wast of the conversions of this kind which we have examined so far were by people who do not seem to have had great wealth to renounce, but there were some who did. One was a nobleman who had been in royal service; he received a cure at St. Martin's basilica at Tours and then secured a charter from the king permitting him to give all of his possessions to the basilica while he was still alive. Most donations by those who assumed symbolic servitude undoubtedly followed such a pattern, though royal consent may have been necessary only for those in royal service.

The presentation of the property to the saint or his shrine probably was a normal feature of the procedure. Two people who entered the servitium of St. Welanius after cures, 27 while he was still alive, gave all of their property to him. A man who spent his life in constant attendance at the tomb of St. Trudo after a cure made over all of his inheritance 98 to the shrine. An entire family healed by St. Fursa while he was alive converted and presented him with their property. 29 A wealthy woman whose cure was attributed to St. Fursa after his death brought her entire household to his tomb at Peronne, where "they vowed themselves and all of their possessions to God for the merits of St. Fursa;" that almost certainly means that they entered symbolically into his

'Xfl servitude and gave their property to the shrine at Peronne. 304 Occasionally, however, converts gave away all of their wealth to the poor some time before entering a symbolic servitiurn. Paulinius of Nola sold his vast domains and distributed the proceeds to the poor before setting out on a life-long pilgrimage (like Honoratus) which brought him to * Nola, where he served the shrine of St. Felix until he be- came a bishop. 31 A wealthy widow who was converted by St. Landibert was said to have given all of her possessions "which were quite ample" for the support of "paupers and servants of God" and then to have built a church to St. 32 George, where she remained in its service. There are no examples of converts who entered religious servitude while retaining their possessions. It seems certain, however, that some retained usufruct of their property for at least their own lifetimes. The family groups who converted to Fursa's servitude probably could not all have remained in constant attendance at his shrine. 33 Gerald of Aurillac (d.909) was said to have given his property to St. Peter, and to have journeyed to Rome every two years to pay tribute money with the coins hung around his neck like a serf; but he continued to act as a secular ruler and did not serve in a shrine.3 4 Gerald retained the use of the property in his own lifetime, though it was assigned in his will to a monastery he had founded. 35 This arrangement seems to have been a compromise recommended by the bishop of Rodez, whom Gerald consulted at the time of his conversion. It is 305 possible that he would have taken up a full-time servitium for St. Peter somewhere, perhaps in the church he built to Peter at Aurillac, had not his bishop "recommended that for the sake of the general welfare he should continue to wear secular dress;" apparently his talents were needed in secular government. For conversi who were living in their own homes and were not in religious servitude, property was a legitimate concern. Nevertheless, it would be inaccurate to suppose that lay conversion had no effect on the relationship between a wealthy convert and his property. He was expected to be especially generous in almsgiving, as has been discussed in a previous section.3 7 He was also expected to avoid devoting a great deal of time and attention to matters of money and property. The religious regimen of conversion, as we have seen, demanded considerable application to devotional and ascetic practices, and furthermore the whole spiritual thrust of the regimen and status of conversio was toward making the 38 convert truly in the world but not of the world. In practice that often meant finding a trustworthy person to relieve the convert of all or part of the burden of administer ing his estates so that he could devote his time to religious exercises. In writing to the conversus Ruricius, Bishop Faustus of Riez suggested three possibilities, in descending order of preference, for dealing with the problem of the conflict between worldly responsibilities and the spiritual 306 contemplation necessary for care of one's soul. The first was resolutely to choose the way of poverty and enter a monastery or similar congregation of ascetics (such as that of Lerins, he must have meant), for it was difficult, though laudable, to be a hermit in the world. 39 Next in preference was to appoint a manager for all of one's property if the value was sufficient to provide an annual income. The third alternative, and the one which Faustus seemed to favor for Ruricius' individual situation, was to retain a quantity of property under one's own control but to choose some faithful servants to lighten the load of administration. The bishop described this choice as the course of moderation which woul also provide an opportunity for giving alms. The point of these options was that "it is of no little profit if propert is removed by (having its) use reserved." In other words, if one could not escape obligations of property, one should hire a person to take care of them, or at least share some of the responsibilities through trusted servants; any diminution of temporal cares was better than none. It is impossible to know how often conversi who could afford it used this arrangement. Faustus recommended some- thing of the same ideal to the praetorian prefect Felix.4 1 Ulhen the conversus St. Aridius retired to his country estate he placed the burden of managing the property on his widowed mother, who also converted: "His time was now all devoted to fastings and prayers, and he besought her to be responsible 307 for all the care of his house, whether in respect of the discipline of the servants, of the cultivation of the fields, or the tilling of the vineyards, that there might be no interruption of his prayers." Evidently his mother's religious exercises did not require so much time. It is possible that- one or more of the many freedmen in Eligius' service managed his private property while he was in royal service; one was described as his "chamberlain".4 3 It is possible for any of the wealthier conversi to have relieved themselves of secular responsibilities through assistants, but we have no more evidence. Although lay converts were not barred from the use or possession of property in their own lifetimes, it was expected that they would bequeath relatively little of it to their relatives. This expectation was perhaps, judging by Salvian's condemnations, honored more in the breach than in the observance, though one may imagine that those without children found it easier to fulfill. Salvian felt strongly the impropriety of all types of converts leaving their wealth to natural heirs. Continence was not sufficient for a man and wife to call themselves reliqiosi; "Concerning married people professing continence, and filled with the spirit of God, who may doubt that those who have set them­ selves apart from the world do not wish their goods to serve their worldly heirs? For how can those who deny themselves to each other assign to others the things which belong to 307 for all the care of his house, whether in respect of the discipline of the servants, of the cultivation of the fields, or the tilling of the vineyards, that there might be no 42 interruption of his prayers." Evidently his mother s religious exercises did not require so much time. It is possible that' one or more of the many freedmen in Eligius' service managed his private property while he was in royal service; one was described as his "chamberlain". It is possible for any of the wealthier conversi to have relieved themselves of secular responsibilities through assistants, but we have no more evidence. Although lay converts were not barred from the use or possession of property in their own lifetimes, it was expected that they would bequeath relatively little of it to their relatives. This expectation was perhaps, judging by Salvian's condemnations, honored more in the breach than in the observance, though one may imagine that those without children found it easier to fulfill. Salvian felt strongly the impropriety of all types of converts leaving their wealth to natural heirs. Continence was not sufficient for a man and wife to call themselves relioiosi: "Concerning married people professing continence, and filled with the spirit of God, who may doubt that those who have set them­ selves apart from the world do not wish their goods to serve their worldly heirs? For how can those who deny themselves to each other assign to others the things which belong to 30 B themselves?" His answer was uncompromising: "Whoever of those leaves his possessions to those dedicated to the world, and to the world itself, ascribes to himself the name of religion in vain: he seems always to have lived for those for whom he died. And that, concerning married people, may suffice." 44 He offered the same hopelessness to widows, virgins, and all religiosi in general who did not leave their wealth to "the indigent".4 5 Those who bequeathed their worldly possessions to others, he said, obviously did so because they felt such wealth would profit them, snd that, for one who had proclaimed his conversion by his garments, was spiritual hypocrisy. Salvian's statement was the harshest; he was quite uninterested in distinctions between large and small bequests, in what might be necessary for the moderate well-being of one's heirs. Fastidius was willing to allow conversi some judgement in what would be an appropriate amount to leave their worldly heirs. He advised them not to treasure up riches that they were forbidden by their conversion to display; "but I have sons,' you will say, for whom I am anxious to keep all my property.' Uihy, then, for religious considera­ tion, do you affect to despise what you are guarding for the welfare of your children? Why do you applaud or congratu­ late yourself as if you were doing some strange thing in making your sons heirs of all of your riches, which even unbelievers are wont to do?... Are you to disinherit your 309 sons entirely? God forbid! But do not leave them more than 47 the nature of things demands." It is difficult to know how well most lay converts lived up to such expectations, not only because we possess few examples of ultimate property dispositions, but because most of the converts on whom we possess reliable information became monks or clerics, so that what they did with their wealth does not necessarily reflect the practices of those who remained in the lay, secular state. There is the example of the mother of a friend of Sidonius', probably a widow, who was renowned for her works of charity in behalf of clerics monks, and the poor, and who left to the poor at her death all of her wealth that she had not consumed in alms. 48 One would like to know whether some accounts of secular people leaving all of their property to the poor indicate that they had adopted a secret conversio. For example, the "Chronicle of Fredegar" recorded a striking act of charity by which

Warnachar, Burgundian mai.or domus, "distributed all his goods in alms to the poor" when he died in 599.4 9 It was necessary for the king to confirm the inheritance of a large part of his estate by a certain church near Geneva, 50 which indicates that religious recipients of charity could be described as "the poor", and that in practice the dispersal of large estates, whether in compliance with religious expectations or not, required royal consent in the Frankish kingdoms. That fact can be illustrated also by the previously-examined 310 instance in which a Frankish aristocrat obtained a royal charter to donate his property to St. Martin's basilica when he entered Martin's servitium. 51 It was not so simple for wealthy laymen to give away all their property as Salvian would have liked. Even though laymen following a religious regimen in their own homes did not traditionally become paupers them­ selves by giving away all their property upon conversion, a few apparently took that step before their deaths for one reason or another. Those who entered monasteries sometime after their initial conversion renounced their wealth at that time. Any other laymen would have had to do the same, but the conversi whose vitae we possess generally gave their wealth to the poor rather than to their natural heirs. 52 Those who embarked on a permanent pilgrimage, a religious exile, gave up their property at that time, as we have noted. 53 Some, however, pauperized themselves for no apparent additional reason. Lupus of Troyes, after a period of instruction in conversio at Lerins, was said to have been on his way back to his home in |Yl£con to distribute his remaining possessions to the poor when he was forced to become bishop of Troyes. It is possible, of course, that he intended to return permanently to Lerins. The phrase "to the poor", as we have seen, did not necessarily mean directly to indigent individuals. Some gave their property to their bishops for distribution at his discretion. A 311

woman dedicated to God and under the spiritual care of bishop Praejectus gave part of her property to him and the paupers in his keeping. 55 St. Trudo was advised by Bishop Remaclus of Solignac to give all of his inheritance to St. Stephen by placing it in the hands of Bishop Chlodulf of Metz; Trudo did so, and received some sort of religious education from Chlodulf afterward. One must beware of the historiographical temptation to describe a few isolated examples of a practice as a continuous and vital tradition. Thus, although some converts gave away their property, we happen to possess plenty of evidence that the retention of property after public expression of conversion was normal for those living in their own homes. Nevertheless, when strong ideological statements on the importance of bequeathing a substantial part of one's property to the indigent or to religious institutions occur, and when there is no evidence to contradict them, we are surely justified in noting a contemporary standard of propriety. Similarly, we must note without sufficient evidence to speak in detail that publicly professed converts of lower economic classes lived without close ecclesiastical supervision, probably in their own homes and certainly in servitude to others. Some were supported by the charity of the Church and the alms of private individuals of all classes, and some seem to have lived by their own labor outside of churches or shrines. The broadest significance that can be attached to 312 these conclusions is that, although the use and possession of individual sources of support were hedged by certain admonitions and expectations, the options available to religious converts in secular society were varied. The economic tradition of conversio, as is true for its devotional and social aspects, was a broad one. NOTES TD CHAPTER VI Pippini Regis capitulare Vernense, a.755, c.11, MGH Lieges I, p.26: !,De illis hominibus qui se dicunt propter Deum quod se tunsorassint, et modo res eorum vel pecunia habent, et nee sub manu episcopi sunt, nee in monasterium regulare vivunt, placuit ut in monasterio sint sub ordine regulari, aut sub manu episcopi sub ordine canonica.... Et de ancillis Dei velatis eadem forma servetur." 2 Concilium Parisiense, a.829, c.44, IY1GH Concilia II, p.638-539: "Mobiles feminae, quae amissis viris velantur et non in monasteriis sub spiritalis matris ragimine, sed potius in domibus propriis, occasione liberorum rerumque suarum, residera delitiisque affluere delectantur. . .'' were not to be veiled until thirty days after the deaths of their husbands. See also c.74, p.672-673, which is similar. 3Concilium Haristallense, Capitulare a.779, c.18, fllCH .Leges I, p.38: "Item placuit de sanctimonialibus mulieribus qui se copulaverunt viris aut adulterio se polluerunt, ut disiungantur, et intrent in monasteria, tam viri quamque et feminae, cum rebus suis et cum ilia compositions quam in publico dare debuerunt vel mundoaldo eius. De illis vero viris paupertinis qui nihil habent, ut supre et ipsi disiungantur, et si res non habent qualiter in monasterio vivant, parentes proximi eos nutriant, et caveant iterum non peccant...." 4 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.102, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.185: "Viduae, quae stipendio ecclesiae sustentantur, tam assiduae in Dei opere esse debent, quae et meritis et orationibus suis ecclesiam iuvent." 5 Op.pit., c,36, p.172: "Viduae adulescentes,quae corpore debiles sunt, sumptu ecclesiae, cuius viduae sunt, sustententur." Concilium Turonense, a.567, c.5, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.178: "Ut unaquaeque civitas pauperes et egenos incolas alimentis congruentibus pascat secundum vires; ut tam vicani presbyteri quam cives omnes suum pauperem pascant...." 7 S88 section 11:2. p Gregory of Tours, H.F. II: 17, 1GH SRJH I, p.65: "Factum est autem quadam die, ut, sedente ea in basilica ac legente, 313 314 adveniret quidam pauper ad orationem, et aspiciens earn in veste nigra, senio iam provecta, putavit esse unam de egentibus protulitque quadram panis et posuit in sinu eius et abscessit." g Gregory of Tours, Liber in Gloria Confessorum: 60, fliGH SRW I, p.783: 'Post haec puer erat assiduus in basilica ad sepulchrum sancti deserviens et lumen accendens...." 10"Vita Boniti,1' c.41, jYIGH SRJfl VI, p.139: "Sed mox ut super eum viri Dei corpus transiit, ipse sanitatis gaudia sensit, et in eadem ecclesia usque hodie manens, valvarum custos existit." 11"Vita S. Melanii," c.111:18, AASS, Jan., I, p.330: "Cujus etiam progenies usque in hodiernum...sanctum illius custodit sepulchrum....'' 1 2 Gregory of Tours, Liber in Gloria Confessorum: 60, WGH SRfn I, p.783: '...sed a quibusdam civitatis maioribus obpraemebatur atque fatigabatur, ut nee victus alimoniam possit habere. Cumque saepius haec ad beatum inploraret sepulchrum, apparuit ei sanctus per visum, dicens: 'Vade ad Gunthramnum regem et ei quid patiaris diligenter enarra. Ipse enim tibi praebet vestitum et alimentum, eripietque te de manu inimicorum.' Denique hac admonitione firmatus puer, ad regem accedens, quae suggessit obtenuit." 13Gregory of Tours, H.F. 11:1, OTGH SRW I, p.37: "... mulier, ad quam cubicularii eius vestimenta deferebant ad abluendam, quae sub specie religionis erat veste mutata...." Op.cit., IV:26, p.157: 'Habebat tunc temporis Ingoberga in servitium suum duas puellas pauperis cuiusdam filias, quorum prima vocabaturfflarcovefa, religios a veste habens....' King Charibert, as mentioned in the previous section, was enamoured of both of them. Since their father was a wool worker, Queen Ingoberg showed the king their father at work, hoping he would despise their lowly origin and so lose his attraction to the two daughters. 15 Besides the Carolingian capitularies and councils mentined at the beginning of this section, an important statement of the desire to distinguish religious life strictly from secular life was given in Concilium Itioguntinense, a.813, c.10,ftiCH Concilia II, p.263, which said that those who say that they have renounced the world must renounce worldly affairs. See also c.14, p.264, which ordered clerics and monks to abstain from all worldly affairs, which the canon proceeded to enumerate. 315 16Faustus, Epistulae 111:63, CSEL. XXI, p.197, and 111:8, p.210: servants associated with master in religious observances; "Vita Eligii I," c.10, mGH Sgjv; IV, p.678, freed- men engaged in religious observances with Eligius; Gregory of Tours, Liber vitae oatrum. XII:2, HIGH SRW I, p.712-713, a convert working as a huntsman for a nobleman. See also section 11:6. 17 See Gregory of Tours, De virtutibus S. Martini, 11:9, MGHSRTCI, p.612; 11:18, p.615; 111:19, p.637, 111:22, p.638: however, all of these entered the servitium of St. ffiartin. 18 Capitulare missorum in Theodonis villa datum primum, a.805, c.11, WGH Capitularia I, p.122: 'De servis propriis vel ancillis, ut non amplius tundantur vel velantur nisi secundum mensuram, et ibi satis fiat et villae non sint desolatae." 19 Concilium Haristallense: Capitulare a.779, c.18, fflCH Leges I, p.38: "...Ancilla vero quae cum voluntate domini sui vestem religiosam susceperit, et postmodum adulteraverit aut maritum duxerit, sit dominus eius culpabilas." 20 Gregory of Tours, Liber in gloria confessorum: 22, fflGH SRfli I, p.762: "Sed et puella de his mancipiis simili sorte febricitans.. . . Puerum humiliatis capillis huic monasterio cessimus, puellam vero mutata veste coetu sanctimonialum coniungi praecepimus ad serviendum Deo." 21Paulinus of Pella, "Eucharisticos," 11.441-442, CSEL. XVI» p.308: "...amissis opibus terrenis atque caducis perpetuo potius mansura ut quaerere nossem...."' 22Ibid.. 11.482-486, p.309-310: "...quominus autem rem propriam expeterem, cuius meritumque situmque anteriore loco iam me exposuisse recordor, obstabat flecti ad communia commoda coniunx indocilis nimioque metu navigare recusans...." For his later attempts to regain his property, see passim, especially 11.492-494, 506-511, 574-581.

