The Language Kinship of Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese

THE LANGUAGE KINSHIP OF TEOCHEW, HAKKA, AND CANTONESE

TESIS

Oleh SHERLY NOVITA 177009023/LNG

FAKULTAS ILMU BUDAYA UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA MEDAN 2021

Universitas Sumatera Utara THE LANGUAGE KINSHIP OF TEOCHEW, HAKKA, AND CANTONESE

TESIS

Diajukan Sebagai Salah Satu Syarat untuk Memperoleh Gelar Magister Sains dalam Program Studi Linguistik pada Program Pascasarjana Fakultas Ilmu Budaya Universitas Sumatera Utara

Oleh

SHERLY NOVITA 177009023/LNG

FAKULTAS ILMU BUDAYA UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA MEDAN 2021

Universitas Sumatera Utara

TINGKAT KEKERABATAN ANTARA DIALEK TEOCHEW, HAKKA, DAN KANTON

ABSTRAK

Tesis ini berjudul "Tingkat Kekerabatan antara Teochew, Hakka, dan Kanton". Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi persamaan dan perbedaan bunyi pada dialek Teochew (TC), Hakka (HK), dan Kanton (CO). Perbandingan antara ketiga dialek ini dapat dikatakan sama usianya dengan timbulnya ilmu bahasa itu sendiri. Pemahaman tentang bahasa selalu menarik perhatian orang untuk mengetahui sejauh mana terdapat kemiripan aspek bahasa tersebut. Menghitung persentase kognat dan menemukan kapan ketiga dialek dalam tesis ini termasuk ke dalam satu keluarga bahasa sebelum akhirnya berpisah menjadi dialek yang berbeda atau waktu pisah didasarkan pada teori Linguistik Historis Komparatif. Metode penelitian yang diterapkan adalah metode kuantitatif-kualitatif dengan menggunakan daftar Swadesh proto Sino-Tibet. Metode dan teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan mengacu pada metode cakap dengan teknik rekam – catat. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan metode korespondensi kualitatif dan metode kuantitatif dengan teknik glotokronologi dan leksikostatistik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dialek TC, HK, dan CO memiliki pasangan identik, korespondensi fonemis, satu fonem yang berbeda, dan satu suku yang serupa. Dialek TC~HK dan TC~CO memiliki 60 dan 75 kata berkerabat dengan tingkat kekerabatan atau persentase kognat sebesar 29 % dan 36 %, yang keduanya dikategorikan ke dalam subkelompok stok. Di sisi lain, HK~CO memiliki 121 kata berkerabat dengan tingkat kekerabatan atau persentase kognat sebesar 58 % dan dikategorikan dalam subkelompok famili. Simpulan penelitian ini adalah bahwa dialek HK dan CO merupakan dialek yang paling dekat dan berkerabat di antara ketiga dialek yang dibandingkan. Dialek HK dan CO merupakan dua bahasa yang berkerabat pada tahun 765 sesudah Masehi (2,020 – 1,255) sebelum akhirnya berpisah.

Kata kunci — korespondensi fonemis, tingkat kekerabatan, persentase kognat, waktu pisah, dialek

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THE LANGUAGE KINSHIP OF TEOCHEW, HAKKA, AND CANTONESE

ABSTRACT

This thesis is entitled "The Language Kinship of Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese". This research is aimed to identify the similarities and differences in terms of sounds of Teochew (TC), Hakka (HK), and Cantonese (CO). The comparison of these three dialects can be said to be the same lineage by seeing the linguistics itself. The understanding about languages is always attractive to some people to know the language aspect similarities further. To calculate the cognate percentages of relationship of them, and to discover when they were separated before they were considered to be a language family or the lineages are based on the theory of Historical Comparative Linguistics. The research method used is quantitative- qualitative method through Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List. The data collection method and technique used refer to interview method, recording and note-taking technique or rekam - catat. The data were analyzed by using qualitative method of correspondences and quantitative methods of glottochronology and lexicostatistics. The result of the research shows that TC, HK, and CO are having identical pairs, phonemic correspondences, different one phoneme, and one syllable similarity. TC~HK and TC~CO are having 60 and 75 related words at the percentage levels of 29 % and 36 %, both are categorized into the subgroup of clump or stock. On the other hand, HK~CO is having 121 related words at the percentage level of 58 % in the subgroup of family. The conclusion of this research is that HK and CO are the closest dialects of the three compared dialects. They were together and considered as family in 765 AD (2,020 - 1,255) before diverging.

Keywords — sound correspondences, language kinship, cognate percentages, lineages, dialects

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The writer is grateful to The Almighty God for establishing her in completing this thesis. In compiling this thesis, the writer has received a lot of moral and material supports from some people. Therefore, the writer would like to express her sincere gratitude to: 1. Dr. Muryanto Amin, S.Sos., M.Si, as the rector in Universitas Sumatera Utara. 2. Dr. Budi Agustono, M.S., as the Dean of the Faculty of Sciences in Universitas Sumatera Utara. 3. Dr. Eddy Setia, M.Ed., TESP., as the Head of the Linguistic Program in Universitas Sumatera Utara, and the examiner of the thesis, who has been giving inputs and suggestions for this thesis. 4. Dr. T. Thyrhaya Zein, M.A., as the Secretary of Linguistic Program in Universitas Sumatera Utara, who has been very supporting and motivating the writer during her study. 5. Dr. Dwi Widayati, M.Hum., as the advisor of the thesis, who has been guiding, motivating, supporting, and being considerate, as well as welcoming and providing free time for the writer to have a discussion during the counselling and study. 6. Dr. Bahagia Tarigan, M.A., as the advisor of the thesis, who has been guiding, motivating, supporting, and being considerate, as well as welcoming and providing free time for the writer to have a discussion during the counselling and study. 7. Prof. T. Silvana Sinar, M.A., Ph.D., as the examiner of the thesis, who has been giving inputs and suggestions for this thesis. 8. Dr. Dardanila, M.Hum., as the examiner of the thesis, who has been giving inputs and suggestions for this thesis.

The writer also thanks board of lecturers in Department of Linguistics, all the

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Universitas Sumatera Utara faculty members for their expert, sincere, valuable guidance, assistance and encouragement; as well as her parents, friends, and informants for their unceasing encouragement and support. The writer realizes that this thesis is not perfect, yet the writer wishes that this thesis may be beneficial for the readers and the scientific purposes.

