Speculations on German History

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Speculations on German History erman history never loses its fascination. It is exceptionally G S P varied, contradictory, and raises difficult problems for the E historian. In a material sense, there have been a E RMAN HISTORY RMAN great many Germanies, so that it was long unclear what ON CULATIONS “Germany” would amount to geopolitically, while German intellectuals fought constantly over the idea(s) of Germany. Provocative and spiced with humor, Speculations tackles Germany’s successes and catastrophes in view of this fraught relationship between material reality and ideology. Concentrating on the period from Friedrich the Great until today, the book is less a conventional history than an extended essay. It moves freely within the chosen period, and because of its cultural studies disposition, devotes a great deal of attention to German writers, artists, and intellectuals. It looks at the ways in which German historians have attempted to come to terms with their own varying notions of nation, culture, and race. An underlying philosophical assumption is that history is not one dominant narrative but a struggle between competing, simultaneous narratives: like all those Germanies of the past and of the mind, history is plural. Barry Emslie pursues this agenda into the present, arguing that there has been an unprecedented qualitative change in the Federal Republic in the quarter century since unification. EMSLI BARRY EMSLIE lives and teaches in Berlin. He is the author SPECULATIONS ON of Richard Wagner and the Centrality of Love (Boydell Press, 2010) and Narrative and Truth: An Ethical and Dynamic Paradigm for the GERMAN HISTORY Humanities (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). E C ULTURE AND THE S TATE Cover image: Hermann Wislicenus, Germania oder Die Wacht am Rhein (Germania or the Watch on the Rhine), 1873. Courtesy of the German Historical Museum, Berlin. Cover design: Frank Gutbrod BARRY EMSLIE Speculations on German History EEmslie.inddmslie.indd i 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:01:52:01 AAMM Studies in German Literature, Linguistics, and Culture EEmslie.inddmslie.indd iiii 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:40:52:40 AAMM Speculations on German History Culture and the State Barry Emslie Rochester, New York EEmslie.inddmslie.indd iiiiii 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:40:52:40 AAMM Copyright © 2015 Barry Emslie All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation, no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded, or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. First published 2015 by Camden House Camden House is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Inc. 668 Mt. Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620, USA www.camden-house.com and of Boydell & Brewer Limited PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK www.boydellandbrewer.com ISBN-13: 978-1-57113-929-0 ISBN-10: 978-1-57113-929-X Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Emslie, Barry, author. Speculations on German history : culture and the state / Barry Emslie. pages cm.—(Studies in German literature, linguistics, and culture) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-1-57113-929-0 (hardcover : alk. paper)— ISBN-10: 1-57113-929-X (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Germany—History—Philosophy. 2. Germany—History. 3. Germany— Intellectual life. 4. Germany—Historiography. 5. Historians—Germany. I. Title. DD97.E47 2015 943.0072—dc23 2014046500 This publication is printed on acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America. EEmslie.inddmslie.indd iivv 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:40:52:40 AAMM Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction 1 1: The Problem(s) 9 2: A Plethora of Germanies 18 3: Culture, Language, and Blood 28 4: The Gemeinschaft 46 5: Marx, the Proletariat, and the State 60 6: Hegel and the State 65 7: German Historians and the State 69 8: Meinecke and the State 81 9: The Lingering Ambiguities of the State 103 10: Materialism 110 11: Militarism and Death 118 12: Providence and Narration 132 13: Guilt and Innocence 143 14: The Indispensable Jews 159 15: The Historians’ Debate 171 16: The State Today 188 Notes 215 Index 239 EEmslie.inddmslie.indd v 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:40:52:40 AAMM EEmslie.inddmslie.indd vvii 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:40:52:40 AAMM Acknowledgments WOULD LIKE, in particular, to thank two Berlin friends: Herta Frenzel I and Christian Koehler. The former was invaluable during the prepara- tion of the manuscript, while the latter’s advice and criticisms were a con- stant stimulus. Both are protected by the usual disclaimers. The remaining shortcomings of this book are all my own work. EEmslie.inddmslie.indd vviiii 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:40:52:40 AAMM EEmslie.inddmslie.indd vviiiiii 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:40:52:40 AAMM Introduction