23Sidonius, Epistulae IV:9:1, mGH, Auct ant. VIII, p.61: "...servi utiles (rustici morigeri, urbani amici) oboedientes patronoque contenti...." IV:9:4, p.61: "...putes eum propriam domum non possidere sed potius administrare." The last phrase should not be taken literally; Sidonius meant only that he was not haughty toward his servants. 24 Hilary, "Sermo'de vita S. Honorati," c.11, Cavallin, p.57: "Diripitur...dudum quidem vario misericordiarum opere vexata, adhuc tamen larga substantia.... Possessio quae pauperibus, ex quo ab ipsis fuerat possessa, servierat...." 316 25"Vita Aridii," c.B, £GJi ^M Hit p.585: "Igitur beata Pelagia, mutato saeculari habitu, induitur sanctimoniale vestimento...." Gregory of Tours, H.F. X:29, .QTGH. SRM I, p.440-441: "Exinde vir Dei...ad patriam, genitore ac germano defunctis, regreditur, consolaturus Pelagiam genitricem.... Deprecatur earn, ut omnis cura domus, id est sive correctio familiae sive exercitio agrorum sive cultus vinearum, ad earn aspiceret...." ryf. Gregory of Tours, 'De virtutibus S. martini1' III: 15, WGH SR01 I, p.636: "...converti decrevit, scilicet, ut humiliatis capillis ipsi sancto deserviret antestiti. Sed prius a regem praeceptum elicuit, ut res omnes basilicae traderet vivens.1' 27"\/ita S. melanii," 111:14, AASS, Jan., I, p.330: "...mox ut se sanatam deprehendit, sua omnia beato Pontifici tradidit, et ei postmodum, Domino servitura, adhaesit." Ill:16, p.330: "Qui sanitate percepta, cum omnibus suis praedicti sancti viri Melanii se tradidit obsequiis, atque ejus servitio inhaesit, et ab omnibus se saeculi actibus separavit."

28'Vita Trudonis," c.24, XELSii Sjafil VI» p.293: Salubre autem idem praedictus Harifridus, exigentibus beati patris meritis, cogitans, relicto seculari servitio, ad limina beati patris proficiscens, comam capitis sui deponens, cunctam hereditatem suam ad sepulchrum sancti Trudonis tradidit, ibique in Domini famulatu usque ad vitae suae terminum sanctam conversationem perduxit.'' 29"\/irtutes Fursei," c.B, JYIGH S&IY! IV, p.443: "Meritis sancti crediderunt, simul et sanitatem receperunt. Ipsi conversi Deum, pro amore sancti se et cuncta propria in manus detulerunt salvatori." 30 Ibid.. c.23, p.449: "Claruerunt merita sancti Fursei, et ipsa cum omnibus suis recepit sanitatem; omnibus haec res claruit. Postea ipsa veniens cum omni domu sua et cum parentibus, se ipsos et cuncta propria Deo pro meritis sancti Fursei voverunt...." It seems improbable that whole family groups would have remained in constant attendance at a shrine, though it is possible. Wore likely this and the preceding example were more symbolic servitia, with the donors retaining use of the property in their lifetimes. See section IV:3. 31 Gregory of Tours, "Liber in gloria confessorum," c.108,fllGH SRff l I, p.817: ' ...statim vinditis omnibus quae habebat, pauperibus erogavit... Perrexit ergo cum coniuge quasi peregrinaturus in alia regione, nihil habens praeter statum proprium." See section 11:2 on his servitium. 317 32 Vita Landiberti episcopi Traiectensis auctore Nicolao," c.12, MGH SRffl VI, p.416: "Nam Christi sacerdotis Lamberti spirituali exhortatione ad contemptum mundi viriliter accincta, possessionum suarum redditus, qui erant amplissimi, in usus pauperum et servorum Dei cepit habundanter erogare. Et ad ultimum...in predio suo quod Amanium dicunt non longe a Leodio ecclesiarn in honors Georgii martyris, extruxit, ubi in sancto viduitatis proposito Deo infatigabiliter serviens, feliciter requievit." 33 See note 30 above. On Gerald's servitium see sections 11:2 and IV:4. 35"\/ita S. Geraldi," 11:4, PL, CXXXIII, cols. 572-673: "Postquam itaque divino cultui sese mancipavit per omnia, ut sua quoque Domino consecraret, Romam prefectus est, et Aureliacum insicne praedium beato Petro apostolorum principi, facto solemniter testamento, delegavit, cum tantis videlicet appenditiis, quae monachis,. quos ibidem congregare disposuerat, ad omne stipendium sufficere possent. Ardebat namque mens illius coenobialem illic habitationem stabilire, quo coenobitae cum sui ordinis abbate communem ducerent vitam." Gerald gave some of his estates to the monastery, which he had much difficulty in establishing, but he did not surrender all of his possessions to it, for he continued to fulfill his duties as count, bee Baker, "Uir Dei," p.49-52.

Ibid.• 11:2, col.670: "Igitur Gausbertum, vererabilem Csic] et laude dignum plane episcopum, cum aliis quibusdam honestis viris evocavit, et qua mentis ccgitatione incitaretur, familiariter indicavit. Etenim domnus iste Gausbertus viro Dei charissimus erat, et pro communi sanctitate, mutuum sibi invicem contubernium praestabant. Exponit itaque praesentis vitae sibi inesse fastidium, et reglionis [sic] habitum desiderare; Romam proficisci velle, et praedia sua beato Petro apostolorum principi jure testamentario delegare. Cumque de hoc diu tractatum esset, vir Domini Gausbetus altiori consilio causam inspiciens, tandem suasit in saeculari habitu sese specie tenus, pro communi salute provincialium retineret, res vero sicut vellet, beato Petro dicaret. At ille ne suae definitioni pertinacius inhaerens, inobedienter egisse videretur, assensus est.;' 37 See section 11:7. 38 See Ladner, The Idea of Reform, p.366-373. 39 o:Taustus, Epistulae 111:8, CSEL. XXI, p.209-210* "De eo autem, quod quidam provocationis amore consuluit, salutifera et perfecta meditatio est curas animi partito per plures terrenae regimine rei sublivare et post haec 318 triplici deliberatione tractare, quid melius sit, locare vel administrare vel distrahere propriam portionem. Primum revera bonum esset, ut Christi famulus Christi pauperis vias ex toto pauper studeret incedere, si perfectam magni alicuius monasterii scholam vel certe insulanam angelicae congregation! militiam liceret expetere. Nam in medio saeculi institutionerr eremiticam proferre quanta magnanimitas, tanta est difficultas

Ibid., p.210: "Optimum est in secundo gradu sub noxio beneficiis administratore consistere, si vel voluntas suppetat vel facultas necessitatem annuae pensionis impleverit. Tertium est per fidelium famulorum electa solacia inpositae procurationis officiis sub prooria ac minore sollicitudine quantitatem reservatae gubernare substantiae et cursum per viam regiam tota mediocritate dirigere.... Non parum est lucri, si reservato usu proprietas distrahatur."

4Vaustus, Cpistulae 111:6, CSEL. XXI, p.197: Utinam provideat dominus vel duo fica solacia, cum quibus diurnas et nocturnas exigas functiones et vel biduo in septimana salutantum fruaris officiis.' In this letter Faustus seems to have been speaking more of companionship for religious devotionals and perhaps some social calls, but there is no reason why companions or servants might not have helped to relieve the burden of property administration. See section 11:6. A? ^Gregory of Tours, H.F. X:29, MGH SRM I, p.441:"Deinde cum ieiuniis atque orationibus;vacabat, deprecatur eam, ut omnis cura domus, id est sive correctio familiae sive exercitio agrorum sive cultus vinearum, ad eam aspiceret, ne huic viro aliquod accideret impedimentum, quo ab oratione cessaret.'1 The translation of this passage used in the text is from Gregory of Tours, The History of the Franks. II, trans. 0. M. Dalton (Oxford, 1927), p.466. "Vita Eligii episcopi Noviomagensis Liber I,'' c.10, PIGH SRIY) IV, p.678: "Habebat praeterea secum plures vernaculos in suo contubernio degentes sibique necessario iugiter obtemperantes. Ex quibus erat Baudericus eiusdem liber cumprovincialis, qui in omnibus honestae valde eius curam gerebat. Erat etiam Tituinus genere Suevus fidelis cubicularius laicus...," and others, whose precise functions while in Eligius' service were not mentioned. 44 Salvian, Ad ecclesiam 11:7, CSEL. VIII, p.254-255: "Nam de coniugibus continentiam professis et spiritu dei plenis dubitare quis debeat, quin sua heredibus mundanis servire nolint qui se ipsos mundo eliminaverint? Quomodo enim ad se pertinentia aliis addicant qui ipsos se sibi denegant?... Aliter enim quilibet horum, si res suas saeculo 319 deditis atque ipsi saeculo derelinquit, frustra sibi nomen religionis inscripsit: ei videtur semper vixisse, cui moritur, de coniugibus itaque ista sufficiunt." 45 Ibid.t 11:4, p.249: "Quid enim, inquit aliquis, si vidua sit dives et viduitatem tamen in magna opum copia non relinquens? Quid, si virgo integritatem professa et inpolluti corporis sanctitate devota? Quid, ei coniugium sine opere coniugali, negans se ipsum sibi et habens se quasi non habens? ... Numquid etiam hi aeternae salutis fructu periclitantur, si aut viventes opes integras habeant aut morientes indigentibus non relinquant?" Salvian answered that they definitely uuere in danger of losing eternal salva­ tion, and cited scriptural support. See also Ad ecclesiam 11:8, p.255. 46Ibid.. IV:5, p.308-309: "...Qui patrimonio suo aliis magis quam sibi consulit profutura sibi quae deo dederit omnino esse non credit. Dicat enim mini quilibet horum, cur facultates suas aliis derelinquit? Numquid non ideo, quia profuturas cui reliquerit esse non ambigit? Ideo absque dubio." Fastidius, De vita Christiana. XX:2 (Haslehurst, p.102): "Sed filios habeo, inquies, quibus mea cupio universa servare. Qui^d ergo religionis intuitu contempsisse te fingis, quod liberorum contemplatione custodis? Vel cur tibi plaudis,aut complaces, quasi novi aliquid geras, si omnium bonorum tuorum tuos filios haeredes instituas, quod facere etiam infidelibus moris est?... Quid ergo dicimus? Ut filios tuos penitus exheredes? Absitl Sed ut illis non plus, quam naturae necessarium est, derelinquas. Nam quomodo eos diligis, si illis ea videris conferre, quae noceant?" The translation used in the text is by Haslehurst, p.101.