Medan, 5th June 2020 The Writer,

Sherly Novita

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BIOGRAPHY

I. Personal Information

Name : Sherly Novita Place / Date of Birth : Medan / 27 November 1991 Sex : Female Religion : Buddhist Status : Divorced Address : Jln. Pukat VII Gg. Indah No. 10 e-mail : [email protected] [email protected]

II. Educational Background

1. TK Perguruan Jenderal Sudirman 2. SD Perguruan Jenderal Sudirman 3. SMP Perguruan Swasta Wiyata Dharma 4. SMA Perguruan Swasta Wiyata Dharma 5. S-1 Methodist University of Indonesia (UMI)

III. Working Experience

1. English teacher at Leo English Course 2. English teacher at Winfield (Y.P. Karya Anugerah) 3. Kindergarten Principal at TK Karya Anugerah

IV. Article Publication

1. A Semantic Analysis of Experiencer Construction in Hokkien (Macrothink Institute International Journal of Linguistics, 2019, Vol. 11, No. 1. P-ISSN 1948-5425) 2. Pembentukan Verba Ergatif dalam Bahasa Hokkien: Kajian Morfosintaksis (Jurnal Linguistika, 2019, Vol. 26. No. 1, P-ISSN 0854-9613 / E-ISSN 2656-6419)

Universitas Sumatera Utara 3. Kekerabatan Kosa Kata Bahasa Karo, Bahasa Nias, dan Bahasa Simalungun di Kota Medan: Kajian Linguistik Historis Komparatif (Jurnal Linguistika, 2019, Vol. 26 No. 3, P-ISSN 0854-9613 / E- ISSN 2656-6419) 4. The Degree of Relationship among Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese (Talenta Conference Series: Local Wisdom, Social, and Arts (LWSA), 2020, Vol. 3 No. 3, P-ISSN 2654-7058 / E-ISSN 2654- 7066) 5. The Sound Correspondence of Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese (Jurnal Humanika, 2020, Vol. 27. No. 2, P-ISSN 1412-9418 / E- ISSN 2502-5783) 6. Multilingualism as The Cause of Teochew Dialect Extinction in Medan (The 1st International Virtual Seminar on Endangered Language and Linguistics 2020 / IVSoELL)

Universitas Sumatera Utara TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ABSTRAK ……………………………………………………………………………i ABSTRACT ...... ii ACKNOWLEDGMENT ...... iii BIOGRAPHY ...... v TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... ix LIST OF SYMBOLS ...... x LIST OF FIGURES ...... xi LIST OF TABLES ...... xii LIST OF APPENDIX ...... xiii

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Background of the Study ...... 1 1.2 The Problems of the Study ...... 9 1.3 The Objectives of the Study ...... 10 1.4 The Scope of the Study ...... 10 1.5 The Significances of the Study ...... ……………….11

CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 12 2.1 Kinship ...... 12 2.2 Historical Comparative Linguistics …………………………...12 2.3 Phonology in Teochew ...... 15 2.4 Phonology in Hakka ...... 17 2.5 Phonology in Cantonese ...... 19 2.6 Review of Preview Research ...... 20

CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 24 3.1 The Research Design ...... 24 3.2 The Data ...... 24 3.3 The Source of the Data ...... 25 3.4 The Technique of Data Collection ...... 26 3.5 Data Analysis Technique ...... 26

CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS, FINDINGS, AND DISCUSSION ...... 34 4.1 Analysis ...... 34 4.1.1 The Sound Correspondence between TC ~ HK...... 34 4.1.2 The Sound Correspondence between TC ~ CO ...... 40 4.1.3 The Sound Correspondence between HK ~ CO ...... 46 4.2 Findings ...... 55 4.2.1 Kinship of TC ~ HK ...... 56 4.2.2 Kinship of TC ~ CO ...... 59

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Universitas Sumatera Utara 4.2.3 Kinship of HK ~ CO ...... 62 4.3 Discussion ...... 65

CHAPTER V CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION ...... 67 5.1 Conclusion ...... 67 5.2 Suggestion ...... 70

REFERENCES ...... 71

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Universitas Sumatera Utara LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

STEDT : Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus

ST : Sino-Tibetan

TC : Teochew

HK : Hakka

CO : Cantonese

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LIST OF SYMBOLS

~ : correspondency

– : variation

[ … ] : phonetic sign

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LIST OF FIGURES

No. Name of Figures Page 1.1 The Map of Medan City ………………………………………. 4

1.2 Sino-Tibetan Family …………………………………..……… 7

2.5 Cantonese Vowels ………………………………………….… 19

2.6. Cantonese Consonants ……………………………………..…. 19

Universitas Sumatera Utara LIST OF TABLES

No. Name of Tables Page 2.1 Teochew Consonants ………………………………………..…… 16

2.2 Teochew Vowel Nucleus ……………………………….…..……. 17

2.3 Hakka Consonants ……………………………………….….…… 17

2.4 Hakka Final Vowels …………………………………..…………. 18

3.1 Language Subgroups ……………………………………………. 30

3.2 Glottochronology ……………….……………………………….. 32

4.1 Identical Pair of TC ~ HK ……………….…..………………….. 35

4.2 Phonemic Correspondence of TC ~ HK …………….………….. 36

4.3 Different One Phoneme Ø – ŋ of TC ~ HK ……………………….. 38

4.4 One Syllable Similarity of TC ~ HK …………………..………….. 39

4.5 Phonemic Correspondence of TC ~ CO …………….…….…….. 40

4.6 Different One Phoneme ŋ – n of TC ~ CO …………….….…….. 44

4.7 One Syllable Similarity of TC ~ CO …………………..….…….. 46

4.8 Identical Pair of HK ~ CO …………….…………………..…….. 47

4.9 Phonemic Correspondence of HK ~ CO …………….….………. 49

4.10 Different One Phoneme of HK ~ CO ………………….….…….. 52

4.11 One Syllable Similarity of HK ~ CO ………………….….…….. 54

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Universitas Sumatera Utara LIST OF APPENDIX

No. Name of Appendix Page 1 Teochew Word Transcription …..…………………………..…… 75

2 Hakka Word Transcription …..……………………………..…… 80

3 Cantonese Word Transcription …..….……………………..…… 85

4 Informants …..……………………………………………..…… 90

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

This study discusses kinship of three different languages. The languages raised in this study are Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese in Medan, North Sumatra,

Indonesia. Medan, as the capital of the province of North Sumatra Indonesia, particularly Medan is a multicultural city consisting of various kinds of ethnicities with various regional languages. The regional languages in Indonesia have similarities in the pronunciation of several vocabulary words. Similarities of regional languages can occur due to language interactions.

Based on archive of Pemko Medan (2015), the term “Tionghoa” / “təŋ laŋ” /

“hua ren” or so-called “Chinese” means the Chinese from China in Indonesian pers in 1950s. The Chinese in Indonesia are the Indonesian who came from China, precisely from Guangdong and since the first or second generation have been living in Indonesia, and socializing with local people, as well as mastering one or more languages used in Indonesia. The Chinese in Indonesia are considered as the minor group in Indonesia. In 1961, they were considered to be around 2,45 million people or 2.5% of the entire citizens in Indonesia that time. The Chinese started moving to

Indonesia in the 9th century during Tang Dinasty for trading and living a better life.