HIS BOOK IS AN EXTENDED ESSAY, freely structured, that concentrates Ton the last 250 years of Germany history. It does not sit comfort- ably within the parameters of conventional historiography. For instance, it does not pretend to tell a story, let alone a singular, authoritative story. Nonetheless, stories are central to its explanatory program. More than that even, a privileged notion of narration determines the theoretical assump- tions on which that program rests. Therefore this text consciously engages both with theory and with the particular interpretations of historical events when they are placed within the framework of that theory. I should also add that while the German case has been chosen for idiosyncratic reasons (I find it interesting and stimulating), I also believe it illustrates to an exceptional degree the advantages of the theoretical approach taken here. First, then, the theoretical assumptions. This takes us into the epis- temology and philosophy of history itself. There is, of course, no lack of theoretical work on history on the part of German thinkers. Indeed one might well regard their contributions in this field as manifold, enlight- ening, and dangerous. However the position taken up here is not born of a specifically German historical or philosophical school. It is based on the fundamental assumption that history is best seen as a problem- atic struggle between simultaneous conflicting or competing narratives. History is plural. If one were to look for a German intellectual who most exemplifies this approach it would be Bertolt Brecht. Dramatizing conflicting narrative strands is the fundamental agenda of his “epic” (by which he means narrative) theater. It defines his concept of “real- ism.” However, while the Brechtian notion of narrative (or narratives) is self-evidently of the utmost relevance to what follows, it takes us out of the specific field of the philosophy of history. And despite the large role German artists and intellectuals will play in the following pages, we should stick for the moment with historians, or at least with intellectuals who saw themselves as historians. For instance, in contradistinction to Brecht we might consider Hegel, whose influence in the field of German historiography was once massive. Hegel claims that the “Philosophy of History” (his so-called third form) is itself the highest form of history. And, happily, he can account for it in self-evident, simple, and tauto- logical language. The “Philosophy of History means nothing but the thoughtful consideration of it.”1 This is all based on the axiom that the real (and thereby the world) is rational, a truth to be applied across the EEmslie.inddmslie.indd 1 11/17/2015/17/2015 88:52:40:52:40 AAMM 2 INTRODUCTION board. Therefore the fact that “Reason is the Sovereign of the World,” as well as being ubiquitous, means that the historical endeavor is likewise rational.2 But the unhappy result of this is an account of world history, teleologically focused on the beneficent rise of “modern” (nineteenth- century) Prussia, that is debilitatingly singular in its form. It is wholly unproblematized by the question of narrative plurality. At it happens Hegel will be dealt with specifically in chapter 6, not least because his influence was so great, but it should be made clear now that the theo- retical argument of this book is designed to establish a notion of history radically contrary to his. Which is to say that the matter of competing simultaneous narratives is always implicit, at the very least, in the follow- ing pages, although it is explicitly addressed in chapters 12 and 13. Now to the interpretation of particular events when examined within this framework. Of course historical events and how they are interpreted constitute the guts of the book, and they are dealt with chapter by chap- ter. However, they should be seen collectively as the product of another tension, a tension that itself reflects the wider dialectic made up of gen- eral historical theory and specific historical analysis. This is the friction between materialism and ideology. By materialism all that is meant, in the first instance, is material reality, or (seemingly) objective facts on the ground, no matter that those facts cannot be perceived or described in a manner wholly uncontaminated by the subject who examines them. Ideology, on the other hand, deals overtly with what is imagined to be the case, and with what is desired, or feared. Not surprisingly, ideological schemes and structures proliferate freely, depending on the degree and rigor with which they make contact with material reality, and the strin- gent, or otherwise, thinking of the theorists who promulgate them. They are unstable and inevitably evolve, becoming more insightful or more deluded, more complex or more (dangerously) simplistic. They have, after all, a great many functions to fulfill and limitless desires to satisfy. One can readily see that an instability and abundance in ideological schemes, ranging from the benign to the inimical, is present to an excep- tional and extreme degree in German history.