A a "V/ita Caesarii," c.8, JrlGH SM III, p.460: "Erat igitur tempore illo Firminus illustris et timens Deum et proxima ipsuis illustrissima mater familias Gregoria, illustrissima feminarum, in praedicta urbe Arelaitensi, quorum studio et vigilantia curaque circa clerum et monachos circaque cives et pauperes civitas praedicta reddebatur illustrior. Uterque enim proprias opes non consumebant mundana luxuria, sed ad paradisum sibi eas deportatione pauperum transmittebant." Firminus was probably a conversus. Sidonius addressed two uninformative letters to him: Epistulae IX: 1, HQH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.149j IX:16, p.170. His mother was probably an avowed widow. 49 The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredeqar with its Continuations, ed. J. M. Uallace-Hadrill (London, 1960), c.18, p.12: "Eo anno Warnecharius maior domi Teuderici 320 transiit, qui omnem facultateni suam in alimuniis pauperum distribuit." 50 I bid., c.22, p.15: "Ibique princeps Theudericus presens aderat, multisque rebus huius eclesiae tribuens, rnaxemam partem facultates UJarnacharii ibidem confirmavit." 51 See above, note 26. 52,,Vita Savonis," c.4, MGH SRJ1 IV, p.537; "Vita Romarici," c.4, JjlGH SRM IV, p.222; "Vita Germani," c.4, MGH SRJfl V, p. 34; St. L'Jandrille simply 'reliquid omnia and went to Bobbio: "Vita Uandregiseli," c.9, JiLGH S_Rm V, p.17. On the theme of saints giving away their property in Merovingian hagiography, see P. Graus, Volk, Herrscher und Heiliqer im Reich der fflerowinqar (Prague, 1965), p.292=295, 488-490. 53 bee above, notes 24 and 31. See also section 11:13. 54 a*'*Vita Lupi," c.3, WGH SRIQ VII, p.296: "Quo ilia fidei calore, emenso anni curriculo, regrediens ad oppidum Matiscone, ut quae sibi remanserant, pauperibus eroganda distraheret, ad urbis Tricassinae ilico pontificium raptus." 55"Passio Praeiecti," c.23, mGJH SRTO V, p.239: "Erat- illo in tempore in supradicto territorio Arverno quedam femina Deo dicata nomine Claudia, ad quern sedule propter causam praedicationis veniebat, resque suas ex parte in predicto pontifice vel pauperes, quos ipse regebat, contulit." 56 "Vita Trudonis," c.7, |1GH SM VI, p.280: "... Rimaglius loqui ad pium Trudonem: ...'Perge igitur, fili mi $ feliciter ad Chlodulfumffletensis urbis episcopum omnemque possessionem tuam et cuncta, quae habere visus es in his partibus, per manus ipsius trade sancto Stephano prothomartyri Christi facque ilium heredem tuae terrenae possessionis, ut, ipsuis suffragantibus meritis, cohereditarius eius sis in gaudio regni caelestis." See Prinz, p.204. CHAPTER VII. EPISCOPAL SUPERVISION

Previous sections have discussed ecclesiastical aspects of entry into conversio and sanctions against withdrawal. This section will examine the relationship of bishops to those actively engaged in a lay religious regimen. P. Galtier* in his article on "Penitents et 'convertis'," concluded that one of the reasons that lay conversio prefigured private penance and smoothed the transition to the Celtic peniten­ tial usages was that all conversi consulted priests or bishops when they began their penitential religious regimen and remained under sacerdotal direction throughout their lives as reliqiosi. Since this sort of pastoral guidance was similar to confession and directed expiation under the new penitential system, the Church on the continent was already familiar with a more personal and private alternative to canonical public penance when the Irish monks introduced i theirs. Our examination, on the other hand, has already shown that lay conversion was a broad tradition covering a variety of outward circumstances in which a religious regimen could be followed. Furthermore, conversi did not always seek out a clerical advisor when they decided to make a public expression of their internal conversion, and sometimes did not even make such a public expression. In view of this 321 322 lack of neat conformity with the pastoral ideals of later medieval penance, what can we say about the realities of ecclesiastical control over the religious regimens of conversi? First of all, Galtier was largely correct in emphasizing the place of conversio within the system of careful pastoral care in Gaul in the fifth and early sixth centuries. Knowledgeable and hard-working bishops such as Faustus of Riez, Caesarius of Aries, and Gregory of Tours knew how to use conversio to nurture the spiritual lives of the laymen who sought their advice. One cannot read the letters of Faustus and Ruricus, for example, without being impressed by the close and vital nature of their relationships with their converts. Both laymen and bishops understood the necessity to tailor a religious regimen to fit the realities of the secular responsibilities which lay converts could not avoid, and both understood that it was the bishop who had the pastoral experience to decide what was feasible and canonically correct.

But that did not mean that bishops could closely control private religiosity. The letter of Faustus to the prefect and conversus Felix mentioned that Felix had received a forma Vivendi from Bishop Leontius of Aries, and that !'daily" he had the benefit of "effective teaching and immediate lessons". Nevertheless, Felix was now seeking additional (or alternative?) direction ("magisterium") from another 323 bishop, somewhat to Faustus' embarassment. Ruricus, while still a lay convert, wrote a letter to Faustus recalling that he had given to him, the bishop, a "voluntary confession" of his sins and that it was now in Faustus' "power and judgement whether to cut open the putrefaction of my covered sore with 5 iron rigor or to cure it with the gentleness of medicine." It sounds as though Ruricus were leaving it up to Faustus to decide whether he should enter public penance or a less public form of conversio. As in the case of Felix, Ruricus allowed his bishop great influence over his choice of regimen and, undoubtedly, his daily expression of it. But, like Felix, Ruricus did not hesitate to consult another bishop as well: in a letter to Sidonius he mentioned a recent confession of sins to that bishop — indeed, a continuing process of consultation on his spiritual state, with Sidonius , advising him and providing religious reading matter. The relationship reflected in these letters, then, was not one of close supervision by a religious authority over the religious regimen of a layman. The initiative, rather, was from the other side: strongly motivated laymen sought pastoral advice, not just from their diocesan ordinaries, but from any episcopal authorities they thought likely to give them usable and inspiring instruction in the religious life. Sometimes the bishop might refuse. The Frankish Count of Trier wrote to Sidonius asking for his exposition of certain "spiritual pages", perhaps the Bible; Sidonius 324 declined in favor of bishops who were nearer and more 7 experienced. This is one of those tantalizingly obscure references to a layman who desired spiritual instruction but cannot be positively identified as a conversus. Whatever his outward religious status, he was like Felix and Ruricus in seeking religious guidance wherever he could find it. Although a bishop might decline to become a spiritual director, ordinarily he was understood to be obligated to act in such a capacity for a convert in his charge. Thus Ruricus, after becoming bishop of Limoges, wrote to an aristocratic conversa that "because both your propositum and our office require it, I have presumed to advise your reverence of these few things," and went on to instruct her Q in vigils, fasting, and other penitential matters. Such sources indicate that in the fifth century the primary function of the bishop vis a vis lay converts after conversion was not so much direct supervision and control (in the same way that he might, for example, govern monks and clergy) as instruction and assistance in working out their own formae Vivendi. Although the above letters are most valuable as first­ hand evidence, other sources also show the bishop in his role as instructor of converts. Caesarius* sermons were full of exhortations and instructions to widows, virgins, q penitents, and other converts. According to a ninth-century hagiographar with good sources at his disposal, St. Thsudarius, 325 who wished to join the community at Lerins, was sent by his parents to Caesarius at Aries, where he received instructions from the bishop on asceticisms and lived a life of conversion. Aridius lived with Bishop Nicetius of Trier as a voluntary penitent, 11 receiving instruction in scripture 12 among other things, before he returned to a life of conver­ sion on his family estate. St. Trudo was advised by Bishop Remaclius and received instruction from Bishop Chlodulf of Metz after he had converted and before he finally became a cleric. 13 Sometimes holy men other than bishops performed the function of instruction after conversion. Honoratus, while still head of the community of Lerins, gave instruction to Lupus of Troyes and Salvian of Marseilles before they left and became clerics. 14 Honoratus and his brother Venantius lived a rather secluded life on their family estate after their conversion, but they were said to have had visits from bishops whom they instructed by their example rather than the other way around. 15 Bishops exercised some authoritative control over con­ verts aside from religious instruction, however. The degree of episcopal control varied among the various expressions of conversion, with public penitents and widows receiving the greatest attention. Canonically, the status of public penance was conferred by the bishop after confession, and his judgement determined when absolution was to be given after careful consideration of the nature and gravity of 326 the offense. It was also up to the bishop to decide when and if a lapsed penitent could be received back to communion 17 after an examination of his spiritual state. These con- ciliar provisions for episcopal control, however, seem to concern more those expiating particular grave sins than highly motivated conversi. Eligius, as we have seen before, confessed to a bishop before entering a penitential regimen, but he does not seem to have received an episcopal absolution 18 or further ecclesiastical supervision. Widows came under the special care of bishops as part of their traditional protection of the weak and outcast against powerful social elements. Conciliar canons sometimes reminded bishops of their duty to protect widows, orphans, and paupers. 19 Bishops were to take part in trials involving veiled widows to make sure they were not oppressed by secular judges. 20 From the later saventh century, canons urged closer episcopal supervision of the private lives of religious women in secular society, particularly widows, to ensure that they were not involved in scandals.2 1 Episcopal protection and supervision of widows seems to have been closer than for other types of converts. Bishops also made an effort to supervise virgins living in their own homes, however. Such conversae. along with young widows, were to be kept from close contact with clerics.2 2 Carolingian councils and capitularies attempted to increase episcopal supervision over virgins as well as 327 widows* A capitulary of 789 urged adherence to an earlier North African canon which stated that virgins were to be watched over by the bishop or "serious people.' 23 Husbands and wives living in continence had always been encouraged to seek episcopal advice. A letter from Paulinus of Nola to Bishop Victricius of Rouen in the early fifth century congratulated him on the loving admiration "among all the sons of your instruction" of married couples living as brother and sister as well as widows. There are no indica­ tions of close ecclesiastical supervision of continentes, however, until the Council of Rome of 826, which directed that husbands and wives must obtain the consent of their bishops before dissolving their marriage. 25 In summary, there is little evidence of close episcopal control of converts. There was a lively tradition from the fifth century of converts seeking religious instruction from bishops, but the initiative in such relationships came from converts who wished to learn scripture or ascetic discipline and did not involve the exercise of episcopal authority to regulate closely private religious regimens. One must except, however, canonical control of bishops over absolution in public penance and the attempts by councils from the late seventh century to provide closer episcopal supervision over widows and virgins. NOTES TO CHAPTER VII

'Galtier,"Penitents et ' convertis* ," p.283-291. o See sections IV:3-7. 3Faustus, Epistulae 111:6, CSEL. XXI, p.196: "Nam ipsa sollicitudo interrogandi iam forma Vivendi, quam cotidie de domni mei patris vestri sancti episcopi Leontii Bfficacibus doctrinis et praesentibus documentis sufficienter adtrahitis." Loc.cit.: "Non autem miror, si et meum quamlibet ex superfluo requiritis institutum, cuius circa vos singularem nostis affectum. Creditis in adiutorium fedei vestrae magisterium meum tarn perfectum esse quam votum est, sed licet sermo meus, quern lentiorem etiam praesens reddit infirmitas, vestro sufficere vix possit ardori, tamen paucis conversationem vestram non tarn instruam quam revoluam."

5Ruricius, Eoistulae 1:2, CSEL. XXI, p.353: "Habes ergo, pater optime, pastor egregie, me culpae meae spontaneum confessorem. Habes et in discipuli errore, quod corrigas, et in oviculae languore, quod sanes. Potestatisque et iudicii tui est, utrum velis ulceris mei putredinem ferri rigore rescindere an medicamentorum lenitate curare." Ruricius, Epistulae 1:8, CSEL. XXI, p.361: "quod ego valde verum esse cognoscens facinus meum nuper admissum pietati vestrae indicare non distuli, ne, quod modo prodente me spectat ad venium, tacente postmodum pertineret ad culpam. Sed iam ipsum dolum proferimus in medium.... Codicem namque, quern de fratre meo Leontio me recipere iusseratis, transtulisse me fateor." Beck, p.212-213, feels that Ruricus' reference to confession and forgiveness indicate a practice of especially pious laymen seeking frequent confession, absolution, and spiritual guidance from prelates in the fifth century.

7Sidonius, Eoistulae IV.17:3, JUSH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.68: "De paginis sane quod spiritalibus vis ut aliquid interpres improbus garriam, iustius haec postulantur a sacerdotibus loco propinquis aetate grandaevis, fide Claris opere vulgatis, ore promptis memoria tenacibus, omni denique meritorum sublimium dote potioribus. Namque ut antistitem civitatis vestrae relinquam, consummatissimum virum 328 329 cunctarumque virtutum conscientia et fama iuxta beatum, multo opportunius da quibuscumque quaestionibus tibi interrogantur incliti Galliarum patres et protomystae, nee satis positus in longinquo Lupus nee parum in proximo Auspicius, quorum doctrinae abundanti eventilandae nee consultatio tua sufficit." Sidonius' disclaimers might be traditional false modesty except that he seems to have been serious in his refusal. His praise of bishops closer to Trieri his emphasis on physical distance in general, and his assumption that Count Arbogastes would want to question Lupus or Auspicius at some length, suggest that Arbogastes may have wanted instruction in the religious life in general rather than merely the answers to a few questions about the Bible.

8Ruricius, Epistulae 11:15, CSEL. XXI, p.394: "Sed quia et propositum vestrum et nostrum poscit officium, his venerationem vestram paucis monere praesumpsi.•.." 9Caesarius, Sermo VI (CCSL, CIII-CIV, p.35): for virgins and widows; Sermones XVIII (p.83-85), XLI (p.181), LVI (p.249-250), LXI (p.257), LXIV (p.275-278), LXV (p.278-282), LXVII (p.284-288), LXVIII (p.288-290), CVIII (p.449-450), CLXXXIV (p.751-752), CLXXXIX (p.771-773), CLXXIX (p.723-729): on conversion and penance.

10"Vita Theudarii," c.2-4, |d£H SfiW Hit p.526-527: "Sarcina igitur temporali exhoneratus ac saeculi veste ad plenum nudatus, ut perfectius domino Iesu Christo serviret, Lyrinense coenobium expetere cogitavit. Parentibus itaque derelictis ac Deo totum se cornmittens, sub hoc desiderio Arelatem civitatem expetiit, ubi tunc sanctus Caesarius pontifex habebatur, ut solatio pontificis iutus, ut per ipsum facilius iter ad insulam monachorum capesceret. Sed Dei omnipotentis dispositione actum est, ut sancti pontificis consiliis aliquantulum ibi retardaretur....5ubstitit itaque ibi beatus Teudarius secundum voluntatem beati Caesarii, et die noctuque ieiuniis, vigiliis et orationibus votum animi sui Deo cornmittens, non parvam laetitiam profectus sui tarn pontifici quam clero contulit."

11"Vita Aridii," c.6, IGil SM HI. p.583: "...omnia acta adulescentiae suae coram conspectu viri beatissimi Niceti episcopi confessus est. Denique commonitus interea divinitus per praefatum Nicetium Treverorum civitatis episcopum, ut relinqueret saeculi pompam, fugiens mundi oblectamenta, ...et se sub regulae subderet censura ad contemplandam caelestis patriae palmam. Sicque sibi austeram inponens paenitentiam, coepit viriliter conluctationi carnis spiritus fervore resistere." This vita emphasizes the penitential aspect of Aridius' tutelage to Nicetius, drawing phrases from the "Vita Eligii." 330 12Gregory of Tours, _H_j£. X:29, JTLGJd SM I, p.440: "At ille, relicto regis palatio, secutus est eum. Cumqua ingrassi in cellulam Tthat is, into Bishop Nicetius' chamber!, de his quae ad Deum pertinent confabularentur, expetiit adulescens a beato sacerdote se corrigi, ab eo edoceri, ab eo inbui ac in divinis v/oluminibus ab eodem exerceri. Cumque in huius studii flagrantia cum antestete memorato degeret, tonsorato iam capite...."

13"\/ita Trudonis," c.10, £iGH SM VI, p.284: '"Hoc nb„ique praeceptum suscepi a beato Rimaglio, ut, postquam possessionem ?ieam sancto Stephano tradidissem, tunc a beatitudine vestra sacrorum apicum disciplinam postulassem.' ...Tradidit itaque eum episcopus in manum praefati custodis ecclesiae et omnino ei praecepit, ut eum cum magna diligentia docuisset." On the content of Trudo's studies, scripture and ascetic practices, see c.11, p.284. This instruction, however, came at the end of Trudo's period as a lay convert on his own estate, for he was made a cleric after his studies. On his gift of his property to Bishop Chlodulf of Metz, see chapter VI.