The migration of Chinese to Medan vary and in different periods of time. The first wave started in the 15th century, when the Chinese trading army came to East 1

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Sumatra harbor and had trading through the system of barter. This trading system lasted for quite long resulting some of the traders stayed in East Sumatera. The second wave started in 1863 when the Dutch needed more workers for their farm as they did not get along with the native in Medan. Therefore, they brought in the workers from

China. In the 19th century, with the assistance of the Dutch East Indies and the businessmen from Deli, the Chinese were able to monopoly all of the transportation sectors in Deli. Even most of the farm owners gave the opportunities to the Chinese to subsidize food and work as contractors in the farm. This happened due to the hard work of the Chinese. Since then, the Chinese started to bring their families from China by ship and causing them to live in groups, make their own villages, and use their own languages. This is the beginning of the Chinese exclusivism. This exclusivity was given by the Dutch colony by building ethnicity blocks, such as “Kampung Cina”,

“Kampung Arab”, “Kampung Keling”, “Tuan Kebon” for Europeans, and

“Pemukiman Rakyat Sultan” for the natives. Each of these ethnics started to have their own life styles and acted exclusively towards one another.

The Chinese in Medan came from many ethnics, yet the most ethnic living in

Medan is Hokkien as 82.11%. Although the Chinese have many ethnicities, the ethnic varieties in their daily life are not obviously seen as they only show one ethnic unit as

Chinese. They succeed in mastering industry, shops, hotels, banks, and general commerce as well as distribution. The Chinese in Medan are considered by other community groups as groups which have a lot of money. They are often targeted extortion by local thugs where they live and run their businesses. They tend to reside

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in the city center or trade center. They prefer living in their business area which is quite crowded and close to their family. It is thought that their living place functions as their cocoons and considered as ethnic fortress. The Chinese schools and recreation centres are mostly built in the middle of their living place in Medan.

The Chinese in Medan are normally not fluent in speaking Bahasa, as since their childhood, they have been living and going to school around the ethnics. They speak their mother tongue, either at home or outside their house with their Chinese friends. People always assume that Chinese language or mother tongue used by the

Chinese is Mandarin rather than Hokkien. Moreover, specifically in Medan, not all

Chinese people can pronounce Mandarin. Mandarin is usually learnt at schools (Rini,

2013: 195). Thus, the dialect that is used by the Chinese in Medan is Hokkien.

However, Hokkien is not the only ethnic group of Chinese. Chinese itself, especially in Medan, is categorized into many ethnic groups, such as Teochew, Hakka,

Cantonese, Hokkien, Hokchiu, Henghua, Hainan, and Hailufeng. Due to Medan as the same place where these three languages (TC, HK, and CO) are concentrated in, therefore the writer puts Medan as the area of this study.

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Figure 1.1 The Map of Medan City [based on Arsip Daerah Pemerintah Kota Medan,

archive of Pemko Medan]

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Based on the population survey on Chinese residents in Medan (Waspada,

2015), it was reported that in 2010 there were 23.794 Chinese living in Medan Area,

20.379 in Medan Timur, 16.207 in Medan Kota, 14.731 Medan Barat, 14.215 Medan

Petisah, 13.079 Medan Tembung, 11.425 Medan Johor, 11.116 Medan Sunggal,

11.021 Medan Perjuangan, 8.040 Medan Maimun, 7.563 Medan Deli, 6.985 Medan

Polonia, 5.727 Medan Marelan, 5.579 Medan Denai, 2.116 Medan Belawan, 762

Medan Amplas, and 230 Medan Tuntungan.

Seeing from the numbers of the Chinese spread in Medan, the writer decided to take Medan Area. Medan Timur, and Medan Tembung as the fields of the study.

However, Medan Kota, Medan Barat, and Medan Petisah are business areas such as offices or work places and schools, which makes the research difficult to be accomplished as most of the ethnics will gather there and use Hokkien as daily conversation with colleagues and peers.

Teochew is a Southern Min dialect spoken mainly by the Teochew in the

Chaoshan region eastern Guangdong and by their diaspora around the world. It is a language dialect included as the Sino-Tibetan language family. This dialect is similar to Hokkien. Teochew can be regarded as a Hokkien dialect influenced by the

Cantonese dialect. Because its geographical location is in the north of Guangdong province, near the border with Fujian province. It is estimated that the number of

Chiosu speakers is 10-15 million people and spread throughout the world. Teochew people in Indonesia mainly live in Medan, Riau, Jambi, South Sumatra, and Pontianak

(Dawis, 2009: 76-83).

Sagart (2002) describes Hakka as an ethnic group from China, originally from

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North China which migrated to South China. Migration of Hakka people to Indonesia happened in several waves. The first wave landed in Riau Islands such as in Bangka

Island and Belitung as tin miners in the 18th century. The second group of colonies were established along the Kapuas River in Borneo in the 19th century, predecessor to early Singapore residents. In the early 20th century, new arrivals joined their compatriots as traders, merchants and labourers in major cities such as Jakarta,

Surabaya, Bandung, Medan, etc. In Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, Hakka people are sometimes known as Khek, from the Hokkien pronunciation. However, the use of the word 'Khek' is limited mainly to areas where the local Chinese population is mainly of Hokkien origin. In places where other Chinese subgroups predominate, the term

'Hakka' is still more commonly used.

Hence, Cantonese according to Bauer and Wakefield (2019) is a language dialect used by the residents from Guangzhou, the capital of Guangdong Province and are the largest city in southern China. Many of the residents are highly educated, and are known for their effective traditional medicine techniques. Cantonese in Indonesia is often called as Konghu language, which is one of the Chinese dialects spoken in the southwestern regions of China (Guangdong), Hong Kong, Macau, and Chinese descent communities in Southeast Asia. Cantonese is spoken by nearly 70 million people worldwide. According to research from Han linguists in China, the Cantonese dialect is one of the oldest Han dialects that remains today. Cantonese dialects were used extensively during the Tang Dynasty. Cantonese in Indonesia are concentrated in

Jakarta, Medan, Makassar and Manado.

