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Loss and Gain in Language Uia, May 20-22, 2015

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Loss and Gain in Language Uia, May 20-22, 2015 PhD course: Loss and gain in language UiA, May 20-22, 2015 Program May 20th May 21st May 22nd 10.00-11.00 Elly van Gelderen Allison Wetterlin 11.00-11.30 Lauren Fonteyn Perlaug Marie Kveen 11.30-12.00 coffee break coffee break 12.00-12.30 Keith Tse Kamil Malarski 12.30-13.30 Hendrik de Smet Peter Trudgill 13.30-14.30 lunch lunch lunch 14.30-15.30 Jan Terje Faarlund Hans-Olav Enger 15.30-16.00 Urd Vindenes Xavier Bach 16.00-16.30 coffee break coffee break 16.30-17.00 Rodrigo Hernáiz Gómez Sofia Björklöf 17.00-18.00 Ulrike Demske John Ole Askedal Lecturers Prof emeritus John Ole Askedal (University of Oslo) Prof Ulrike Demske (University of Potsdam) Prof Hans-Olav Enger (University of Oslo) Prof Jan Terje Faarlund (University of Oslo) Prof Elly van Gelderen (Arizona State University, Tempe) Dr. Hendrik de Smet (KU Leuven) Prof Peter Trudgill (University of Agder) Dr. Allison Wetterlin (University of Agder) PhD candidates Xavier Bach (University of Oxford) Sofia Björklöf (University of Helsinki) Lauren Fonteyn (KU Leuven) Rodrigo Hernáiz Gómez (University of Barcelona & University of Marbug) Perlaug Marie Kveen (Norwegian University of Science and Technology) Malarski Kamil Malarski (Adam Mickiewicz University) Keith Tse (University of Oxford) Urd Vindenes (University of Oslo) Abstracts On definiteness marking in Germanic NPs in comparison with Balto-Slavic John Ole Askedal (University of Oslo) The definite article of the southern (traditionally ‘West’) Germanic languages is uniformly a pre-nominal determinative. North Germanic (Mainland and Insular Scandinavian), on the other hand, has a ‘split’ article system comprising both a definiteness suffix (‘enclitic article’) and a determinative (‘adjective article’). All Germanic languages have, or have had, a distinction between ‘strong’ and ‘weak’ (‘definite’) adjectives. In the present-day southern area, comprising languages with a morphologically uniform article determinative, the distribution of the two adjective declensions can be shown to be subject to purely morphosyntactic rules (German); or adjective declension is reduced to a rudimentary minimum of two forms (-Ø, -e; Dutch, Frisian), or all formal morphological oppositions have been neutralized (English). In neither case is the adjective distinctive with regard to definiteness. In North Germanic, on the other hand, weak adjectives can still be considered as indicators of definiteness. The purpose of the present paper is, first, to provide a comparative survey of the distribution and use of definite articles and adjectives in the modern North Germanic languages Icelandic, Faroese, Norwegian, Swedish and Danish. An attempt is also made to combine earlier views on the history of the North Germanic definite article and adjective systems into a diachronic description in terms of different stages of a grammaticalization process, comprising adjectival use of Indo-European nominal -n-stem formations in Proto-Germanic, enclisis of a postnominal demonstrative in pre-literary (Runic) Nordic, and morphological simplification (progressive univerbation) of morphological definiteness-marking in post- Old Norse times. With few (and mostly minor) exceptions, Baltic and Slavic languages have not developed definite articles but Old Baltic and Slavic languages had (and to a varying extent still have) a definiteness opposition in adjectives: adjectives with a suffixed pronominal element were functionally akin to Old Germanic weak adjectives, whereas Old Balto-Slavic adjectives without the pronominal suffix compare functionally with Old Germanic strong adjectives. It is argued that the further development of the old Balto-Slavic adjectival marking system has resulted in a modern state of affairs that bears a certain isoglossal typological similarity to the general difference between modern North and southern Germanic systems of adjective morphology. Losing classifiers and acquiring gender. Insights from Austronesian languages. Xavier Bach In typological studies, the Austronesian languages are generally reported to lack gender, with the exception of Teop, which presents a system of three genders marked on articles, and Tagalog, which has borrowed a two gender system from Spanish (Aikhenvald 2000; Senft 2015). But Austronesian languages are held to present systems of (nominal or numeral) classifiers, particularly within the Oceanic family. 