14"Vita Lupi," c.2, jDQGH SM VII, p.296: "Turn ille superni spiritus vigore flammatus, transferens ad nitorem mentium vestis ornatum, relicto patrio lare..., evangelicae perfectionis exempla sectatus, verum eximiae claritatis et gratiae splendore conspicuum sanctum Honoratum alacri animo maiori virtute credidit expetendum, abbatem primae habitationis insolae Lirinensis, cuius nimpae instructione cervicae subdita, iugum dominicae servitutis excipiens, omnium vigiliarum abstenentiarumque dogmatibus institutus." Salvian also lived on Lerins for awhile, with his wife and daughter. See section 11:12. Salvian was mentioned by Hilary in his "Life of Honoratus" as one of Honoratus' most beloved followers: c.19, Cavallin, p.63.

15Hilary, "Sermo de Vita S. Honorati," c.9, Cavallin, p,55: "Privatus quidam iam tunc in conversatione eorum episcopatus gerebatur, Mentior, nisi plurimi episcoporum didicere ab illis, dum excipiuntur, excipere; nam si qui rigorem ilium propositi non expaverunt, plus illinc humanitatis animo quam refectionis corporeae secum tulerunt." 1 fi Concilium Andegavense, a.453, c.12, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.138: "Paenitentiae sane locus omnibus pateat qui conversi errorem suum voluerint confiteri, quibus perspecta qualitate peccati secundum episcopi aestimationem venia erit largienda." 17 Concilium Aspasii episcopi metropolitani Elusani, a.551, c.1, CCSL. CXLVIIIA, p.163: Lapsed penitents were to be excommunicated. "Nam si se per dignam multi temporis 331 paenitentiam inspirante Domino sequestrati deviasse cognoverint, qualiter communionem Dao propitio mereantur, inspecta fide horum in sacerdotis sui consistat arbitrium." 18 See section IIIt 4• 19 See for example Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.7, CCSL. CXLVIII, p.169; Concilium lYIatisconense, a.585, c.12, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.244-245; Pippini Regis capitulare Uernense, a.755, c.16, fflGH Lec)es I, p.26; Concilium Ascheimense, a.756, c.10, (YIGH Concilia II, p.58. On protection given to widows by Church and state, see Rosambert, p.154-185. 20Concilium lYIatisconense, a.585, c.12, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.244-245: "... Ob quam causam decernimus, ut iudicis non prius viduas et pupillos conveniant, nisi episcopo nunciarent, cuius sub velamine degunt - quod si episcopus praesens non fuerit, archidiacono vel presbytero cuidam eius -, ut pariter sedentes communi deliberatione causis eorum terminus figant ita iusti ac recte...." 91 See Concilium Latunense, a.673-675, c.13, CCSL. CXLUIIIA, p.316; Concilium Ascheimense, a.756, c.9, IY1GH Concilia II, p.58; Capitulare ecclesiasticum, a.789, c.40, IY1GH Leoes I, p.60; Concilium Parisiense, a.829, c.40 and 44, MGH. Concilia II, p.637 and 63B-639. See sections IU:5-6. 22Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, ca.475, c.68, CCSL. CXLUIII, p.177: "Ad reatum episcopi pertinet vel presbyteri qui parrociae praeest si, sustentendae vitae praesentis causa, adulescentiores viduae vel sanctimoniales clericorum familiaritatibus subiciantur." 23 Capitulare ecclesiasticum, a.789, c.40, (YIGH Leges I, p.60: "In Concilio Africano, ut virgines Deo sacratae a gravioribus personis diligenti custodia serventur." The African canon referred to the custody of the bishop: p.60, note 4. 24Paulinus, Epistulae 18:5, CSEL. XXIX, p.132-133: "Nee minore eosdem voluptate Sanctis operibus et pio ministratu inexpugnata noctu diuque famulantium viduarum pascit integritas vel subiugatorum deo coniugum arcana germanitas.... Te in omnibus eruditionis tuae filiis diligentes et in te Christum amantes...." 25 Concilium Romanum, a.826, c.36, IY1GH Concilia II, p.582: "...Sin autem vir et uxor divertere pro sola religiosa inter se consenserint vita, nullatenus sine conscientia episcopi fiat, ut ab eo singulariter proviso constituantur loco. Nam uxore nolente aut altero eorum etiam pro tali ire matrimonium non solvatur." CHAPTER VIII. NUMBERS AND DISTRIBUTION

It is, of course, impossible to discuss even approximate figures- for the total body of conversi either at one time or over the whole period* They and their contemporaries were not concerned with statistics. It is impossible even to count the total number of conversi mentioned in the available sources because a large percentage of references to them are ambiguous and many are concerned with them as a class rather than with individuals. Even if we could do so, the figure would be almost meaningless because we would then have to guess at the biases of the sources to allow for social classes and various types of conversion which were represent­ ed disproportionately in writing. The most that we can do is to decide whether or not non-monastic lay conversion was a common phenomenon by assessing in general terms the aware­ ness of contemporaries. The geographical distribution and movement of conversio is also subject to biases of the sources, and our knowledge of it is even more dependent on the chance survival of writings from particular geographical areas. We can only note where special concentrations of conversi were mentioned and get a terminus ad quern for the spread of the tradition to some geographical areas.

332 333 Conversi were an important pastoral concern of churchmen in the fifth and early sixth centuries* The individuals mentioned by name belonged to the senatorial aristocracy. Faustus of Riez and Ruricius of Limoges each wrote letters to two wealthy converts. Sidonius wrote to at least two, 2 7 and possibly four* and urged the conversion of three others,~ though his letters tend to be more social than actively pastoral. Victricius of Rouen, Gennadius of Marseilles, and Julianius Pomerius wrote pastoral treatises mentioning the problem of conversion, and the sermons of Caesarius of Aries 4 frequently alluded to various classes of converts. Penitents and converts were a favorite subject of criticism for Salvian of Marseilles. These authors, except for Victricius, were concentrated in southern Gaul, but their subjects may not have been. UJe are here considering only the aristocratic conversi living in their own homes, like Honoratus and the correspondents of Faustus and Ruricius, but the other pastoral writings suggest that there were more than just a few in the general population who had publicly professed, and Salvian's concern over loss of social status by converts among the nobility indicates that there were many even among the Gallican aristocracy. Even considering that the converts mentioned by the letter writers sought pastoral advice from 7 more than one bishop, one may hazard a guess that most bishops in Gaul between the Loire, the Garonne and the Alps probably could name at least an aristocratic convert or two 334 in their immediate pastoral care without much overlap* Sources which seem to refer to converts of all social classes suggest that there were many more than those in the nobility, especially in voluntary penance. A sermon attributed to Faustus of Riez states that the author has seen "several times" young people in "the beginning of adolescense" commit themselves to chastity through penance even though they had committed no great sins. One must assume that there were many more who did not publicly profess their conversion so young, so that the homilist probably knew more than several. Salvian wrote of "multi religiosi" who had entered the class of lay religious through 9 penance but continued to act in a worldly manner. That would indicate at least that Salvian conceived of the practice of voluntary penance as extending far beyond the individuals immediately known to him. Furthermore, he must surely have been able to add some who genuinely attempted a religious life to his "many" who did not. One can conclude, with some risk, that bishops and priests such as Faustus and Salvian were usually acquainted with several people who had undergone voluntary penance, even though Salvian may have met more than the usual number in Marseilles. Caesarius was said to have instituted canonical hours in the cathedral at Aries for the benefit of "seculars and penitents" who wished to participate in them. There must have been a fairly significant group of such penitents and other religious 335 laymen at Aries. It was not unusual to meet voluntary penitents outside of basilicas; Praejectus happened to be in company with three of them at a dinner party at Clermont. The uncanonical form of voluntary penance marked by self- imposition of chains and iron bands followed by pilgrimages to shrines must have been common from the sixth to eighth centuries judging by the displays of broken fetters at the churches of Nicetius and wlillibrord and the Carolingian condemnation of the practice. Conversion to constant attendance and servitude at churches and shrines does not seem to have been rare by any means. Gregory of Tours mentioned approximately eight such converts in Gaul, of whom five probably lived in his own basilica at Tours and seem to have been known to him personally. 12 One gains the impression that there were always several such religious servi in St. Martin's basilica. Of coursei St. Martin probably had the greatest number of pilgrims, healings, and converts, but the practice seems to have been common elsewhere. There were at least two converts in servitude to the shrine of St. Landibert, around the same time, near Maastricht. 13 Gregory mentioned others at Lyons, Dijon, and Candes (near Tours). 14 Other hagiographic sources mention religious servitium in churches or shrines at Rennes, St. Gall, Clermont, and near LiegeN . 15 At one time or another during our period, therefore, the custom was spread widely over Gaul, north and south, east and west. It 336 is not possible to determine houu many holy places had converts living in them, but we can say that such people could be found not only in well-known sites or near major episcopal sees, but also in small, out-or-the-way religious foundations. St. Desiderius of Alsace found a woman living 1 6 in a small oratory dedicated to St. Martin in the Vosges. Those who entered some kind of symbolic servitude to living holy men by dedicating themselves and their property may have been more numerous than one might imagine from the rarity of specific references to the practice. Where inci­ dents of such conversions occur in the sources, they usually involve groups of people: three people at separate times entered servitude to St. Melanius for religious reasons while he was alive; 17 two whole families converted to the service 1 8 of St. Fursa during his work in Gaul; another whole family 19 entered the servitium of St. Riquier. When a holy man died, those converts still in his service and those children of converts who inherited the status seem to have served in his church or in a shrine at his tomb,2 0 so that they added to the numbers of those serving at holy places. Finally, we might attempt to gain some idea of the frequency or density of conversion by noting whether converts in general wpre described as often encountering one another or interacting. They were, in fact, often described so in saints' lives; the difficulty with this approach is that conversio was contagious, and interactions mentioned in the 337 sources often reflect a significant conversion of one person through another rather than chance encounter. Thus the density of laymen leading a life of heightened religiosity while serving in the Merovingian royal government of the early seventh century was apparently high: the vita of Desiderius of Cahors indicates that he had at least four associates in conversio at the palace of Dagobert I. 21 But this circle of palace conversi seems to be traceable in part to the agency and example of Eligius, so that it does not necessarily indicate the number of conversi in royal service at other times. Nevertheless, conversi were undoubtedly ubiquitous enough to encounter each other in one circumstance or another fairly frequently. Genevieve was said to have changed the garments of one conversa and to have encountered 22 two others by chance. Eptadius was visited on his sickbed 23 by "three honest virgins" who converted him. Praejectus' presence with three "paenitentes" or "abstinentes" at a social gathering was cited above. Some religious men were said to have been so successful in preaching or example that they inspired many people to convert in the areas in which they worked, though perhaps some allowance should be made for exaggeration by the hagiographers: Ansbert, bishop of Rouen, caused "many" to come "hastening to the grace of conversion"; 24 and "many were converted to God" through 25 Trudo near Metz. As stated at the beginning of this section, figures are beyond our reach in discussing the prevalence of 338 conversio in Gaul. We have examined some suggestions of the commonness of certain groups of conversi; those among the aristocracy of the fifth and early sixth centuries, voluntary penitents, and those in religious servitude, while noting that converts in general were not considered prodigiously rare by hagiographers. One suspects that avowed widows and professed virgins living in their own homes were the most common of all forms of conversioi especially considering the number of conciliar canons dealing with them, but there is no more evidence. Moreover, one cannot be sure how long the strong appeal of conversio for Gallican aristocrats continued after the fifth century, though the numbers of those in royal service 27 (even considering Eligius' special influence) suggests that it lasted at least well into the seventh century. Mentions of religious servitude occur in sources from the fifth through the ninth centuries, and it seems to have maintained an even 28 level of popularity. Uihile most of our evidence for the popularity of voluntary penance is drawn from the fifth through the seventh centuries in Gaul, a recent study has traced the tradition into the twelfth century in Italy. 29 In brief, the safest conclusion to be made about the numbers of lay converts in Gaul throughout our period is that they were not uncommon. No contemporary author betrays puzzlement over encountering the tradition. Probably everyone knew of at least a convert or two in his local community. 339 Although conversio seems to have been especially strong in certain areas of Gaul at certain times, the emergence of a center of special influence does not necessarily reflect the original introduction of the institution to a certain area or group of people. Some expressions of lay conversion, professed widowhood and virginity at least, probably spread with the first waves of organized Christianity in Gaul. 30 And although Provence, Marseilles and Aries in particular, was recognized as a center of lay conversion in the fifth century, the regimen was already known in northern Gaul by the later fourth century. Honoratus left his life of conversio on his family estate in northern Gaul before finally making Lerins a center of training for lay converts. 31 However, Honoratus was said to have settled at Lerins around 410 partly because it was close to Bishop Leontius of Frejus, 32 for whom he had much affection. It is possible that Leontius had been already his spiritual advisor in conversio. and that the practice of lay conversion was already particularly strong in Provence. As explained in a previous section, some converts went 33 to Lerins after their initial lay conversion. Lupus, later bishop of Troyes, left Toul, in the same probable general area as Honoratus' former home, to go to Lerins around 426, soon after his conversion. He had been married to a sister of Hilary, Honoratus' biographer; Hilary had been induced by Honoratus to go to Lerins shortly before that (420-426). 340 It would appear that ties of spiritual instruction between Provence and the Meuse-Moselle area of northern Gaul were close. Late in the same century, Caesarius left his home in Chalon-sur-Saohe to go to Lerins two or more years after his public expression of conversion. It may be significant that Chalon would have been on the Rhone-Saone route of communication with northern Gaul.