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Sino-Tibetan Language family can be drawn as follows:

Mandarin (Putonghua) Beijing, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan

Wu (Suzhou dialect) Shanghai, Zhejiang, Jiangsu, Anhui

Gan (Nanchang dialect) Jiangxi and neighbouring areas

Xiang (Changsha & Shuangfeng) Hunan, southern Hubei

Min (Hokkien) Fujian, eastern Guangdong, Xiamen, Hainan, Leizhou Peninsula

Hakka (Meixian)- Han (Teochew) Southern China, Shanghai, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia

Yue (Cantonese) Guangdong, Guangxi, Hongkong

Guangdong, Guang

Figure 1.2 Sino-Tibetan Family [based on Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary

and Thesaurus (2016), Matisoff – Principal Investigator of STEDT]

Sino-Tibetan (ST) is one of the largest language families in the world, with

more first-language speakers than even Indo-European. The more than 1.1 billion

speakers of Sinitic (the Chinese dialects) constitute the world's largest speech

community. ST includes both the Sinitic and the Tibeto-Burman languages. Most

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scholars in China today take an even broader view of ST (called Hàn-Zàng in

Mandarin), including not only these two branches, but Tai (= "Daic") and Hmong-

Mien (= Miao-Yao) as well. According to STEDT (Sino-Tibetan Etymological

Dictionary and Thesaurus), Chinese is considered as Sino-Tibetan language family;

moreover, Chinese itself has many dialects spread and spoken within China and

around the world. The identity of Chinese is Mandarin which is spoken by most of

the Chinese as their national language in China. In other parts of China, people

speak other dialects; for example, Hokkien (Min) is spoken around Fujian province,

eastern Guangdong, Xiamen, Hainan, and Leizhou Peninsula, Cantonese is spoken

in Guangdong, Guangxi and Hongkong.

Dialects especially Teochew (TC), Hakka (HK), and Cantonese (CO) are

chosen as the languages to be analyzed in order to build and develop dialects, a

study towards dialects is a mandatory point to be taken. It is fundamentally based

on awareness that dialects have essential function and position for Indonesians.

Dialects in Indonesia are mostly analyzed synchronically. Analysing dialects in a

diachronic way is rare. It also happens on comparing a language with the other

languages in terms of finding the kinship especially in Sino-Tibetan languages. The

writer also would like to clarify that the Chinese living in Indonesia especially in

the districts of Medan, Medan city, is not merely Hokkien as there are Teochew,

Hakka, and Cantonese people who mostly resides in Medan compared to other

ethnic groups.

Some examples below illustrate the similarities and differences of three languages that become the object of research: (24) three, (44) animal, (125) stand,

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(143) float, and (144) flow.

TC HK CO three (24) [sa] [sam] [sam] animal (44) [khim siu] [khim siu] [kham sau] stand (125) [khia] [khi] [khei] flow (144) [lau] [liu] [lau]

The above data shows that all three languages have equal kinship and also have the distinction of vocabulary. From the words above, there are consonant initials of /s/

(TC) = /s/ (HK) = /s/ (CO). It also happens for the other consonants such as /l/ and

/kh/. For consonant phoneme /l/, it can be proven as TC, HK, and CO have phoneme

/l/ in their consonant list which is considered as lateral alveolar. Meanwhile for /s/ is categorized as fricative sound and /kh/ is plosive velar sound. In vowels, it is clear that

/i/ is changed to /a/ for CO. Example (144), the sounds after the consonants are not vowels, but vocalic clusters.

1.2 The Problems of the Study

The problems of this study are related to Teochew (TC), Hakka (HK), and

Cantonese (CO) words. The problems of the study can be formulated as follows.

1. What are the sound correspondences of TC, HK, and CO?

2. How are the percentage levels of TC, HK, and CO if they are considered a

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language family?

3. How are TC, HK, and CO exactly considered as family before diverging?

1.3 The Objectives of the Study

Objectives are the goals to be achieved in conducting the research. In this case, the objectives are related to the findings of answers based on the questions raised in the problems of the study. Therefore, the objectives of the study are as follows.

1. to analyze the vowel and consonant correspondences of TC, HK, and CO.

2. to calculate the subgroup percentage levels of kinship for TC, HK, and CO.

3. to discover approximately how long the lineages of TC, HK, and CO were

diverged.

Furthermore, the wider objective of this thesis is to contribute something to human knowledge.

1.4 The Scope of the Study

To discover the kinship of languages can be done through phonological, morphological, syntactical, and semantical reconstructions. This research is restricted on the sound correspondences of three Sino-Tibetan dialects in Medan. The scope is done because the syntactical, semantical, and morphological reconstructions have been done by some authors which the authors did not discuss phonologically.

Phonological language reconstruction is beneficial to predict the language proto either in linguistics, evolutionary, and history.

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1.5 The Significances of the Study

In this research, there are two significances of the study, namely:

1. Theoretically, this study deals with TC, HK, and CO native speakers in

pronouncing the Sino-Tibetan Swadesh lists. So, it is aimed to give information

to the readers about the glossaries and sound changes in these three languages

and the kinship of them especially to discover the lineages of their diverging.

It can also be used as a contribution to scientific study for further research.

2. Practically, this thesis is significant for the readers to be aware of their mother

tongue so the dialects in Indonesia can still be preserved and maintained by the

speakers and the young generations.

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CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Kinship

Kinship in linguistic terms is interpreted as a relationship between two or more languages derived from the same source (KBBI, 2018). Whereas, related languages are interpreted as languages that have genealogical relationships with other languages.

Thus, related languages are languages that have a relationship between one another.

The relationship may have to do with the same origin at the ancestors. This may bring about similarities between the languages. The similarity is mainly seen in terms of phonology, or perhaps morphology, even syntax. Kridalaksana (2008: 116) explains in the Linguistic Dictionary that genetic relationships are relations between two or more languages which are derived from the same parent language source, called ancestor language.

2.2 Historical Comparative Linguistics

This research is based on the theory in Historical Comparative Linguistics

(Comparative Linguistic History) (Lehman 1972; Hock 1988; Bynon 1979). This theory is also called diachronic theory, which involves the analysis of the form and regularity of changes in common languages such as those accompanied by sound changes, to reconstruct the language of the past, the ancient language (proto) that lived on thousands of years before that. This ancient language (proto) is changed and broken

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into several derivative languages due to the place and time factor (Bynon, 1979: 54).

These derived languages inherit the rules of the original language and will be different because of the development (innovation) that occurred later after the language is different (Bynon, 1979: 61).

One of the goals in Comparative Linguistic History is to question cognate languages by making comparisons of the elements that show kinship (Crowley, 2010;

Keraf, 1990; Widayati, 2016). This research is aimed to identify the similarities and differences in terms of sounds of Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese, to calculate the cognate percentages of relationship of them, and to discover when they were separated before they were considered to be a language family.

Langacker (1972: 329-330) states that the tool is a comparative method is systematic sound correspondence in related languages. For him, differences in phonetic form in correspondence devices systematic. Corresponding sounds do not have to be the same but appear regularly in the same position in words that are similar to both of in terms of form and meaning. In this explanation, he does not use the term device phonemic correspondence, but uses the term sound correspondence which the data is phonetic data.

Haugen (1972) calls the “comparative” approach, i.e., the deliberate reconstruction of a hypothetical mother tongue on the basis of current dialects, such as is the case for Nynorsk (as discussed by Jahr, this volume; cf. also Hoekstra, ibid., for a discussion of a similar attempt in the history of Frisian).