Recommended publications
  • Cardinals, Inquisitors, and Jesuits: Curial Patronage and Counter-Reformation in Cosimo I's Florence
    Cardinals, Inquisitors, and Jesuits: Curial Patronage and Counter-Reformation in Cosimo I’s Florence Gregory Murry Cet article analyse les motivations du duc de Florence Côme I qui l’ont amené à soute- nir l’inquisition et les activités des jésuites entre 1540 et 1560. À travers l’examen de la correspondance gouvernementale et des archives concernant les bénéfices Toscan, cette étude met en lumière les liens entre le mécénat de la curie et les instances de la réforme Catholique, sous trois aspects interreliés. Premièrement, Côme n’a pas rompu ses liens spirituels avec Rome, puisque cela aurait mis en danger les intérêts séculiers de son réseau de clients, qui ceux-ci avaient une grande activité au sein des États Papaux. Deuxiè- mement, étant donné cette restriction, le duc a dû établir des liens avec des cardinaux de la curie pouvant lui garantir des faveurs séculières et spirituelles pour son réseau de clients. Troisièmement, par la suite, ces mêmes cardinaux ont profité de leur position stratégique pour renverser le rapport de force et ainsi imposer l’inquisition et les Jésuites au gouvernement florentin réticent. ith its large, literate middle class and burgeoning capitalist economy, Florence Wshould have been a city ripe for reformation. Indeed, if sociological considera- tions alone mattered, Cosimo I’s nasty personal relationship with Pope Paul III would have exploded into outright revolt, and the networks of heretical opinion circulating among the city’s cultured elite would have found fertile ground on Tuscan soil.1 However, sociology seems ill-suited to explain why Italy stayed Catholic since Italy had its cities, artisans, merchants, and nascent capitalism long before England, France, or Germany.
    [Show full text]
  • A Bibliographical Guide to the Study of the Troubadours and Old Occitan Literature
    A Bibliographical Guide to the Study of the Troubadours and Old Occitan Literature Robert A. Taylor RESEARCH IN MEDIEVAL CULTURE Bibliographical Guide to the Study of the Troubadours and Old Occitan Literature Medieval Institute Publications is a program of The Medieval Institute, College of Arts and Sciences Bibliographical Guide to the Study of the Troubadours and Old Occitan Literature Robert A. Taylor MEDIEVAL INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS Western Michigan University Kalamazoo Copyright © 2015 by the Board of Trustees of Western Michigan University All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Taylor, Robert A. (Robert Allen), 1937- Bibliographical guide to the study of the troubadours and old Occitan literature / Robert A. Taylor. pages cm Includes index. Summary: "This volume provides offers an annotated listing of over two thousand recent books and articles that treat all categories of Occitan literature from the earli- est enigmatic texts to the works of Jordi de Sant Jordi, an Occitano-Catalan poet who died young in 1424. The works chosen for inclusion are intended to provide a rational introduction to the many thousands of studies that have appeared over the last thirty-five years. The listings provide descriptive comments about each contri- bution, with occasional remarks on striking or controversial content and numerous cross-references to identify complementary studies or differing opinions" -- Pro- vided by publisher. ISBN 978-1-58044-207-7 (Paperback : alk. paper) 1. Provençal literature--Bibliography. 2. Occitan literature--Bibliography. 3. Troubadours--Bibliography. 4. Civilization, Medieval, in literature--Bibliography.
    [Show full text]
  • Rosmini's Liberalism and the Shadow of Adam Smith
    Journal of Markets & Morality Volume 21, Number 2 (Fall 2018): 271–295 Copyright © 2018 Rosmini’s Liberalism and the Shadow Alberto Mingardi* of Adam Smith IULM University of Milan The purpose of this article is to show the impact on Rosmini’s economic thinking from one strain of classical liberal economics—that of Adam Smith. Rosmini’s reflections on Smith, which are far from episodic, show a degree of affinity and a strong intellectual preference for laissez-faire versus economic intervention- ism. This article explores selected instances in Rosmini’s economic and political works in which either Rosmini himself quotes Smith, or the latter’s shadow seems unmistakable. It focuses in particular on Rosmini’s approach to economics as a science (and his criticism of “mechanical” utilitarianism); his views of competi- tion, monopoly, and protection; and his fiscal theory, as the places in which his reading of Smith most