2 The South Halmahera-West New Guinea (henceforth SHWNG) family of Austronesian languages constitutes a group of about 40 languages spoken in Eastern Indonesia, that are nonetheless a perfect test-ground for analysing the development of non-canonical gender distinctions. Two of the languages, Buli and Sawai, present possessive classifiers, and at least two classifiers can be reconstructed for proto- SHWNG (van den Berg 2009). The reconstructed forms, which still have reflexes in most of the languages, are *na- for edible possession, and *ri- for general classification. All of the other languages have now lost any classificatory system, but a subset of these have developed a non-canonical system of gender, in which gender assignment is based on animacy, and gender marking is restricted to 3PL. This kind of system is crosslinguistically rare, and seems to be constrained both areally and structurally: all 13 languages with this type of marking present a system of gender assignment based on animacy, with a two way distinction. Of these, 3 are spoken in Western Africa, one is a Mon-Khmer language, and the remainder are all Austronesian, including 7 SHWNG languages. The following table exemplifies these gender systems with subject agreement markers on C-verbs in Biak (van den Heuvel 2006; Mofu 2009). SG DU TR PL 1 INCL ku- ko 1 EXCL ya- nu- inko 2 wa- mu- mko 3 i- su- sko- AN si- INAN na- I argue that in SHWNG, and particularly for Biakic languages, this specific paradigmatic pattern can be explained by a unified account of the acquisition of animacy distinctions. Following the breakdown of the classifier system, possibly induced by the grammaticalisation of a new alienable possessive marker from a relative clause (Bach 2014), a former personal pronoun, si, and a classifier, na, came to express an animacy distinction for subject and possessors alike, and were interpretable as non-specific (in the sense of Farkas 2002) and formally unmarked for number. Even today in Biak, plural is non-specific, and available for generic readings of number including one (Dalrymple & Mofu 2013). 3PL.INAN never takes a specificity marker. In parallel, the expected plural marker was reinterpreted as more specific than the other types of marking, and progressively reanalysed as having a lesser cardinality. That led in Biak to a highly non-canonical paradigm that distinguishes paucal number only for third person, and gender only for 3PL. Other languages regularised the paradigm, either by replacing the previous plural with the innovative pattern without developing a paucal (as in Dusner, see Dalrymple & Mofu 2012), or by subsequently extending gender distinction to all third persons. Evidence from Larike (Laidig & Laidig 1990; 1991) provides further confirmation that gender can develop from a classificatory system along this pathway. Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2000. Classifiers. A typology of noun classification devices. Oxford: OUP. Bach, Xavier. 2014. Relative clause in Biak and the grammaticalisation of possessive markers. Ms, University of Oxford. Dalrymple, Mary & Suriel Semuel Mofu. 2012. Dusner. München: Lincom Europa. Dalrymple, Mary & Suriel Semuel Mofu. 2013. Semantics of number in Biak. Language and Linguistics in Melanesia 31: 42–55. Farkas, Donka. 2002. Specificity distinctions. Journal of Semantics 19: 213-243. 3 Kamholz, David. 2014. Austronesians in Papua: Diversification and change in South Halmahera-West New Guinea. Unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of California, Berkeley. Laidig, Wyn & Carol Laidig. 1990. Larike Pronouns: Duals and Trials in a Central Moluccan Language. Oceanic Linguistics 29: 87-109. Laidig, Wyn & Carol Laidig. 1991. Larike Grammar. UNPATI-SIL. Mofu, Suriel Semuel. 2009. Biak morphosyntax. Unpublished D.Phil thesis, University of Oxford. Senft, Gunter. 2015. Gender and classifiers – a survey of their geographical distribution. Keynote lecture, Workshop Classifiers and gender: areal and genealogical perspectives. Nijmegen, Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics. Van den Berg, René. 2009. Possession in South Halmahera-West New Guinea: typology and reconstruction. Austronesian historical linguistics and culture history: a festschrift for Robert Blust, ed. by Alexander Adelaar and Andrew Pawley, 327–357. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Van den Heuvel, Wilco. 2006. Biak: description of an Austronesian language of Papua. Utrecht: LOT. Lexical Relations of Finnic Languages in North-Eastern Estonia and Western Ingria Sofia Björklöf The historical language contact situation in North-Eastern Estonia and Western Ingria is reflected in the vocabulary of local languages in several ways. The languages that will be more closely examined in the presentation are the Estonian north-eastern coastal dialects, the Estonian eastern dialect, Vote, and Ingrian, as well as Ingrian Finnish as a contact language, all genetically closely related Finnic varieties. The traditional Votic and Ingrian settlements used to locate in Western Ingria, the south-eastern coastal area of the Gulf of Finland between the river Narva and the present-day metropol of St. Petersburg that, historically, was built on the ancient trading centre
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