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According to Crowley (1992: 93), sound correspondence is sound devices in related words reflected by a single language. Crowley (1992: 106) explains that sound correspondence devices involving sounds that are phonetically similar. Therefore, in this study, aspects of language were used as the basis for phonological comparisons to count the calculation of kinship.

Keraf (1984: 22) states that historical comparative linguistics (comparative historical linguistics) is a branch of Language Science that questions language in the field of time and changes in language elements that occur in that time field. As for one of the goals and interests of comparative historical linguistics is to organize (sub- grouping) languages in a language family. Languages in the same family do not necessarily have the same level of kinship or the same level of similarity with each other. Keraf (1984: 34) states that kin languages from the same proto will always show the following similarities: 1. the similarity of the sound system (phonetics) and sound arrangement (phonology); 2. morphological similarities, namely similarities in word forms and similarities in grammatical forms; 3. syntactic similarities, namely the similarity of the relationship between words in a sentence.

In comparing two or more languages can use the lexicostatistics and glottochronology techniques. Keraf (1984: 121) states that lexicostatistics is a technique in grouping languages that is more likely to prioritize the observation of words (words) statistically, then to determine the groupings based on the percentage of similarities and differences in a language with other languages. Keraf (1984: 128) states that a word pair will be expressed as a relative if it satisfies one of the

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15 provisions (a) the pair is identical, (b) the pair has phonemic correspondence, (c) phonetic similarity, or (d) one different phoneme. Meanwhile, Crowley (2010: 148) claims glottochronology as a technique to count the time depth of languages which share approximately 80 percent of their vocabulary by comparing the genetic differences using the mathematical formula.

For instance, the word „four‟ in Teochew is [si], Hakka [si], and Cantonese

[se], considering from the sound correspondences, it means we find each set of sounds that appears to be descended from the same original sound as follows:

TC s i

HK s i

CO s e

It can be seen that there is a final correspondence vowel of /i/ in TC to /i/ in HK and to /e/ in CO. The initial correspondence consonant of /s/ remains in all three languages.

2.3 Phonology in Teochew

Syllables in Teochew contain an onset consonant, a medial glide, a nucleus, usually in the form of a vowel, but can also be occupied by a syllabic consonant like

[ŋ], and a final consonant. All the elements of the syllable except for the nucleus are optional, which means a vowel or a syllabic consonant alone can stand as a fully- fledged syllable. Teochew finals consist maximally of a medial, nucleus and coda. The medial can be i or u, the nucleus can be a monophthong or diphthong, and the coda

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can be a nasal or a stop. A syllable must consist minimally of a vowel nucleus or

syllabic nasal.

Consonants (Kitikanan, 2013: 111) and vowels in Teochew can be seen as

follows:

Table 2.1 Teochew Consonants

Bilabial Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular voiceless m n ŋ Nasal voiced m n ŋ ɴ aspirated pʰ tʰ cʰ kʰ Stop voiceless p t c k ʔ voiced b ɟ ɡ ɢ Affricate aspirated t s ʰ voiceless ts kx voiceless dz voiceless f θ s ç x h central voiced v ð z ʝ ɣ ʁ Fricative voiceless ɬ ʎ ˔ ʟ lateral voiced ɮ ʎ ʟ central ʋ ɹ ɰ Approxi lateral l ʟ ʟ mant Trill ʙ r ʀ central ⱱ ɾ ɢ Flap lateral ɺ ʟ ʟ

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Table 2.2 Teochew Vowel Nucleus

2.4 Phonology in Hakka

Cheung (2011) states that there are two series of stops and affricates in Hakka, both voiceless: tenuis /p, t, ts, k/ and aspirated /pʰ, tʰ, tsʰ, kʰ/.

Table 2.3 Hakka Consonants

Labial Dental Palatal Velar Glottal Nasal /m/ ⟨m⟩ /n/ ⟨n⟩ [ɲ] ⟨ng(i)⟩* /ŋ/ ⟨ng⟩ tenuis /p/ ⟨b⟩ /t/ ⟨d⟩ [c] ⟨g(i)⟩* /k/ ⟨g⟩ (ʔ) Plosive aspirated /pʰ/ ⟨p⟩ /tʰ/ ⟨t⟩ [cʰ] ⟨k(i)⟩* /kʰ/ ⟨k⟩ tenuis /ts/ ⟨z⟩ Affricate aspirated /tsʰ/ ⟨c⟩ Fricative /f/ ⟨f⟩ /s/ ⟨s⟩ [ç] ⟨h(i)⟩* /h/ ⟨h⟩ Approximant /ʋ/ ⟨v⟩ /l/ ⟨l⟩ /j/ ⟨y⟩

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When the initials /k/ ⟨g⟩, /kʰ/ ⟨k⟩, /h/ ⟨h⟩, and /ŋ/ ⟨ng⟩ are followed by a palatal medial /j/ ⟨i⟩, they become [c] ⟨g(i)⟩, [cʰ] ⟨k(i)⟩, [ç] ⟨h(i)⟩, and [ɲ] ⟨ng(i)⟩, respectively. Hakka has six vowels, [i e a ə o u], that are romanised as i, ê, a, e, o and u, respectively. Moreover, Hakka finals exhibit the final consonants found in Middle

Chinese, namely [m, n, ŋ, p, t, k] which are romanised as m, n, ng, b, d, and g respectively in the official romanization.

Table 2.4 Hakka Final Vowels

Coda Nucleus Medial -∅ -i -u -m -n -ŋ -p -t -k ∅- a ai au am an aŋ ap at ak -a- j- ja jai jau jam jan jaŋ jap jat jak w- wa wai wan waŋ wat wak ∅- e eu em en ep et -e- j- je jen jet w- wen wet -i- ∅- i iu im in ip it ∅- o oi on oŋ ot ok -o- j- jo jon joŋ jok w- wo won woŋ wok ∅- u ui un uŋ ut uk -u- j- jui jun juŋ jut juk -ə- ∅- ɹ əm ən əp ət

Syllabics m ŋ

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2.5 Phonology in Cantonese

The phonology in Cantonese can be described as follows:

Figure 2.5 Cantonese Vowels [based on Modern Cantonese Phonology – Bauer and

Benedict (2011: 33)]

Figure 2.6 Cantonese Consonants [based on Modern Cantonese Phonology – Bauer

and Benedict (2011: 16)]

Vocalic cluster or vowel nucleus is a term which is not often encountered in linguistic descriptions of Chinese. It is an adaptation of Li (1971: 1-61)‟s “vowel

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20 clusters” which he specifically introduced as the English equivalent of Chinese fùhé yuányīn. When used in the descriptions of non-sinitic languages, the term “vowel cluster” is normally synonymous with “diphthong” and/or “triphthong”.