The cities of Aries and Marseilles were early centers of conversioi though it was popular in other parts of southern Gaul. Caesarius' work in nurturing lay conversion in the see of Aries undoubtedly continued a policy established by Honoratus and Hilary before him. The criticism expressed by Julianus Pomerius, a priest at Aries in the later fifth century, prove that lay conversio was a familiar (though not universally respected) practice in the city in the years between Hilary and Caesarius. 37 Faustus of Riez probably encouraged lay conversion in his own see as well as among his correspondents; he had been abbot of Lerins until his 7D election to the see of Riez before 462. The thorough familiarity with conversio shown by Salvian and Gennadius, both priests at lYIarseilles, proves that the regimen was as well established in that city as it was in Aries. Earlier than that, probably around 420, Paulinus of Pella entered voluntary penance in the Bordeaux region at the suggestion of certain "holy ones" and some years later went to live in Marseilles "because many holy men who had been friends were living 341 there." 39 One suspects that Paulinus' counsellors and friends were other converts and that Marseilles had been a radiant center of conversio at least since the early fifth century. The following geographic picture vaguely emerges: the Provence region was a vital center of lay conversio throughout the fifth and into the sixth centuries. Marseilles and Lerins (after its foundation in 410) attracted numbers of converts; they lived in a semi-monastic setting under Honoratus at Lerins and perhaps merged with the urban popu- lation, as did Paulinus, at Marseilles.4 0 Somewhat later in the century, after 426, Aries became a fertile ground for lay conversio under a series of bishops trained in that tra­ dition. There was probably much inspirational cross-fertili­ zation among the conversi of these communities, and neighbor­ ing bishops such as Faustus of Riez probably learned from their tradition. Bishops farther north and east, such as Ruricus of Limoges, Sidonius of Clermont, and Lupus of Troyes, were demonstrably instructed in lay conversio from Provence and spread the tradition among lay converts in their 41 care. From very early in the fifth century, probably even before, conversi from north-eastern Gaul and the Bordeaux region travelled to Provence to associate with communities of lay converts there. It must be stressed that this is not necessarily a picture of how lay conversio spread over Gaul. There were undoubtedly converts living all over Gaul in the fifth century who did not communicate directly with 342 Provence.4 2 But it is clear that there were concentrations of conversi in that area. It has been shown already that Gregory of Tours alluded to conversio all over Gaul. Indeed, Gregory of Tours and Nicetius of Lyons may have been its most active disseminators in the sixth century. The vita of Genevieve proves that conversio was well-known in Paris by the middle of thB fifth century. 44 Religious servitude was known in Britanny in the sixth century, judging by the vita of Melanius of Rennes; 45 in 635 King Judicael of Britanny was aware that Ouen, then serving in the Frankish palace, practiced a lay religious regimen like his own. By the beginning of our period, in the fifth century, lay conversion was represented widely over Gaul in one form or another, and possibly in all forms. NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII Taustus, Epistulae 111:6, CSEL_, XXI, p.195-200, to the praetorian prefect Felix; III»8, 111:9, 111:10, p.208-217, to Ruricius while he was a lay convert. Ruricus, Epistulae 11:15, CSEL. XXI, p.394-399 to Ceraunia; 11:32, p.415-417 to Agricola. 2Sidonius, Epistulae IV:13, MGH. Auct. ant. VIII, p.65, to Vettius, who was certainly a secret convert (see epistle IV:9); IV:17, p.68, to Arbogastes, the Prankish count who asked for exegesis of "spiritual pages"; IV:25, p.76-77, to Domnulus, who was in the habit of visiting monasteries in the Jura region, though he may have been a cleric; VII:14, p.120-122, to Philagrius, a relioosus practicing ascetic habits. 3 Ibid., IV:13:3-4, p.65, asking Vettius to urge another to voluntary public penance; VIII:4, p.129, urging a friend to adopt the religious life; IV:15:2, p.67, to a friend building a church, urging open conversion as well as a secret religious life. 4 See chapter VII. 5Salvian, Qe gubernatione Dei. IV:7, CSEL. VIII, p.74-75; V:10, p.118-119; Ad Ecclesiam. 11:4, p.249; 11:7, p.254-255; IV:5, p.308-309. 5Salvian, De oubernatione Dei. IV:7, CSEL. VIII, p.74-75: "lam vero illud quale, quam sanctum, quod si qui ex nobilibus converti ad deum coeperit, statim honorem nobilitatis amittit? Aut quantus in Christiano populo honor Christi est, ubi religio ignobilem facit? Statim enim, ut quis melior esse temptaverit, deterioris abiectione calcatur, ac per hoc omnes quodammodo mali esse coguntur, ne viles habeantur." The whole tone of this passage suggests that the problem was widespread, at least in the opinion of Salvian. 7 See chapter VII. 8Eusebius Gallicanus, Homilia VIII:5, CCSL. CI, p.87: "Quod autem, carissimi, videmus aliquotiens etiam illas animas paenitentiam petere quae ab ineunte adolescentia consecratae pretiosum deo thesaurum devoverunt, inspirare hoc deum pro ecclesiae nostrae profectibus noverimus.••."

343 344 Salvian, De gubernatione Dei. V:10, CSEL. VIII, p.119: "...cum multi alii turn praecipue illi navorum honorum religiosi ambitores et post acceptum paenitentiae nomen amplissimae ac prius non habitae potestatis emptores." 10,,Vita Caesarii," 1:15, MGJj S_RJYj III. p.462: "De< profectibus itaqua cunctorum sollicitus et providus pastor statim instituit, cotidie tertiae sextaeque et nonae opus in sancti Stephani basilica clerici cum hymnis cantarent, ut si quis forte saeculorum vel penitentum sanctum opus exsequi ambiret, absque excusatione aliqua cotidiano interesse possit officio." 1l"Passio Praeiecti," c.8, JYiHH S££Q V, p.229-230: Bishop Genesius of Clermont held a social gathering at his home during Easter, "...convivia preparat et, ut talium dierum conferri sodalibus adsolet, in solarium sibi preparari iubet convivium. Adveniens turba non modica discunbentium, inter quos tres discunbunt paenitentes...." A different text says "abstinentes" instead of "paenitentes". Cf course, the bishop was likely to hav/e religious people at his "convivia", so that they were not together purely by chance. The work was written in the seventh century (Dekkers), and concerns an event of about the middle of the same century.

2Gregory of Tours, DP virtutibus S. Martini. 11:9, WGH SRIY1 I. p.6121 111:19, p.637; 111:15, p.636; 11:14, p.611; H.F. V:21, IVIGH SRIYl I, p.229: these converted at Tours. See sections 11:2 and 11:14.

13,,Vita Landiberti," c.21-22, Mtl S_RJYJ VI, p.374-375. See section IV:1. 14 Gregory of Tours, Liber in gloria confessorum: 60, WGH SRI*) I, p.783; 42, p.774; De virtutibus 5. martini. 111:22, JO S_RJYJ I, p.638. See section 11:2. 15"Vita S. melanii," 111:18, AASS. Jan., I, p.330: Rennes; "Vitae Galli auctore Walahfrido Liber II," c.38, JHCil S.RJ IV. p.334: St. Gall; "Vita Boniti," c.41, Mitt SM VI, p.139: Clermont; "Vita Trudonis," c.24, MLd S_RJYJ VI, p.293: near Liege. See section 11:14.

"Passio Desiderii et Reginfridi martyrum Alsegaudiensium," c.5, WGH SRIYl VI, p.59: "Ille autem abiit per viam, quae ducit ad desertum Vosagi, in regionem Burgundionum ad montem,... ibique repperit oraculum non pregrande in honore sancti Martini constructum.... Erat autem in eodem loco sanctimonialis femina, quae excubabat in atrio illius oraculi, sedulum ministerium prebens cunctis venientibus et in illud introeuntibus." 345

1?"\/ita S. Melanii," III: 14, 16, 18, AASS. Jan., I, p.330. See section 11:14. 18"\/irtutes Fursei," c.8, c.23, JOj S£i IV, p.442-443, 448-449. See section IV:3. 19 "Vita Richarii sacerdotis Centulensis primagenia," c.9, 1GH Smu VII, p.450. See Section 11:14. This family, that of a disciple of Richarius', eventually entered a monastery: "Omnis familia sua, tam coniuux quam et filii seu vernaculi aut ancillas aut servos, quod habuit, Christus ad suum servitium perduxits et in monasterium conversationam monasticam vitamqua finierunt...." 20"Vita S. JYlelanii," 111:18, AASS. Jan., I, p.330: The descendants of a man in fflelanius' servitium inherited their father's status: "Cujus etiam progenies usque in hodiernunu.. sanctum illius custodit sepulchrum...." Presumably the children of such converts would have been born before their conversions. See section 11:14.

21,,Vita Desiderii," c.4, MGJi S_M IV, p.566: "Habebat enim amicos bonae fidei viros, Paulum scilicet, Arnulfum, Eligium et Audoenum, quorum exemplo atque hortatu assidue semet ipsum ad meliora subrigens, vitam suam in melius propagabat." See section 11:6.

22"Vita^Genovefae," c.28, MGH SjH III, p.227: a girl asked Genevieve to change her garments; c.31, p.228: a consecrated virgin outside of a convent, who met Genevieve apparently by chance; c.34, p.229, a "religiosa fernina" who sought out Genevieve.

23"Vita Eptadii," c.3, MGH S_RH III, p.187: "Et inter reliquos venientium, qui praefati assidue egrotum corpusculum requirebant, tres ad eum honeste virgines, Deo sacrate puelle visitando venerunt." 24"Vita Ansbarti," c.13, 1GH SRJYI V, p.627: "Cuius doctrina et exortationibus plurimi corroborati munitiqua, ad conversionis festinantes gratiam...." 25"Vita Trudonis," c.16, MGhi SM VI, p.288: "Innumarabiles itaqua viri per doctrinam illius conpuncti, ab erroris via conversi, sanctum patram sequentes, soli Domino servierunt. Plurimos autem discipulos venerabilis pater nutriebat in eodem loco; inclytos quoque pueros, divina sapientia eruditos, mundi huius caducas divitias et temporales honores dispicera docebat. Itaque factum est, ut multi nobiliorum hominum filii, istius seculi prospera dispicientes, comam suam deponentes, cum invicto milite Christi soli Domino 346 deservirent. Meritis igitur beati patris exigentibus, plurir ad Dominum conversi sunti et qui se solum inprimis Christo serviturum obtulit, postmodum cum multis Domino servire promeruit...." See chapter V. 27 See section IV:5. See sections 11:14 and IV:1. Some of the most obvious examples and descriptions of religious servitude have been cited from the following sources: fifth century - Paulinus of Nola; sixth century - Gregory of Tours; seventh century - "Vita S. r/lelanii", "Virtutes Fursei" ; eighth century - "Vita Trudonis", "Vita Boniti", "Vita Landiberti"; ninth century - "Vitae Galli" , "Vita Bavonis", "Vita Geraldi" . 29 G. G. Meersseman, "I penitenti nei secoli XI e XII," I laici nella "societas Christiana' dei secoli XI e XII (Milan, 1968), p.306-345. 30 For evidence of women living the dedicated, religious life outside of convents before the fifth century, see I. Feusi, Das Institut der Gottoeweihten Junqfrauen (Freiburg, 1917), p.1-58. On continent marriages in the patristic period, see P. de Labriolle, "Le 'mariage spirituel' dans l'antiquite chretienne," Revue historique, CXXXVII (1921), p.204-225. For the available evidence on consecrated virgins in Gaul before 400, see R. Metz, "Les vierges chretiennes en Gaule au IVe siecle," Saint Martin et son temps (Rome, 1961), p.109-132. 31 Speculation on the location of Honoratus' home, which was almost certainly in the Moselle area, is summarized in F. Prinz, Fru'hes Mb'nchtum im Frankenreich (Munich-Vienna, 1965), p.49. On teaching at Lerins, see P. Riche", Education et culture dans 1'Occident barbare (Paris, 1962), p.141-145. 32 Hilary, "Sermo de vita S. Honorati," c.15, Cavallin, p.59: "...Praeter secreti opportunitatem sancti ac beatissimi in Christo viri Leontii episcopi oblectatus vicinia et caritate constrictus, plurimis a tarn novo ausu retrahere conantibus." 33 See section 11:12. 34"Vita Lupi," c.2, JVIGH S_RJrt VII, p.296: "Septimo coniugii anno, instigante Domino, se ad conversionem hortatu mutuo contulerunt. Turn ille superni spiritus vigore flammatus, transferens ad nitorem mentium vestis ornatum, relicto patrio lare cunctisque mundanae cupiditatis nexibus disrutis, euangelicae perfectionis exempla sectatus, verum 347 eximiae claritatis et gratiae splendore conspicuum sanctum Honoratum alacri animo maiari virtute credidit expetendum, abbatem primae habitationis insolae Lirinensis, cuius nimpae instructione cervicae subdita, iugum dominicae servitutis excipiens, omnium vigiliarum abstenentiarumque dogmatibus institutus." 35 Ibid., c.1, p.295-296: "Cui gloriosae memoriae Pimeniolam, sancti Hilarii Arelatinsis urbis episcopi germana, matrimonium fuit...." On Hilary's conversion through Honoratus, see Hilary's own account, "Sermo de \/ita S. Honorati," c.23, Gavallin, p.65-67. See Prinz, p.50-51. Hilary was born ca.400; if he was about twenty when he went to Lerins, and Honoratus became bishop of Aries in 426, he must have converted 420-426. 36"Vita Caesarii," 1:4-5, JTOGH S_BJH Ill» p.459: Caesarius changed his garments under Bishop Silvester of Chalon-sur- Saone; "cumque inibi biennio seu amplius sub hac inchoatione servisset,... arreptam itaque salubriter fugiendi de saeculi compedibus libertatem, Lirinense monasterium tiro sanctus expetiit." 37 Julianus Pomerius, De vita contemplativa 11:4:1-2, PL. LIX, col.448. See Galtier, p.22. 38 See Prinz, p.54. 39 °3Paulinus of Pella, "Eucharisticos," 11.463-467, CSEL. XVI, p.309: "Sed tua magna manus divina et provida virtus consilio sanctorum cuncta operando peregit, suadentum mihi turn morem servare vetustum, quern semel invectum maiorum traditions nunc etiam servans ecclesia nostra teneret...." L1.520-5225 p.311: "...Massiliae demum pauper consistere legi, urbe quidem in qua plures sancti essent mihi cari...." 40 See section 11:12 on conversi at Lerins, and Poschmann, p.131-132. Paulinus in Marseilles lived in'a house in the city with a garden nearby," "Eucharisticos," 1.527, CSEL. XVI, p.312: "...domus urbana vicinus et hortus...." 41 Ruricus received direction in his conversion from Faustus of Riez; see section VII. Lupus was taught at Lerins, probably by Honoratus; see note 35 above. Sidonius, though not a student at Lerins, was familiar with its curriculum. He was a close friend of Faustus of Riez; indeed if we can put any trust in his rhetoric, he was a disciple of Faustus and idolized him: he corresponded with him frequently, copied his writings, and listened to his homilies whenever possible. See Sidonius, Eoistulae IX:3 and IX:9, MGH, Auct. ant. VIII, p.151-152, 156-159, and Carmina XVI, 11.104-115,, p.241. On Sidonius' knowledge of Lerins, see P. Riche, Education et culture, p.144-145. 348 42 \ St. Genevieve of Paris, for example (WGH SRfl) III, p.215-238). Besides others undoubtedly living in northern Gaul, there is no reason to believe that conversi around, say, Clermont, whom Sidonius visited, were part of the circle of ecclesiastical intelligentsia that included graduates of Lerins such as Faustus. See chapter VII. Gregory not only observed instances of conversion, he seems to have advised converts on occasion: Liber vitae patrum. XX, WGH SRff] I, p.743-744; Liber in gloria confessorum: 22, p.762. St. Aridius mas led to lay conversion by Nicetius: H.F.. WGH SRffl I, p.440; see also Liber vitae patrum. XVII:5, p.732-733. 44 See note 22 above. See note 17 above. The Fourth 3ook of the Chronicle of Fredeaar, ed. Ulallace-Hadrill, c.78, p.66: "Sed tamen cum Dagobertum ad minsam nee ad prandium discumbere noluit, eo quod esset ludechaile religiosus et temens Deum valde. Cumque Dagobertus resedissit ad prandium, ludacaile aegrediens de palacium ad mansionem Dadone referendario, quem cognoverat sanctam relegionem sectantem, accessit ad prandium." See section 11:8. CHAPTER IX. CONCLUSION