reverberates. Rosmini’s approaches to these problems constitute sufficient evidence to place him within the classical liberal tradition. Introduction “If [classical] liberal economics did not exist, Rosmini, for the sake of consistency with his own ideas, would have to invent it” (Piovani 1957: 79). This statement by Pietro Piovani (1922–1980) may sound astonishing, since it does not refer to an economist but to a Catholic priest, founder of religious orders, and philosopher. Antonio Rosmini (1797–1855) was indeed a passionate advocate of competition. Rosmini was no second-league thinker in nineteenth century Italy. He left behind an enormous body of writings: The still-incomplete critical edition of his works would amount to more than one-hundred volumes.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Cambridge Medieval History, Volume IV - C
    Cambridge University Press 0521414113 - The New Cambridge Medieval History, Volume IV - c. 1024-c. 1198 Edited by David Luscombe and Jonathan Riley-Smith Index More information INDEX Aachen, 77, 396, 401, 402, 404, 405 Abul-Barakat al-Jarjara, 695, 700 Aaron, bishop of Cologne, 280 Acerra, counts of, 473 ‘Abbadids, kingdom of Seville, 157 Acre ‘Abbas ibn Tamim, 718 11th century, 702, 704, 705 ‘Abbasids 12th century Baghdad, 675, 685, 686, 687, 689, 702 1104 Latin conquest, 647 break-up of empire, 678, 680 1191 siege, 522, 663 and Byzantium, 696 and Ayyubids, 749 caliphate, before First Crusade, 1 fall to crusaders, 708 dynasty, 675, 677 fall to Saladin, 662, 663 response to Fatimid empire, 685–9 Fatimids, 728 abbeys, see monasteries and kingdom of Jerusalem, 654, 662, 664, abbots, 13, 530 667, 668, 669 ‘Abd Allah al-Ziri, king of Granada, 156, 169–70, Pisans, 664 180, 181, 183 trade, 727 ‘Abd al-Majid, 715 13th century, 749 ‘Abd al-Malik al-Muzaffar, 155, 158, 160, 163, 165 Adalasia of Sicily, 648 ‘Abd al-Mu’min, 487 Adalbero, bishop of Wurzburg,¨ 57 ‘Abd al-Rahman (Shanjul), 155, 156 Adalbero of Laon, 146, 151 ‘Abd al-Rahman III, 156, 159 Adalbert, archbishop of Mainz, 70, 71, 384–5, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Ilyas, 682 388, 400, 413, 414 Abelard of Conversano, 109, 110, 111, 115 Adalbert, bishop of Prague, 277, 279, 284, 288, Aberconwy, 599 312 Aberdeen, 590 Adalbert, bishop of Wolin, 283 Abergavenny, 205 Adalbert, king of Italy, 135 Abernethy agreement, 205 Adalgar, chancellor, 77 Aberteifi, 600 Adam of Bremen, 295 Abingdon, 201, 558 Adam of
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction After Totalitarianism – Stalinism and Nazism Compared
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-89796-9 - Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared Michael Geyer and Sheila Fitzpatrick Excerpt More information 1 Introduction After Totalitarianism – Stalinism and Nazism Compared Michael Geyer with assistance from Sheila Fitzpatrick The idea of comparing Nazi Germany with the Soviet Union under Stalin is not a novel one. Notwithstanding some impressive efforts of late, however, the endeavor has achieved only limited success.1 Where comparisons have been made, the two histories seem to pass each other like trains in the night. That is, while there is some sense that they cross paths and, hence, share a time and place – if, indeed, it is not argued that they mimic each other in a deleterious war2 – little else seems to fit. And this is quite apart from those approaches which, on principle, deny any similarity because they consider Nazism and Stalinism to be at opposite ends of the political spectrum. Yet, despite the very real difficulties inherent in comparing the two regimes and an irreducible political resistance against such comparison, attempts to establish their commonalities have never ceased – not least as a result of the inclination to place both regimes in opposition to Western, “liberal” traditions. More often than not, comparison of Stalinism and Nazism worked by way of implicating a third party – the United States.3 Whatever the differences between them, they appeared small in comparison with the chasm that separated them from liberal-constitutional states and free societies. Since a three-way comparison 1 Alan Bullock, Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives (London: HarperCollins, 1991); Ian Kershaw and Moshe Lewin, eds., Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorships in Comparison (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977); Henry Rousso, ed., Stalinisme et nazisme: Histoire et memoire´ comparees´ (Paris: Editions´ Complexe, 1999); English translation by Lucy Golvan et al., Stalinism and Nazism (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004); Richard J.