2.6 Review of Previous Research

There are several researches that are used as references or literature reviews in this paper. From those researches, there are four research articles which are relevant to this research. Firstly, Veniranda's article (2016) which showed the vowels in Teochew Pontianak dialect in terms of oral and nasal. The writer uses Praat program to obtain the values of the fundamental frequencies, the intensities, the first three bandwidths and the first three formant values. This article contributed in showing the writer on how the vowels in Teochew is pronounced by the speakers.

S econdly, Meng‟s article (2007) which described further on the comparison of both Cantonese and English which makes an interference for a Cantonese speaker to pronounce English. In this article, Meng showed that there are some vowels in

English which disappear in Cantonese, such as /e, æ, o, ə, ˄, a/. Then, for the consonants, some of the disappeared English consonants in Cantonese are /b, d, g, tʃ,

ʤ, v, θ, ʒ, ð, z, ʃ/. The research article by Meng provided a vivid explanation and figures of the vowels and consonants in Cantonese which really helped the writer in discovering the consonants and vowels.

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Then, there is an article by Sagart (2019) which analyzed further about the syllabic structure of Sino-Tibetan languages. Some languages only allow consonant- vowel-type syllables, while others have complex clusters and final consonants. In this article, the writer mentions that Sino-Bodic (grouping together Chinese, Tibetan, and Kiranti, excluding Lolo-Burmese; Post and Blench‟s hypothesis that subgroups in northeastern India such as Tani (Bokar) and Mishmi (Yidu and Deng) are among the first branches of the family, while Sinitic is closer to Lolo-Burmese and Tibetan, according to morphology-rich subgroups. This article displayed a tree model which enables the writer to comprehend on the subfamilies of Sino-Tibetan languages.

There are three models of cognate change along a tree to reconstruct the tree topology and internal node ages in a Bayesian framework.

Next, there is Zang‟s article (2019) which also contributed in displaying

Sino-Tibetan languages using the quantitative method of glottochronology. It performed a Bayesian phylogenetic analysis to examine two competing hypotheses of the origin of the Sino-Tibetan language family: the „northern-origin hypothesis‟ and the „southwestern-origin hypothesis. This article was using Bayesian phylogenetic approach that provided alternative opportunities methods to circumvent the limitation from glottochronology method (uses lexical data to estimate absolute divergence times). These approaches permit flexible evolutionary models, and are a powerful tool for inferring evolutionary tempo and mode of change in language families worldwide. However, this article discusses Sino-Tibetan languages in general, not particularly Chinese dialects.

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Other writing related to the Comparative Historical Linguistic Study is found in Widayati and Lubis‟ research article (2018) that focused on the inherited Proto-

Austronesian vowel phonemes in Karo language and (2016) that discussed about vocal and consonant PAN features in Nias and Sigulai languages. These research articles are both analyzing the sound correspondences in vowel and consonant phonemes of the languages. It is stated that the sound was inherited linearly *i is a vowel and * u * l * g consonant in Nias and Sigulai. The sound experience is fading

*s/*S, *c, *y, *k, *q, and *h; the sound inherited linearly once- fading and change was * e> ǝ, o, and u; * A> a, o; * P> f, b; * B> f, w / v; * M> m, Ø; *> W, b; * T> t, d; * D> d, l, n; * N> g, k; * R / * R> r, l, Ø; * Ɲ> ɲ, n; * Z> j, l; and * ŋ> ŋ, Ø. The changes are varied in point three took place on the third syllable and a different position. All types of changing, it turned out all the words PAN closed syllable, experiencing consonant deletion at any syllable in Nias language and particularly

Sigulai language. Compared to Karo language, it is found out that PAN‟s vowels *a,

*i, and *u do not only inherit linearity and regularity, but also inherit sporadic innovative vowels; the vowel *ǝ inherits linearity in Karo. The writer was inspired by these articles because they showed further on how the languages corresponded each other in terms of the phonemes and are in the same boat with what the writer was writing, as in using the same techniques and methods.

Polili, Sinar, Widayati, and Syahputra (2018) also contributed in applying the similar theory, method, and approach to this research. The article is about the status of Nias language (2018) which discussed three parts of Nias language in certain districts as the research objects. It is also applying the techniques of

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23 glottochronology and lexicostatistics in historical linguistics to discover the kinship and to estimate the age of North Nias, South Nias, and West Nias. The method used in the article is also qualitative-quantitative method; for addition, the data collection used is as by Sudaryanto (1988). It is found that the three Nias languages are categorized into the group of language by the percentage of 86.5 – 91%. The reflection lexical PAN in Nias language is related linearly or in innovation. Lexical reflection linearly does not change, in a word (PAN). Therefore, by reading this article, the writer might reflect clearly on what he was writing in different protos

(Austronesian and Sino-Tibetan).

Lastly is Dardanila‟s article (2015) about the cognates among the Karo, Alas, and Gayo languages. This article contributed in helping the writer to find the cognates of languages in terms of the related lexicostatistics theory. This article is also identifying the subgroup family of the languages yet in Austronesian protos.

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CHAPTER III

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 The Research Design

This study was conducted with qualitative and quantitative researches through

Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List pronounced by the informants. Qualitative research according to Earl (2014) refers to the meanings, concepts, definitions, characteristics, metaphors, symbols, and descriptions of the object of the study and not to their counts or measures. Hence, quantitative research according to List and Moran (2013) which refers to the module for the evaluation of basic tasks in historical linguistics, such as phonetic alignment and cognate detection. There are many Teochew, Hakka, and

Cantonese speakers in Medan and this population is too large for the flexibility of the research. Therefore, samples of Medan Tembung, Medan Area, and Medan Timur districts have been taken since there are more percentages of Chinese people living by there.

3.2 The Data

The data are the key to have a research on a particular topic. The data for this research is the spoken language of some informants in Medan Area, Medan Tembung, and Medan Timur districts. Medan Area is an area where most Hakkas do their activities such as running business, socializing, having education, and living nearby their relatives or their ethnic groups, Medan Tembung is an area where most the

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25 Teochew live, and Medan Timur is an area where most the Cantonese live. The

Chinese use their living areas of their ethnics as cocoons and those who are leaving the cocoons will be considered as Chinese Quarter (those who leave the Chinese social network). Data which were collected are the spoken data of the individuals pronouncing on the Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List which consists of 207 words. The writer has a field research on the informants‟ utterances.

3.3 The Source of the Data

The object of this study is the kinship of Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese, so the data for the thesis were acquired from the utterances of the Teochew informants in

Medan Tembung, Hakka informants in Medan Area, and Cantonese informants in

Medan Timur pronouncing the lists. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh list is a list of the most widely used as a reference for the study of language kinship in the world. Swadesh vocabulary becomes the referenced study of amounted 207 vocabularies, a vocabulary that is used universally in the world. It implies that this vocabulary is on the world's population and is unlikely to change in a long time (e.g. parts of body – tongue, head; colours – black, yellow; personal pronoun – you, he; verbs – see, hear, etc.) Hence, the informants are the Chinese ethnic groups reside in Medan, particularly those who are from the ethnic groups of Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese and are at the age of

25-60 years old and know their ethnic languages pretty well.