What was a lay convert from the fifth to ninth centuries in Gaul? This entire study has attempted to answer that question. Any brief and positive answer must emphasize the internal aspect of lay conversion. A convert was a man or woman who determined to re-orient his life toward spiritual rather than worldly goals while still remaining within a society based on worldly pursuits; in accomplishing that goal, he chose one of several available devotional traditions determined by circumstances of sex, marital status, social and economic condition, and temporal duties. Stated negatively and externally, we might say that a con­ vert was one who followed an ascetic regimen of heightened religiosity and was not a cleric, monk, or hermit; such a definition, however, shirks any attempt really to understand conversion. For clerics, monks, and hermits were, and were understood by contemporaries to be, converts for exactly the same reasons as those given in the positive definition above; they have been excluded from this study for purely historiographical reasons because the converts we have examined present us with certain unique social and religious problems. How can one recognize a lay convert in the sources, and how could contemporaries recognize one? What were the

349 350 traditional options open to a layman who wished to live a life of heightened religiosity? What was their general relationship to lay society and to the Church? How did lay conversion in Gaul evolve between its first appearance in the sources* and the Carolingian attempts at religious reform?

life cannot rely on vocabulary to identify a lay conversus or conversio. Aside from the fact that entry into monasteries and the clericate also was known as conversio. contemporaries often used more precise labels to refer to converts such as widows (viduae). virgins (viroines. sanctimoniales). religious women in general (reliqiosae. feminas Deo dicatae), public penitents (paenitentes), those in religious servitude (in the servitium or usus of a holy place or holy man), and those in continent marriages (continentes). There were converts who did not fit into any of these categories, and for them contemporaries might use the terms conversi or relioiosi. But sources frequently use circumlocutions for all of these forms of conversio. Sometimes they are easy to recognize and sometimes they are not. When Gregory of Tours says of a man and wife that "sleeping in one bed, they were not defiled by each other in carnal pleasure,' it is obvious that we are dealing with a continent marriage. But when King

Dagobert I says of Desiderius that "under the secular habit 9 he served in the army of Christ," it requires a bit more investigation to discover what he meant. 351 Neither can we rely on ceremonies of entry or any external marks to identify a lay conversus or conversio. It is certainly useful to know what ceremonies and conspicuous marks of conversio we can expect to find in which periods. Otherwise, we would probably misinterpret the sources and think that a man who received tonsure and change of garments outside a monastery must have passed from a lay state to a clerical state, that a woman described as veiled and consecrated must be living in a convent, or if we were aware that lay converts living in their own homes or in holy places assumed these characteristics, we might think that a man who was not so marked could not be a conversus. In the fourth century, Honoratus changed his garments and cut his hair after undergoing what Hilary specifically called a "conversio" while remaining in the lay state. In the fifth century, Caesarius also changed his garments and cut his hair in a ceremony which his biographers designated only as "vows," and we are dependent on an accurate knowledge of forms of entry into lay conversio. as well as other biographi­ cal information on his religiosity, to understand correctly his conversion. In the seventh century, Eligius assumed neither external mark, but it would be trifling, in view of our knowledge of his intense private devotionals and other religious practices, to say that his was not a true conversiq because he did not change his clothing or hair style. Further­ more, we have seen that lay conversion without immediately 352 identifiable external marks did not suddenly appear in the seventh century, but that there seems to have been a tradition of "secret" conversio since at least the fifth century, alongside the "public"forms, in continent marriages and among some who, for political or private reasons, did not wish to label themselves so obviously. It is not even possible to find a general conformity to ecclesiastical ceremonies of entry among those who assumed religious garments or tonsure, despite the survival of rituals in various early ordines and canonical statements on ecclesiastical supervision, because some converts cut their own hair and put the religious habit on themselves, even veiled themselves, or were so changed by another non-cleric.

One must insist on the insufficiency of vocabulary and conformity to ceremonies of entry in discussing lay conversion because some previous treatments of the subject have used these criteria to construct an excessively rigid definition of the tradition based on arguments for and against its 3 inclusion in the development of penance. The actual relation­ ship of lay conversion to penance is far too complex to discuss as though conversio could be understood as entirely separate from or entirely comprehended under canonical penance. All forms of conversio had a penitential aspect in the sense that the convert understood himself to be turning away from sin; that was the Biblical use of the term, and that was the use favored by homilists such as Caesarius. 353 Indeed, ecclesiastical writers generally conceded that some form of conversio could be efficacious in obtaining remission of sins when resorted to in place of canonical public penance, though careful pastors insisted on the necessity for public penance after egregious sins. Any regimen of conversion could thus be described as a regimen of penance without equating it with canonical public penance. Conversely, public penance could be described as conversio in the sense that it was an internal re-orientation toward God and away from the worldliness associated with sin. A Christian who had committed a mortal sin was religiously obliged to seek the sacrament of penance, which until the seventh century involved enrollment in the ordo paenitentium and could be given only once. A sinner might do this either under pressure from ecclesiastical or lay authorities, or voluntarily in the sense that he confessed his error and asked for penance of his own free will. This study has not dealt with either of these motivations and the latter is not the sense in which it has used the term "voluntary penitent." But there was also a class of penitents who had not committed sins which canonically required public penance, and who nevertheless requested canonical penance. Perhaps they did so because, being unusually pious in the first place, they were unusually contrite over their relatively minor sins, because it was an act of self-abasement reflecting their renunciation of worldly pride, and because the regimen of 354 public penance offered a tradition of asceticism and commitment to private and church devotions which they found attractive as an expression of their inner religiosity. These penitents have been designated as "voluntary penitents" and have been treated as one among several types of lay conversi; their tradition was one of the options open to pious laymen who wished to live a life of heightened religiosity without separating themselves completely from secular society. The regimen of public penance, in fact, differed in no important respects from other regimens of lay conversio, except that public penitents were canonically forbidden both to take communion until they had received episcopal absolu­ tion and to receive clerical ordination. The extent to which voluntary penitents actually observed these latter restric­ tions is debatable, but there are indications that popular recognition of their peity and inner worthiness to receive orders created irresistable pressure to draw Church leaders from their ranks. Since public penitents were canonically required to continue a religious regimen even after absolu­ tion and could subsequently receive communion,, they were indistinguishable from other lay converts after their period of enrollment in the ordo paenitentium, which might be quite brief.

Other types of lay conversion have not required exten­ sive discussion to distinguish them, and have been treated 355 under sections devoted to aspects of entry and practices common to all of them. A possible exception is religious servitude, which was peculiar in the attachment of an individual convert to a particular saint (living or dead) and his residence in a shrine or church connected with the saint. In a sense, religious servitude contradicts our basic definition of lay conversion because residence in a holy place fits ill with the concept of remaining "in the world". However, there is no indication that such converts were organized and supervised in any monastic way, and they were not clerics. They do not seem to have differed in ceremonies of entry and devotional practices from other lay converts, although they were motivated by an experience of healing through their patron saint, were expected to perform some minor useful tasks at the holy place, and gave up any property they might hold upon conversion. These differences have required some special attention. Widows, uncloistered virgins, voluntary penitents, continent married people, and other conversi lived in their own homes, without close ecclesiasti­ cal supervision, and followed similar ascetic and devotional regimens.

With these similarities in mind, one may base recognition of lay conversion, not on signs of entry or vocabulary, but on actual practices and expressions of religiosity which remained relatively stable over the entire period under examination. It seems clear after such an investigation that 356 all forms of lay conversion made up a single ascetic and devotional tradition. It is not always possible to connect every form of conversion with every expression of lay religiosity, but there was nevertheless a common body of practices and tendencies which contemporaries from 400 to 800 thought of in connection with lay conversion in general. In discussing outward expressions of lay conversion, it was necessary to add separate sections on subjects that were exceptional to some degree, but so important in contemporary expectations for one group or another that an understanding of actual practices would be incomplete without them. Thus the status of voluntary servitude and that of living in churches and shrines were important discernible expressions of conversion even though they did not apply to all converts. Similarly, secrecy as an option is an important concept in understanding public expressions and their development even though there were varying degrees of secrecy. The change of garments was discussed as a general concept and practice before it was examined in more detail as a condition of entry because, even though it did not apply to all converts at any period and applied to men only in the first part of our period, it was vitally important in understanding the special religious status of a convert even apart from the ceremony of entry, the alternative of secrecy, and later developments.

Separate discussions of religious practices build upon each other to offer a picture of lay conversion as a whole 357 before more specialized problems are examined. The topics are presented in a rough order of logical priorities for understanding the sources and tradition. Thus residence in a private home, or its alternative, a holy place, is probably the fundamental practice expressing the concept of remaining in lay society. Continence, on the other hand, was the invariable and obvious symbol of renunciation of worldly desires while remaining in the world. The change of garments and its alternative, secrecy, demonstrate the range of ' possible expressions of religiosity and the greatest degree of everyday differentiation from ordinary Christians. Other public and private practices show how converts ordinarily gave expression to their conversion. They were not the subjects of canonical regulations, and rarely differed in kind from ordinary lay and clerical piety, but in degree and as a whole, they constituted a tradition of intense religiosity for converts. The tendencies toward becoming monks, hermits, and pilgrims were culminations of lay religiosity frequently observed in the sources and demonstrate the attraction of further removal from secular society. The section on occupations attempts in part to establish what the minimum restrictions on integration into worldly activities were. A lay convert, then, can be recognized in the sources, and could be recognized by contemporaries, by a pattern of expressions of religiosity, not all of which might be present in an individual case, but which in combination gave evidence 358 of an attachment to spiritual pursuits while retaining, within limits, a place in lay society. The picture of the life of conversio which has been drawn from the sources available to us raises the question of paradigming in early medieval hagiographical literature: did religious writers describe actual behaviour or did they fit biographical facts into a pre-existent concept of what a life of conversion should have required? On the whole, this study suggests that more faith can be placed in the objective reality of hagiographical topoi than has usually been done. Especially in dealing with descriptions of lay religiosity prior to ecclesiastical careers that occur at the beginning 4 of many vitae, scholars have tended to suspect without further evidence that they were pious fictions based on a common literary convention. After reviewing the evidence on the tradition of lay conversion, one may counter that the use of a literary topos says nothing about the factual reality of the modus Vivendi of whatever individual may be the subject of the literary convention, and that the topos may be based on a common social convention as well as a common literary convention. One must be careful, of course, in using evidence extracted in part from a particular class of historical sources to prove the reliability of those sources. Neverthe­ less, the total picture of lay conversion which has been pieced together from all sources is congruous. UJe have seen that hagiographical descriptions of conversion were not based upon canonical norms; indeed, hagiographical information is 359 sometimes significantly at variance with what official episcopal pronouncements would lead us to expect. Further­ more, while some hagiographical descriptions of an early period of religiosity in the lay state, before entry into a supervised or regular religious life, are mere formulae, others substantiate in great detail individual elements of those formulae. It might be easy to believe, for example, that the following description of St. Ouen's lay religious life while he was in royal service is unreliable because it is merely a conventional formula, almost identical to many other brief passages about the early sanctity of religious figures famous for later accomplishments: "The servant of Christ, little valuing the honor of the world, was panting most devoutly after the heavenly kingdom, frequent in fast­ ing, in night-long vigils, assiduous in prayer, generous in alms, quickly endowing thB poor in the name of Christ, most prompt in the commandments of God." But we know from the detailed descriptions of each of these activities in the "Vita Eligii" that the formula could be taken as a factual short-hand description of the pattern of Eligius' lay conversion, and we know that Ouen was associated with Eligius in his religious life at the palace. Fasting, vigils, prayer, almsgiving, and other charitable activities have been documented in detailed hagiographical descriptions, letters, conciliar canons, and religious tracts. Ule cannot dismiss the formula in the "Vita Audoini" as a literary 360 convention. The description of his lay religiosity may be reduced to a formula, but it is based on a solid tradition. If paradigming was involved in individual descriptions of lay religiosity, the paradigm was derived from a lively tradition of practice. The relationship of converts to secular society was closer in some cases than in others, but a few generaliza­ tions can be made. Converts living in their own homes retained the right to own and administer their property, though they were expected to be especially generous in alms­ giving, to bequeath relatively little of it to their natural heirs, and to avoid as much as possible devoting a great deal of their time to its management. Converts could engage in some secular occupations, though they were to avoid trades involving mainly buying and selling. They could also be in servitude to the wealthy. A number of well-known con­ verts were in royal service, which created some problems and opportunities for them in the expression of their religiosity. Merovingian kings did not allow men in their palace ministry to change their garments or cut their hair without permission, though lay conversion in other respects thrived in the royal service, especially during the first half of the seventh century. Carolingian rulers were concerned about men escaping military service under color of public conversion, and attempted to relegate tonsured men to monasteries or cathedral chapters. 361 It is difficult to find constants in the relationship of lay converts to the church. They lacked any kind of ecclesiastical organization, heirarchy, or close supervision; hence it would be misleading to think of them as a sort of "third order" of the Church. They were sometimes known as relioiosi and conversion was canonically required at least one year before clerical ordination, but lay converts were not confused with clergy. Both, along with cloistered monks, had undergone conversio. There were special ecclesiastical rituals for changing garments and veiling of widows and virgins remaining in their own homes. In the Visigothic Church there was a special ritual for making conversi and conversae involving tonsure for men and changing of garments for women; a similar ritual may have been used in Prankish Gaul. However, converts did not always enter conversion through an ecclesiastical ritual. Public penance required confession to a bishop, an assigned period of expiation, and episcopal absolution; but canonical public penance was undergoing transformations in the seventh century, and penitents such as Eligius do not seem always to have followed canonical rules in seeking, for example, absolution and tonsure. Con­ verts in general seem to have sought episcopal advice and guidance wherever possible, but their private religious regimens were not closely supervised by bishops or other clerics. Episcopal supervision was mainly in the form of advice and instruction in response to initiatives from 362 conversii though there was some canonical legislation for penitents and female converts. All converts were canonically forbidden to leave their state, and sexual transgressions especially were to be punished by penance or excommunication. In practice, however, lapses from conversio could be punished only if the convert had publicly expressed his con­ version, probably by a change of garments or tonsure. In general we may say that the relationship between conversio and the hierarchical Church was characterized by some confusion-. The tradition was too broad and diffuse to be easily subject to ecclesiastical supervision.