    [Show full text]
  • K. Westphal, 'The Basic Context and Structure of Hegel's Philosophy Of
    KENNETH WESTPHAL 8 The basic context and structure of Hegel's Philosophy of Right i My aim in this essay is to sketch the political and philosophical context of Hegel's Philosophy of Right and to reconstruct the basic aim and structure of its main argument.1 I argue that Hegel is a reform-minded liberal who based his political philosophy on the analysis and fulfillment of individual human freedom. Hegel gave this theme a profound twist through his social conception of human individuals. He argued that individual autonomy can be achieved only within a communal context. II To understand Hegel's political views, it is helpful to see how they stand with regard to conservatism, romanticism, and liberalism. He- gel has been accused of conservatism or worse. The most common basis for this charge is Hegel's claim that what is rational is actual and what is actual is rational (Preface 24/20). This claim has been taken as a blanket endorsement of the status quo, but in the para- graph headed by this statement, Hegel distinguished between phe- nomena that embody a rational structure and those that do not. The mere fact that a state exists, on Hegel's view, does not entail that it is either rational or, in Hegel's technical sense, "actual." Hegel's distinction between existence and actuality is tied to his metaphys- ics, according to which the universe's rational structure progres- sively actualizes itself. In the political sphere, this means that social institutions aspire and tend to achieve a fundamentally rational form.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of World Civilization. 3 Cyclus (1450-2070) New Time ("New Antiquity"), Capitalism ("New Slaveownership"), Upper Mental (Causal) Plan
    The history of world civilization. 3 cyclus (1450-2070) New time ("new antiquity"), capitalism ("new slaveownership"), upper mental (causal) plan. 19. 1450-1700 -"neoarchaics". 20. 1700-1790 -"neoclassics". 21. 1790-1830 -"romanticism". 22. 1830-1870 – «liberalism». Modern time (lower intuitive plan) 23. 1870-1910 – «imperialism». 24. 1910-1950 – «militarism». 25.1950-1990 – «social-imperialism». 26.1990-2030 – «neoliberalism». 27. 2030-2070 – «neoromanticism». New history. We understand the new history generally in the same way as the representatives of Marxist history. It is a history of establishment of new social-economic formation – capitalism, which, in difference to the previous formations, uses the economic impelling and the big machine production. The most important classes are bourgeoisie and hired workers, in the last time the number of the employees in the sphere of service increases. The peasants decrease in number, the movement of peasants into towns takes place; the remaining peasants become the independent farmers, who are involved into the ware and money economy. In the political sphere it is an epoch of establishment of the republican system, which is profitable first of all for the bourgeoisie, with the time the political rights and liberties are extended for all the population. In the spiritual plan it is an epoch of the upper mental, or causal (later lower intuitive) plan, the humans discover the laws of development of the world and man, the traditional explanations of religion already do not suffice. The time of the swift development of technique (Satan was loosed out of his prison, according to Revelation 20.7), which causes finally the global ecological problems.
    [Show full text]
  • DISCUSSION the Goldhagen Controversy
    DISCUSSION The Goldhagen Controversy: Agonizing Problems, Scholarly Failure and the Downloaded from Political Dimension’ Hans-Ulrich Wehler (BieZefeZd) http://gh.oxfordjournals.org/ When a contentious book with a provoca1.ive message has aroused lively, not to say passionate, controversy, it is desirable that any new contribution to the debate should strive to provide as sober and clear a cost-benefit analysis as possible. It is best, moreover, to attend first to the book’s merits and achieve- ments, before giving an equal airing to its faults and limitations. In the case of Daniel Goldhagen’s Hiller’s Willing Executioners such a procedure is parti- cularly advisable, since the response in the American and German media to at Serials Department on February 18, 2015 this six-hundred-page study of ‘ordinary Germans and the Holocaust’ has not only been rather speedier than that of the academic world-though scholarly authorities have also, uncharacteristically, been quick off the mark-but has impaired the debate by promptly giving respectability to a number of stereo- types and misconceptions. The enthusiastic welcome that the book has received from journalists and opinion-formers in America is a problem in its own right, and we shall return to it later. But here in Germany there is no cause for complacency either, since the reaction in the public media has been far from satisfactory. With dismaying rapidity, and with a spectacular self-confidence that has frequently masked an ignorance of the facts, a counter-consensus has emerged. The book, we are repeatedly told, contains no new empirical data, since everything of significance on the subject has long been known; nor does it raise any stimulating new questions.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.El Proyecto De Modernidad Y La Administración Pública
    RICSH Revista Iberoamericana de las Ciencias Sociales y Humanísticas E-ISSN: 2395-7972 [email protected] Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones para el Desarrollo Docente A.C. México Espejel Mena, Jaime El proyecto de modernidad y la administración pública RICSH Revista Iberoamericana de las Ciencias Sociales y Humanísticas, vol. 4, núm. 8, julio-diciembre, 2015 Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones para el Desarrollo Docente A.C. Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=503950656017 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Revista Iberoamericana de las Ciencias Sociales y Humanísticas ISSN: 2395-7972 El proyecto de modernidad y la administración pública The project of modernity and public administration Jaime Espejel Mena* Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, México [email protected] Resumen El objetivo del presente documento es examinar, de manera reducida, al liberalismo y conservadurismo como ideologías que se expresaron en proyectos de la modernidad ulteriores a la Revolución francesa, para comprender su influencia en la conformación histórica y en la concepción epistemológica de la administración pública, como ciencia social heredada de la Ilustración. Se concluye planteando que ha predominado un pensamiento liberal progresista en la forma de argumentar el quehacer disciplinario de las ciencias administrativas. Palabras clave: liberalismo, conservadurismo, revolución, administración pública, Ilustración, modernidad. Abstract The aim of this document is to examine, in a small way, the liberalism and conservatism as ideologies which expressed themselves in subsequent projects of modernity to the French Revolution, to understand their influence in shaping historical and epistemological conception of public administration, as inherited social science of The Enlightenment.