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3.4 The Technique of Data Collection

In order to collect the data in this proposal, the writer used the method of by

Sudaryanto (2015) called interview method or cakap (conversation) which enables the writer to bait into a conversation with the informants face to face with the techniques of recording and note-taking or rekam dan catat by asking the informants to pronounce their ethnic group dialects based on the glossaries provided from Sino-

Tibetan Swadesh List. Then she asked them to pronounce each of the words and their pronunciation was recorded by using a recorder as soon as it was uttered. After that the recording voices were transcribed into phonetic transcriptions or phonetic symbols, so that the phonemes could be analyzed easily.

3.5 Data Analysis Technique

Any study that uses sound change theories of comparative historical linguistics should know the terminology of correspondence and the terminology of variations.

Mahsun (1995:29) and Keraf (1996:79) report that correspondence terminology is used to explain the sound changes that occur regularly in a particular position on any appearance of that sound whereas a variation is of sound changes that are not regular occurrences (sporadic). Crowley (1992:385), Mahsun (1995:34), and Keraf (1996:90) express that sound changes are characterized by a variation of sound changes which can be classified into several types, such as assimilation, dissimilation, metathesis, contraction, and syncope. The sound changed carry on the nature and the character of each. According to Hock (1988:63) and the three experts mentioned above, the most

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27 common kind of sound changes is assimilation and it happens in most common languages in the world. Further, Crowley (1992:49) says that assimilation sound changed occur, when one sound causes another sound to change so that the two sounds end up more similar or identical to each other in some way and it is focused on the concept of phonetic similarities. Therefore, two sounds can be regarded as similar or identical if both carry the same phonetic features in general or about the same before the change occurs, such as a combination of sound [np] in a language. Both of these sounds have the same phonetic features, such as the following:

/n/ /p/

voiced voiceless

bilabial alveolar

nasal stop

Assimilation is a sound change where some phonemes (typically consonants or vowels) change to be more similar to other nearby sounds. Dissimilation is a phenomenon where similar consonants or vowels in a word become less similar, especially the sound of /r/. Metathesis is the transposition of sounds or syllables in a word or of words in a sentence and it refers to the interchange of two or more contiguous sounds. A contraction is a shortened version of the written and spoken forms of a word, syllable, or word group, created by omission of internal letters and sounds. Syncope is the loss of unstressed vowel.

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After setting the words of relatives with the procedure as stated above, the similarities, the differences, and the percentage of three languages can be determined.

The similarities and differences in the three languages could be determined by using the correspondence table to answer the first problem of study.

To answer the second of study, the technique used is lexicostatistics.

Lexicostatistics technique in a quantitative approach can be considered equal and sometimes distinguished by some linguists with glottochronology. But when viewed of the stage with the use of lexicostatistics glottochronology, both has connectivity directly. Glottochronology technique follows lexicostatistics technique.

Lexicostatistics technique is used to determine the percentage of the kinship several languages compared. After the percentage of the kinship several languages determined new technique glottochronology followed by the research is used just one term enclosing procedure is lexicostatistics analysis. The technique of lexicostatistics is a method of language grouping in a study of historical linguistics comparative which is already used by lot of researchers of language in the world. The most famous used by

Dyen in his work in grouping the Austronesian languages based on 250 famous languages.

This study uses a comparison method to compile a set of traits that correspond to Teochew (TC), Hakka (HK), and Cantonese (CO) using a basic vocabulary list of three languages, compiled by Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List. The list of vocabularies brings advantages in research because they consist of non-cultural words and retention of basic words that have been tested in languages that have written texts.

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In determining kinship on TC, HK, and CO, the following procedures were taken. First, the basic vocabulary list was not taken into account (i) empty words, namely glossless words, (ii) loan words, and (iii) complex words. Second, bound morphemes were separated from the basic word. That is, if the words collected contained bound morphemes, the morpheme was separated first so that it was easier to set the same pair of words or not. Third, the word pairs belonging to relatives fulfilled one of the following conditions: (i) the pair was identical, that was, all the phonemes were correct; (ii) the couple corresponded phonemically; (iii) the pair was phonetically similar, which had the same articulatory position; and (iv) the pair had a different phoneme because of the environmental influences it entered. After determining the relatives' words with the procedure above, the percentage of kinship in the two languages was calculated. This calculation referred to the number of remaining pairs, which was 207 words reduced by words or gloss that were not taken into account due to blanks, loans, and so on. The remaining pairs consisted of related words and non-family words.

After testing several languages with this third basic assumption, the results would show that in every 1000 years, the basic vocabulary of a language survived with an average number of 80.5%. If we want to calculate the retention (resilience) of the basic vocabulary of the two languages using the assumption with the formula: 80.5% x N. N is the number of vocabulary basic words that exist at the beginning of a multiple of the 1000 second year of language. Thus, out of 207 basic vocabulary (N) in a language, after the first 1000 years there would be 80.5% x 207 = 166 words, after the second 1000 years there would be 80.5% x 166 words = 133.6 words or rounded up to

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134 words. Then after the third 1000 years the basic vocabulary of residence was

80.5% x 134 words = 107.8 words or rounded up to 108 words, and so on.

In lexicostatistics, different levels of the subgroup are named as following:

Table 3.1 Language Subgroups (based on Crowley; 1992 and Keraf; 1990)

Naming Language Subgroup Level Percentage of Relatives to

Subgroups Vocabulary Core

Language 81-100%

Family 36-81%

Clump (Stock) 12-36%

Microphyll 4-12%

Mesophyll 1-4%

Macrophyll 0-1%

In the lexicostatistic classification, similarities at the level of 81-100% are called languages, similarities at the level of 36-81% are called families, similarities at the level of 12-36% are called clumps, similarity at the level of 4-12% is called microphyll, similarity at levels 1-4 % is called mesophyll, and similarities at the 0-1% level is called macrophyll. However, it should be noted that different linguists sometimes use different counts.

Then if the percentage of kinship has been obtained, the calculation of the split time could be done for two or three languages by comparing them to the same proto language using the formula to answer the second problem of study:

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C = C‟ x 100 %

To count the lineage diverges of the languages for answering the third

problem of study, the technique of glottochronology is used. Glottochronology is

the technique to hold the grouping with more emphasis computation time or time

depth or calculation of the age of the language relations. The lineage is not simply

calculated with a given year but it is calculated in general by using the unit of

thousand years (millennium). The formula to calculate the lineage is as follows:

t = log C

2 log r

Information:

C‟ = number of cognate words

G = number of glossaries t = separation time in thousands of years ago r = retention or constant percentage in 1000 years, also called an index, in this case retention is 80.5% log = logarithms of logs, can be searched using logarithmic tables or using calculators.