Although there were some relatively stable expressions of lay conversion, important evolutionary trends must be noted, particularly in signs of entry and relationships with the royal government. Trends in signs of entry already have been summarized by noting that, in general, they were used less and less for men while they were emphasized more and more for women. In the fifth century men tended to conv rt by changing their garments and receiving a tonsure in an ecclesiastical ceremony presided over by a bishop. The method seems to have been the same for all types of lay conversion involving men, though there were individuals who did not do either of these, having adopted a less visible conversion. Changing of garments by men declined during the first half of the sixth century, until by the time of Gregory of Tours tonsure alone was the characteristic mark of male conversion. Tonsure survived in some degree as a mark of lay 363 conversion far beyond our period, but it seems to have declined in the seventh century, at least among men in royal service. In the eighth century, Carolingian reformers attempted to restrict the tonsure to monks and clerics. Women might be distinguished as converts by changing to religious garments and receiving the veil in an ecclesiasti­ cal ceremony. Uirgi.ns were to be veiled by a bishop, but, at least by the middle of the sixth century, widows were forbidden to be veiled by a bishop. It was not necessary for virgins, widows, or married women to receive the veil in order to be bound to the obligations of the religious status? a change of garments, whether performed in an ecclesiastical ceremony or privately, was a sufficient public expression of a woman's propositum. However, veiling was probably associated more and more with any conversio. especially in the eighth century, and girls were veiled at any early age despite canonical injunctions to the contrary

Ecclesiastical and lay authorities attempted to place restrictions on the public expression of conversion. Merovingian kings forbade men in their service to convert publicly without their permission; the early Carolingians forbade them to convert publicly at all if they remained on their own estates. Beginning probably in the later seventh century, and certainly growing in insistence during the eighth and early ninth centuries Church councils and royal capitularies in Gaul attempted to relegate tonsured men and veiled women to cloistered or clerical life. They were 364 not entirely successful, but lay converts were probably forced to choose more and more between ecclesiastical supervision and a closer involvement in secular dutiest There is no indication that converts could not or did not continue to observe religious regimens in secular society without tonsuring themselves or assuming the veil. But conciliar canons indicate that men were required to render military service without regard for their inner conversion. Women were under closer episcopal scrutiny for infractions of celibacy and irregularities in the manner of their con­ secration and veiling. In 800, all types of lay converts were probably still in existence, widows and virgins in their own homes, voluntary penitents, those in religious servitude, and continent married people, but the vaguer class of converts may have been difficult to distinguish. Still, in the late ninth century Gerald of Aurillac followed a traditional pattern of lay conversion, including continence, tonsure, special attention to devotions and asceticisms, and a symbolic religious servitude. It is significant, however, that although Gerald was known to be a convert, he was concerned about keeping his status secret and was fully involved with administrative and military duties.

Perhaps the most important general observation to be made about lay conversion is simply the rather amorphous breadth of the tradition. It did little to alter social inequalities, but it offered some traditional expression of intense private religiosity to almost all conditions of 365 people without requiring total separation from secular society. Conversio embraced people where it found them in outward circumstances. The tradition relied very little on outward regulation and almost entirely on a spontaneous change of heart. "Pour out what you have that you may contain what you have not.... Whoever renounces himselff 7 empties himself; whoever is convertedt is filled." NOTES TO CHAPTER IX

Gregory of Tourst Liber in gloria confessorum: 31, fflGH SRM I, p.767: "...qui coniuncti coniugio, non coitu, et in uno stratu quiescentes, non sunt ab alterutrum polluti in voluptate carnali." 2"Vita Desiderii," c.13, JVIGH SM IV, p.571: the quotation is from a letter addressed by King Dagobert I to the bishops and people announcing his choice of Desiderius as bishop of Cahors: "...virum illustrem Desiderium tesaurarium nostrum cognovimus religionis observantiam ab ipso pueritiae suae tempore in omnibus custodire et sub habitu saeculi Christi militem gerere hac mores angelicos et sacerdotalem conversationem habere...." 3 One must refer especially to Poschmann, Galtier, Vogel and Meersseman. For a critique of their work in this respect, see the Introduction. See F. Graus, Uolk, Herrscher und Heiliqer, p.69-70. 5Graus, p.74 ff. 6"Vita Audoini," c.3, jYIGH SRM V, p.555: "Exinde Christi famulus, honore saeculi parvi pendens, ad caelestia regna devotissime anelans, in ieiuniis frequens, in v/igiliis pernox, in orationibus assiduus, in elemosynis largus, pauperibus pro Christi nomine alacriter fenerans, in mandatis Dei erat prumptissimus." 7Caesarius, Sermo CLXXII:3, CCSL. CIV, p.707: "Funde quod habes, ut capias quod non habes. Ideo prima renuntiatio est huic saeculo, et deinde conversio ad deum. Qui renuntiat fundit, qui convertitur inpletur: sed si non fiat ccrpore solo, sed et corde." Caesarius' sermon is based on a sermon of Augustine's.

366 LIST OF WORKS CITED A. Sources 1. Guides to Dating the Sources Dekkers, Eligius and Aemilius Gaar. Clavis patrum latinorum qua in novum Corpus Christionorum edendum optimas quasgue scriptorum recensiones a Tertulliano ad Sedam• Editio altera. (Sacris Erudiri. Jaarbogk voor Godsdienstwetenschappen. III.) Steenbrugge, 1961. Cited as Dekkers.

Duval, Paul Marie. La Gaule .jusqu'au, milieu du Ma siecle. (Les sources de 1'histoire de France des oriqines a la. fin du Xl/e siecle. I.) Paris, 1971. Cited as Duval. Lot, Ferdinand. "Vitae, passiones, miracula, translationes sanctorum Galliae," Archivum latinitatis medii aevi: Bulletin Du Canoe. XIV (1939), 181-223. Cited as ALMA,. , "Vitae sanctorum anonymae addendae,:i Archivum latinitatis medii aevi; Bulletin Du Canqe, XX (1950), 55-64. Cited as ALMA. Wolirjier, Auguste. Les sources de 1'histoire de France, I: Epoque primitive, me^rovinoiens et carolinoiens. (Manuel de bibliooraphie historioue. III.) Paris, 1901. Cited as Molinier. Wattenbach, Ulilhelm and JJilhelm Levison. Deutchlands Geschichtsquellen im [Ylittelalter, l/orzeit und Karolinoer. I, eds. W. Levison and H. Lowe. Uieimar, 1952. Cited as lu-L.

2. General Collections cited in abbreviations Corpus ';hristianorum, series latina. Turnholt, 1953 - in prcgress. Cited as CCSL. Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum. Vienna, 1866 ff. Cited as CSEL. Migne, J.P., ed. Patroloqiae cursus completus, Latinae. Paris, 1844-1864. Cited as £JL» 367 368 Monumenta Germaniae historica. Hannover and Berlin, 1826 in progress. Cited as IY1GH.

3. Councils and Capitularies Concilia Galliae. I: A.314-A.506. ed. C. Munier; II; A.511-A.695. ed. C de Clercq. (CCSL. CXLVIII-CXLt/II IA.) Turnholt, 1963. fflansi, J.D., ed. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio. Florence and Venice, 1759-1798. Cited as fflansi. IY1GH. Leoes in folio. I, ed. G.H. Pertz. Hannover, 1835. Cited as MGHi Leoes I. MGH. Lequm sectio II; Capitularia Reoum Francorum. I-II, eds. A. Boretius and V. Krause. Hannover, 1883-1897. Cited as IYIGHI Capitularia. fflGH, Leoum sectio III; Concilia. I-II, eds. F. ffiaasen and A. Uerminghoff. Hannover, 1893-1908. Cited as MGH. Concilia.

4. Histories and Chronicles Fredegar. The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredeoar with its Continuations, ed. and trans. J.M. Wallace-Hadrill. London, 1960. Gregory of Tours. Historia Francorum. "Gregorii episcopi Turonensis historiarum libri X," editio altera, ed. B. Krusch and W. Levison, MGH. Scriotores rerum lYlerominqicarum. I, pt.1. Hannover, 1937-1951. Cited as H.F.

5. Homilies and Tracts Alcuin. "De virtutibus et vitiis liber ad UJidonem comitem," PL» CIi 613-638. Written 801-804 (WGH Epistolae IV, ed. E. Dummler, p.464).

Caesarius of Aries. Sancti Caesarii Arelatensis Sermones. CCSL, CII-CIV, ed. G. Morin. Turnholt, 1953. Written before 542 (Dekkers). 369 "Da vita Christiana," ascribed to Fastidius by R. S. T. Haslehurst, ed. and trans., Tha l^orks of Fastidius, p.2ff. London, 1927. Uiritten fifth century (see Dekkers #730). Eusebius "Gallicanus." Collectio Homiliarum, CCSL, CI, ed. J. Leroy and F. Glorie. Turnholt, 1970. Uiritten mid- fifth century, some by Faustus of Riez (Duval). Gennadius of Marseilles. "Liber ecclesiasticorurn dogmatum," ed. C.H. Turner, The Journal of Theological Studies, VII (1906), 78-99. Written late fifth century or early sixth century (Dekkers). Isidore of Seville. "Sententiarum libri tres," PL., LXXXIII, 537-738. Written before 636 (Dekkers). Julianus Pcmerius. "De vita contemplativa," PL, LIX, 415- 520. '.'Jritten early sixth century (Dekkers). Paulinus of Bordeaux. "Ad monachos de poenitentia, •' PL. CIII, 699-702! £L, LVIII, 875-876. written later fifth century (Dekkers). Salvian of Marseilles. "Ad Ecclesiam sive Adversus avaritiam," CSEL. V/III, 224-316, ed. F. Pauly. Vienna, 1883. Written before 451 (Duval). Salvian of Marseilles, "De gubernatione Dei," CSEL. VIII, 1-200, ed. F. Pauly. Vienna, 1883. Written 439-451 (Duval). Victricius of Rouen. "De laude sanctorum," PL., XX, 443-458. Written ca.396 (Duval).

6. Letters Apollinaris Sidonius. "Epistulae," JMGH Auctores antiquissimi. VIII, 1-172, ed. C. Luetjohann. Berlin, 1887. Uiritten ca. mid-fifth century, before 466 (Duval). Avitus of Vienne. "Epistulae ad Gundobadum," MGH. Auctores antiquissimi. VI, 2, 29-35, ed. R. Peiper, Berlin, 1883. Written before 518 (Dekkers). Faustus of Riez. "Epistulae," CSEL. XXI, 159-220, ed. A. Engelbrecht. Vienna, 1891. written ca.460-485 (Duval).

Pope Leo I. "Epistulae," £L., LIV, 593-1218. Uiritten 440-461 (Dekkers). 370 Paulinus of Nola, "Epistulae," CSEL. XXIX, 1-425, ed. U. von Hartel, Vienna, 1894. Written before 431 (Duval). Ruricius of Limoges. "Epistulae," CSEL. XXI, 351-450, ed. A. Engelbrecht. Vienna, 1891. Written fifth-sixth centuries (Dekkers). Salvian of Marseilles. "Epistulae," CSEL. VIII, 201-223, ed. F. Pauly. Vienna, 1883. Written before 480 (Duval).

7. Rituals Andrieu, Michel, ed. Las "Ordines Romani" du haut moyen age. I: Les manuscrits. Louvain, 1931. Ferotin, Marius, ed. Le "Liber Ordinum" en usage dans l'eolise tuisiQothique et mozarabe d'Espaane du cinquieme au onzi&me siecle"^ (lYjonumenta .Ecclesiae liturqica. V.) Paris, 1904. Moeller, Edmond, ed. Corpus benedictionum pontificalium. I-II. (CCSL. CLXII, CLXIIA, CLXIIB.) Turnholt, 1971-1973. Vogel, Cyrille and Reinhard Elze, eds. L,e pontifical romano-qermanique du dixieme siecle. I-II. (Studi e testi. CCXXVI-CCXXVII.) Vatican, 1963-1964.

8. Verse Paulinus of Nola. "Carmina," CSEL. XXX, 1-338, ed. W. von Hartel. Vienna, 1894. Written before 431 (Duval). Paulinus of Pella. "Eucharisticos," CSEL. XVI, I, 289-314, ed. G. Brandes. Vienna, 1888. Written in 459 (Duval). Venantius Fortunatus. "Carmina," HGJhj, Auct.ant. IV, I, 1-270, ed. F. Leo. 1881. Written in late sixth century (Dekkers).

9. Vitae "Vita Abbatum Acaunensium absque epitaphis," |Y)GH SRM, III, 174-183, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1896. MGH SRM VII, 322-336, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1919. Written seventh century (Dekkers). 371 "Vita abbatum Habendensium," mGH SM IV, 215-228, ed. B. Krush. Hannover, 1902. Written seventh century (Oekkers). "Vita Amati abbatis Habendensis," 215-221. "Vita Romarici abbatis Habendensis," 221-225.

"Vita Amandi episcopi I," IYIGH SRIYl \J, 428-449, ed. Krusch. Hannover, 1910. Written seventh-eighth centuries (Dekkers).

"Vita Amandi episcopi II auctore Milorie," IYIGH SRM V, 450- 483, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1910. Written mid-ninth century (W-L).

"Vita S. Amatoris episcopi Autissiodorensis auctore Stephano presbytero Africano," AASS, lYiai., I, 51-61, ed. Henskens. Written before 603 (Dekkers).

"Vita Ansberti episcopi Rotomagensis," POGH SRffl V, 618-643, ed. W. Levison. Hannover, 1910. Written before ninth century (Dekkers).

"Vita Aridii abbatis Lemovicini," Mh SM III* 581-612, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1896. Written seventh century (Krusch).

"Vita Audoini episcopi Rotomagensis," IYIGH SRIYl V, 553-567, ed. UJ. Levison. Hannover, 1910. Written early eighth century (Dekkers).

"Vita Austrigisili episcopi Biturigi," IGJd S_BJYj IV, 191-200, ed. B. Krusch. Written later eighth century (W-L : Krusch).

"Vita Bavonis confessoris Gandavensis," HUGH SRIYl IV, 527-546, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written during the reign of Louis the Pious (W-L) •

"Vita Boniti episcopi Arverni," JYjjGJH SRJYJ VI, 119-139, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1913. Written early eighth century (Dekkers).

"Vita Caesarii episcopi Arelatensis libri duo," IYIGH SRIYl III, 457-501, ed. B. Krusch. Written 542-549 (ALM) •

"Vitae Columbani abbatis discipulorumque eius libri duo," IYIGH SRIYl IV, 61-108, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written 639-642 (Krusch).

"Vita Corbiniani episcopi Baiuvariorum auctore Arbeone," JYJjGjy SRIYl VI, 560-593, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1913. Written 764-783 (W-L). 372 "Vita Corbiniani episcopi Baiuvariorum retracta B»" MGH SRM VI, 594-635, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1913. Written early tenth century (W-L) . "Vita Desiderii Cadurcae urbis episcopi," MGH SRffl IV, 563- 593, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written late eighth century, with documents from early seventh century (Krusch, Dekkers). "Passio Desiderii et Reginfridi martyrum Alsegaudiensium," MGH SRM VI, 55-63, ed. W. Levison. . Hannover, 1913. Written early eighth century (Levison, ALMA). "Vita Droctovei abbatis Parisiensis auctore Gislemaro," MGH SRM III, 537-543, ed. B> Krusch. Hannover, 1896. Written after 861 (ALMA) . "Vita Eligii episcopi Noviomagensis," MGH ££M. IV, 663-741, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written before 750 (Dekkers). "Vita Eptadii presbyteri Cervidunensis," MGH SRM III, 186- 194, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1896. Written late eighth century (ALMA. Krusch). "Virtutes Fursei abbatis Latiniacensis," MGH SRm IV, 440-449, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written ninth century (Krusch, ALMA). "Vita Galli auctore Walahfrido libri duo," MGH. S_RJ IV, 280-337, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written 833/834 (W-L) . "Vita Galli autore Wettino," MGJj SjRJfl IV, 256-280, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written before 824 (W-L) . "Vita Gaugerici episcopi Camaracensis," MGH SRM III, 652-658, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1896. Written mid- seventh century (Dekkers). "Vita Genovefae virginis Parisiensis," JHGJi SM III. 215-238, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1896. Written sixth century (Dekkers)•

"Vita Geremari abbatis Flaviacensis," MGJi 5JU3 IV, 628-633, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written before 851 (Krusch, AUMA).