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
    Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Tagebücher 1945
    Joseph Goebbels Tagebücher 1945 Die letzten Aufzeichnungen Einführung Rolf Hochhuth Hoffmann und Campe Inhalt Einführung von Rolf Hochhuth Goebbels in seinen Tagebüchern 13 Tagebucheintragungen 53 28. Februar 194$ Mittwoch 55 Gespräch mit Hitler in der Reichskanzlei-Kritik an Göring-Lob für Dönitz i. März 1945 Donnerstag 58 General Wlassow bei Goebbels - Stalins Charakter - Gefährliche bolsche­ wistische Propaganda - Goebbels hört sich seine Rundfunkansprache an - Vergleich der Gegenwart mit dem Punischen und dem Siebenjährigen Krieg 2. März 194s Freitag 71 Internationales Presse-Echo auf die Konferenz von Jalta - Franco eine »Krampfhenne« - »Zu allem Leid kommt jetzt auch noch der Hunger« - Eine neue Armee aus Einheiten des Ersatzheeres - »Der Luftkrieg feiert tollste Orgien« - »Das Reich wird allmählich in eine Wüste verwandelt« 3. März 194s Sonnabend 80 Sepp Dietrich kritisiert Hitlers Maßnahmen - »Leidensthema Luftkrieg« - Goebbels für Urlaubssperre - Speer der richtige Mann am richtigen Platz - Graf Schwerin von Krosigks Finanzreform - Energieversorgung Berlins wird immer schlechter - Etwa sechs Millionen Wohnungen im Reich völlig zer­ stört - Goebbels liest Denkschriften von Gneisenau und Scharnhorst über die Vorbereitung des Volkskrieges aus dem Jahr 1808 5 4- März 194s Sonntag 91 Streiks in den USA und in England - Keine Evakuierungen mehr aus dem Westen - Hitler besucht die Front im Osten - Rundfunkansprache des Gau­ leiters Hanke aus dem eingeschlossenen Breslau 5. März 1945 Montag 102 »Ein schwieriges Problem«: das entgegenkommende
    [Show full text]
  • Joseph Goebbels 1 Joseph Goebbels
    Joseph Goebbels 1 Joseph Goebbels Joseph Goebbels Reich propaganda minister Goebbels Chancellor of Germany In office 30 April 1945 – 1 May 1945 President Karl Dönitz Preceded by Adolf Hitler Succeeded by Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk (acting) Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda In office 13 March 1933 – 30 April 1945 Chancellor Adolf Hitler Preceded by Office created Succeeded by Werner Naumann Gauleiter of Berlin In office 9 November 1926 – 1 May 1945 Appointed by Adolf Hitler Preceded by Ernst Schlange Succeeded by None Reichsleiter In office 1933–1945 Appointed by Adolf Hitler Preceded by Office created Succeeded by None Personal details Born Paul Joseph Goebbels 29 October 1897 Rheydt, Prussia, Germany Joseph Goebbels 2 Died 1 May 1945 (aged 47) Berlin, Germany Political party National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) Spouse(s) Magda Ritschel Children 6 Alma mater University of Bonn University of Würzburg University of Freiburg University of Heidelberg Occupation Politician Cabinet Hitler Cabinet Signature [1] Paul Joseph Goebbels (German: [ˈɡœbəls] ( ); 29 October 1897 – 1 May 1945) was a German politician and Reich Minister of Propaganda in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. As one of Adolf Hitler's closest associates and most devout followers, he was known for his zealous orations and deep and virulent antisemitism, which led him to support the extermination of the Jews and to be one of the mentors of the Final Solution. Goebbels earned a PhD from Heidelberg University in 1921, writing his doctoral thesis on 19th century literature of the romantic school; he then went on to work as a journalist and later a bank clerk and caller on the stock exchange.
    [Show full text]