"Vita German! abbatis Grandivallensis," MGH. S_RJ1 V, 25-40, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1910. Written seventh century (Dekkers). 373 Gregory of Tours. "De virtutibus S. martini," MGH SRM, I, p.584-661, ed. B. Krusch, Hannover, 1885. Written 573-594 (Dekkers). Gregory of Tours. "Liber in gloria conf essorum," MGH SRM I, p.744-820, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1885. Written 573-594 (Dekkers). Gregory of Tours. "Liber vitae patrum," MGH SRM I, p.661- 744, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1885. Written 573-594 (Dekkers). Hilary of Aries. "Sermo de vita 5. Honorati," ed. S.Cavallin, Vitae sanctorum Honorati et Hilarii. Lund, 1952. Written in 431 (Duval). "Vita Iohannis abbatis Reomaensis auctore Iona," MGH SRM III, 505-517, ed. Krusch. Hannover, 1896. Written before 670 (ALMA). "Vita Landelini abbatis Lobbiensis et Crispiniensis," MGH SRM VI, 438-444, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1913. britten tenth century (Krusch). "Vita Landiberti episcopi Traiectensis vetustissima," MGH SRM VI, 353-384, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1913. Written early eighth century (Dekkers). "Vita Landiberti episcopi Traiectensis auctore Nicolao," fflCH SRM VI, 407-429, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1913. Written before 1142 (Krusch). "Passio Leudegarii episcopi Augustodunensis I," MGH SRM V, 282-322, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1910. Written ca. 690 (Dekkers). "Passio Leudegarii episcopi Augustodunensis II," MGH SRM V, 323-356, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1910. Written early 8ighth century (Dekkers). "Vita Lupi episcopi Trecensis," JUGH SRM III, 120-124, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1896. KlGJj SRI VII, 284-302, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1920. Written fifth-eighth centuries (Dekkers). "Vita S. Melanii episcopi Rhedonensis," AASS. Ian., I, 328- 333. Written ninth century (Molinier) . "Vita S. Melanii episcopi Trecensis," AJ3, XXXIV-XXXV (1915/16- 1921), 289-292, ed. H. moretus. Written in sixth century (Dekkers). 374 "Vita Nicetii episcopi Lugdunensis," JHQH SRJH III, 521-524, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1896. 'Written ca.592 (Krusch, ALMA), or earlier (Dekkers) . Odo of Cluny. "Vita S. Geraldi comitis, conditoris abbatiae Auriliacensis," PL., CXXXIII, 639-704. Written in 925/ 926 (ALMA). "Vita Pardulfi abbatis Waractensis," JYlGii SM VII, 24-40, Bd. W. Lev/ison. Hannover, 1920. Written before 750 (Dekkers). "Passio S. Patrocli," AA5S, Ian., II, 707-709. Written in mid-sixth century (Dekkers). "Passio Praeiecti episcopi et Martyris Arverni," MGH 5Rm V 225-248, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1910. Written seventh century (Dekkers). "Vita Richarii sacerdotis Centulensis primagenia," MGH SRM VII, 438-453, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1920. Written in seventh century (Dekkers). "Vita Richarii confessoris Centulensis auctore Alcuino," MGH SRM IV, 389-401, ed. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written 800-804 (ALMA). "Vita vel regula sanctorum patrum Romani, Lupicini, et Eugendi monasteriorum Iurensium abbatum," ed. F. Martine, Vie des Peres du Jura (Sources chre'tiennes, CXLII). Paris, 1968. Written ca.520 (Duval). "Vita Rusticula sive Marciae abbatissae Arelatensis," IYIGH SRM IV, 339-351, ed. 8. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written seventh century (Dekkers). "Vita Sadalbergae abbatissae Laudunensis," MGH SRM, V, 49-66, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1910. Written early ninth century (Krusch, AJJCA) . "Vita Sigiramni abbatis Longoretensis," MGJH SRJl IV, 606-625, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written seventh-eighth centuries (Krusch, ALMA). "Vita Sulpicii episcopi Biturigi," MGJj SM IV, 371-380, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1902. Written 647-671 (Dekkers).

Sulpicius Severus. "Vita S. Martini spiscopi et confessoris," £SJLL, I, 109-137. J. Fontaine, ed. and trans., Vie de Saint Martin (Sources chre'tiennes. CXXXIII), Paris, 1967. Written in 397 (Duval). 375 "Vita Theudarii abbatis Viennensis auctore Adone," MGH SRM IIIt 526-530, ed. B. Krusch. Hannover, 1895. Written before 872 (Krusch, ALMA). "Vita Trudonis confessoris Hasbaniensis auctore Donato," MGH SRM VI, 273-298, ed. U. Levison. Hannover, 1913. Written 784-791 (W-L) . Venantius Fortunatus. "Vita S. Albini," MGH. Auct. ant. IV, II, 27-33, ed. 8. Krusch. 1855. Written in late sixth century (Dekkers). Venantius Fortunatus. "Vita 5. Martini," MGH. Auct. ant., IV, I, 293-370, ed. F. Leo. 1881. Written in late sixth century (Dekkers). Venantius Fortunatus. "Vita S. Radegundis," MG_H, Auct. ant., IV, II, 38-49, ed. B. Krusch. 1885. MGH SRJl II, 364-377, ed. B. Krusch. 1888. Written in late sixth century (Dekkers). "Vita Vincentiani confessoris Avolcensis," HUGH SRM V, 116-128, ed. Isi. Levison. Hannover, 1910. Written eleventh century (Levison, ALMA). "Vita Uiandragiseli abbatis Fontanellensis," MGJj SRM V, 13-24, ed. W. Levison. Hannover, 1910. Written late seventh century (Dekkers). "Vita Willibrordi archiepiscopi Traiectensis auctore Alcuino," HIGH SRIYI VII, 81-141, ed. UJ. Levison. Hannover, 1920. Written before 804 (ALMA. Jrusch).

10. Miscellaneous Bertichramnus of LeMans. "Testamentum," £L» LXXX, 387-410. Written in 615. Mayer, Josephine, ed. Monumenta de viduis diaconissis virginibusque tractantia (Florileoium patristicum, fasc. XLII). Bonn, 1938. MGH. Le9um Sectio V: Formulae meirowinQici et karolini aevi, ed. Karolus Zeumer. Hannover, 1886. Stengel, Edmund E«, ed. Urkundenbuch des Klosters Fulda (Historische Kommission filr Hessen. X). Marburg, 1951. 376 B. Secondary Works Arbesmann, Rudolph. "Fasting and Prophecy in Pagan and Christian Antiquity," Traditio. VII (1949), 1-71. Aubin, Paul. Le problems de la "conversion." Etude sur un terme commun a l'Hellenisme et au Christianisme des trois premiers siecles (Theoloqie historique, I). Paris, 1963. Baker, Derek. " Vir Dei: Secular Sanctity in the Early Tenth Century," Popular Belief and Practice. Papers Read at the Ninth Summer [fleeting and the Tenth Liinter fleeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. G.J. Cuming and Derek Baker (Cambridge, 1972), 41-53. Bardy, G. La conversion au christianisme durant les premiers siecles. Paris, 1949. B^umer, Suitbert. Histoire du Breviaire, trans. R. Biron. 2 vols. Paris, 190b. Beck, Henry G.J. The Pastoral Care of Souls in South-East France during the Sixth Century (Analecta Gregoriana, LI). Rome, 1950. Berrouard, fflarie-Francois. "La penitence publique durant les six premiers siecles. Histoire et sociologie," La lYlaison-Dieu. CXl/III (1974), 92-130. Chenon, Emile. Histoire qenerale du droit francais public et prive des orioines a 1815. I. Paris, 1926. Dalton, O.M., trans. Gregory of Tours. The History of the Franks. 2 vols. Oxford, 1927. de Labriolle, Pierre. "Le 'mariage spiritual' dans l'antiquite' chretienne," Revue historique. CXXXVII (1921), 204-225. Delaruelle, Etienne. "Sainte Radegonde, son type de saintete et la chretiente de son temps," Etudes lYjerovinqiennes (Paris, 1953), p.65-74. Dereine, Ch. "Chanoines," Dictionnaire d'histoire et de qeooraphie ecclesiastique. XII (Paris, 1953), 353-405. Dix, Gregory. The Shape of the Liturgy. London, 1945. 377 Dubois, Jacques* "L'institution des convers au Xlle siecle. Forme de vie monastique propre aux laics," I laici pella "societas Christiana" dai sacoli XI e XII (A,tti della terza Settimana internazionale di studio fflendola. 21-27 acosto 1965). (Milan, 1968), p.183-261.

Feusi, Iniga. Das Institut der Gottqetueihtsn Junofrauen: Sein Fortleben im |Y)jttelalter. Freiburg (Schweiz) , 1917. Fonseca, Cosimo Damiano. "I conversi nelle communita canonicali," I laici nella "societas Christiana" dai secoli XI e XII (Atti della terza Settimana internazionale di studio rtiendola. 21-27 agosto 1965) , (Milan, 1968), p.262-305. Galtier, Paul. "Penitents et 'convertis' de la penitence latine a la penitence celtique," Rev/ue d'histoire ecclesiastique. XXXIII (1937), 5-26, 277-305. . "Conversi," Dictionnaire de spiritualite ascetique et mystique. II (Paris, 1953), cols.2218-2224. Gougaud, Louis. Devotions et pratiques ascetiques du fll.A. Maredsous, 1925. Graus, Frantisek. l/olk. Herrscher und Heilioer im Reich der Merowinqer. Studi,en zur Haoiooraphie der MerouJingerzeit. Prague, 1965. Griffe, Elie. La Gaule chretienne a l'epoque romaine. 3 vols. Paris, 1947-1965.

. "La pratique religieuse en Gaule au Me siecle. Saeculares et sancti," Bulletin de litterature ecclesias­ tique. LXIII (1962), 241-267. Guillaume, Alexandre. Jeune et chsrlte dans l'Eglise latine. des oriqines au XIIe siecle en particulier chez saint Leon le Grand. Paris, 1954. Hallinger, K. "Uoher Kommen die Laienbruder?" AnalS£ta sacri ordinis Gisterciensis. XII (1956), 1-104. von Hefele, Charles Joseph. Histoire des concilesi French translation from the second German edition, revised and augmented by H. Leclercq. 11 vols. Paris, 1907-1949. Hoare, F.R., trans. The mestern Fathers. Beino the Lives of SS. Martin of Tours. Ambrose, Augustine of Hippo, Honoratus of Aries and Germanus of Auxerre. New York, 1954. 378 Ladner, Gerhart B. The 1 r'na of Reform. Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers. New York, 1967 (first ad. Harvard U.P., 1959). La Fontaine, Paul-Henri. Les conditions positives de l'accession aux ordres dans la premiere legislation ecclesiastique (300-492). Ottawa, 1963. Leclercq, Henri. "Office divin,'1 Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturqie, XII, 2 (Paris, 1936), 1962-2017. . "l/igiles," Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretiennes et de lituroie. XV, 2 (Paris, 1953), 3106-3113. Leclercq, Jean, Francois Vandenbroucke and Louis Bouyer. La spiritualite du moyen ace (riistoire de la spiritualite chretienne. II). Paris, 1961. • "Comment vivaient les freres convers," I laici nella "societas Christiana" dei secoli XI e XII (Atti della terza Settimana internazionale di studio Mendola. 21-27 aoosto 1965). (Milan, 1968), p.152-182. WacGonagle, Sara H. The Poor in Gregory of Tours. New York, 1936. McLaughlin, Terence P. Le tres ancien droit monastique de 1* Occident (Archives de la France monastique. XXXVIII). l/ienne and Paris, 1935. Meersseman, Gilles Gerard. "I Penitenti nei secoli XI e XII," laici nella "societas Christiana" dei secoli XI e XII tti della terza Settimana internazionale di studio lYiendola. 21-27 aoosto 1965) (Milan, 1968), p.306-345. Metz, Rene. La consecration des vieroes dans l'Eolise romaine. £tuide d'histoire de la liturqie. Paris. 1954. . "La consecration des vierges en Gaule des origines a l'apparition des livres liturgiques," Revue de droit canonique. l/l (1956), 321-339.

• "Les vierges chretiennes en Gaule au l\Je siecle," Saint lYlartin et son temps (Studia Anselmiana. fasc. XLVI). Rome, 1961. • "Benedictio sive consecratio virginum?" Ephernerides lituroicae. LXXX (1966), 265-293. Mortimer, R,D» The Orioins of Private Penance in the [jJestern Church. Oxford, 1939. 379 fflullins, P.J. The Spiritual Life according to Saint Isidore of Seville (Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin Language and Literature, XIII). Washington, D.C., 1940. Nock, A.D. Conversion: The Old and the New Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo. Oxford, 1933. Pietri, Charles. "Le la'icat dans l'eglise du Bas-Empire," Cahier du Centre Catholique des Intellectuels Francais, XLII (1963), 11-21. s Poschmann, Bernhard. Die abendlandische Kirchenbusse im Ausqang des christlichen Altertums (RiiLlnchener Studiep z;ur historischen Theoloqie, UII) . Munich, 1928. Prinz, Friedrich. Fruhesflionchtum i m Frankenreich. Kultur und Gesellschaft in Gallien. den Rheinlanden und Bavern am Beispiel der monastischsn Enttuickluno (4. bis 8. Jahrhundert). Munich, 1965. Riche, Pierre, Education et culture dans l'occident barbare, Vie - VHIe sie-cles. Paris, 1962. , Rosambert, Andre'. La Veuve en droit canonique iusqu'au XIVe siecle. Paris, 1923. Sejourne, P. "Voeux de religion," Dictionnaire de theolooie catholique. XV, 2 (Paris, 1950), 3234-3281. Situuell, Gerard, trans. St. Odo of Cluny. Being the Life of St. Odo of Clunyby John of Salerno and the Life of St. Gerald of Aurillac by St. Odo. London, 1958. Stadlhuber, Josef. "Das Stundengebet des Laien im christlichen Altertum," Zeitschrift fur katholische Theolooie. LXXI (1949), 129-183. Van der Essen, Leon. Etude critique et litteraire sur les vitae des saints merovinqiens de l'ancienne Beloique. Louvain, 1907. Vogel, Cyrille. La discipline psnitentielle en Gaule. des orioines a la fin du Vile siecle. Paris, 1952. . "La discipline penitentielle en Gaule des origines au IXe siecle. Le dossier hagiographique," Revue des sciences relioieuses. XXX (1956), 1-26. Ulallace-Hadrill, J.IYl. The Long-haired Kinos and other Studies in Frankish History. London, 1962. 380 Uieber* Kath. "Kulturgeschichtliche Probleme der Merovingerzeit im Spiegel fruhmittelalterlicher Heiligenleben," Studien und rnitteilunqen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner- Ordens und seiner Zmeiqe. XLVI11 (1930), 347-403.