But it is more effective when using a calculator.

C = percentage of relatives; cognates

2 = split time divider from both languages

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Table 3.2 Glottochronology (based on Crowley; 1992 and Keraf; 1990)

Number of kinship word Percentage of Lineage between A- between A - B kinship word B (years ago) 162-200 81-100% 0-500

132-162 66-81% 500-1000

106-132 53-66% 1000-1500

86-106 43-53% 1500-2000

70-86 35-43% 2000-2500

56-70 28-35% 2500-3000

44-56 22-28% 3000-3500

36-44 18-22% 3500-4000

30-36 15-18% 4000-4500

24-30 12-15% 4500-5000

Etc.

The results of calculating separation time using the method above have not shown certainty regarding the split time between the two languages. Keraf (1984: 132) states that to calculate the error span standard errors are usually used, which is 70% of the estimated truth. Standard errors are calculated using the formula √ to answer the third problem of study:

S = √ C (1-C)

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Information:

S = standard error in percentage of relatives n = number of words compared (both relatives and non-relatives or words that have partners)

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CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS, FINDINGS, AND DISCUSSION

In this chapter, the writer presents the data pronounced by the informants of

three dialects which have been categorized by the writer. The data are categorized

in accordance to the correspondences. Any data which are not related are not put

into tables. This chapter consists of analysis based on three research questions,

findings, and discussions.

4.1 Analysis

After having the data from the correspondence analyzed, the writer found

out the sound correspondence of Teochew (TC), Hakka (HK) and Cantonese (CO)

as follows:

4.1.1 The Sound Correspondence between TC and HK (TC ~ HK)

The sound correspondence of TC ~ HK can be divided into identical pairs,

phonemic correspondence, different one phoneme, and one syllable similarity.

4.1.1.1 Identical Pair

One of the criteria in determining the sound correspondence of

two dialects as cognates is the words having identical pair. Identic in this

term means the words of two dialects have the same forms, sounds and

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meanings.

Table 4.1 Identical Pair of TC ~ HK

No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Hakka (HK)

1. four (25) [si] [si] 2. animal (44) [khim siu] [khim siu] 3. grass (60) [chau] [chau] 4. rope (61) [sɔk] [sɔk] 5. smell (105) [phi] [phi] 6. die (109) [si] [si] 7. split (115) [puŋ] [pun] 8. stab (116) [chiam] [chiam] 9. float (143) [phu] [phu] 10. salt (155) [jam] [jam] 11. old (184) [lau] [lau]

The table above has 11 words which are paired identically or 5.3 %

as on four (25) si ~ si; animal (44) khim siu ~ khim siu; grass (60) chau ~

chau; rope (61) sɔk ~ sɔk; smell (105) phi ~ phi; die (109) si ~ si; split (115)

pun ~ pun; stab (116) chiam ~ chiam; float (143) phu ~ phu; salt (155) jam ~

jam; old (184) lau ~ lau.

4.1.1.2 Phonemic Correspondence

The phonemic correspondence of two dialects consists of the

word pairs which have the kinship in accordance to the same phonemes

and meanings of the compared dialects.

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Table 4.2 Phonemic Correspondence of TC ~ HK

No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Hakka (HK)

1. here (9) [cə peŋ] [li pheŋ] 2. there (10) [hiɔ peŋ] [ke pheŋ] 3. when (14) [ti si] [ki sə] 4. all (17) [nɔŋ cɔŋ] [loŋ coŋ] 5. three (24) [sa] [sam] 6. heavy (31) [taŋ] [choŋ] 7. thin (35) [saŋ] [pɔk] [səu] [phɔk] 8. father (43) [pa] [apa] 9. dog (47) [kau] [kiau] 10. louse (48) [sak] [sek ma] 11. worm (50) [thaŋ] [choŋ] 12. fruit (54) [kue ci] [sui kɔ] 13. root (57) [kəŋ] [kin] 14. bark (58) [ki] [su kin] 15. horn (68) [kak] [kɔk] 16. hair (71) [thau mɔ] [thiau na mau] 17. head (72) [thau] [thiau na] 18. neck (87) [aŋ kuŋ] [kiaŋ kin] 19. suck (95) [suk] [sək] 20. breathe (99) [thau khui] [thiau hi] 21. turn (126) [waŋ] [wan] 22. wash (132) [sɔi] [se] 23. count (139) [səŋ] [suan] 24. swell (146) [ceŋ] [cuŋ] 25. sun (147) [zit thau] [nik thiau] 26. stone (156) [ciɔk thau] [sak thiau]

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27. sky (162) [thi] [thien] No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Hakka (HK) 28. wind (163) [huaŋ] [foŋ] 29. ice (165) [səŋ] [siet] 30. burn (169) [siɔ] [sau] 31. mountain (171) [sua] [san] 32. red (172) [aŋ] [foŋ] 33. white (175) [pek] [phak] 34. night (177) [am me] [am pu] 35. cold (181) [ŋaŋ] [laŋ] 36. new (183) [seŋ] [sin] 37. straight (189) [tek] [chək chək]

The phonemic correspondence of ŋ ~ ŋ in final position on the table

above shows the correspondence in TC ~ HK on here (9) cə peŋ ~ li pheŋ;

there (10) hiɔ peŋ ~ ke pheŋ; all (17) nɔŋ cɔŋ ~ loŋ coŋ; heavy (31) taŋ ~

choŋ; worm (50) thaŋ ~ choŋ; neck (87) aŋ kuŋ ~ kiaŋ kin; swell (146) ceŋ ~

cuŋ; wind (163) huaŋ ~ foŋ; red (172) aŋ ~ foŋ; cold (181) ŋaŋ ~ laŋ.

The phonemic correspondence of k ~ k in initial position shows the

correspondence in TC ~ HK on neck (87) aŋ kuŋ ~ kiaŋ kin; dog (47) kau ~

kiau; fruit (54) kue ci ~ sui kɔ; root (57) kəŋ ~ kin; bark (58) ki ~ su kin;

horn (68) kak ~ kɔk. Meanwhile, the k ~ k correspondence in final position

is shown on horn (68) kak ~ kɔk; louse (48) sak ~ sek ma; white (175) pek

~ phak; straight (189) tek ~ chək chək; thin (35) pɔk ~ phɔk; suck (95) suk ~

sek.

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The phonemic correspondence of s ~ s in initial position shows the

correspondence in TC ~ HK on three (24) sa ~ sam; louse (48) sak ~ sek ma;

when (14) ti si ~ ki sə; thin (35) saŋ ~ səu; suck (95) suk ~ sək; wash (132)

sɔi ~ se; count (139) səŋ ~ suan; ice (165) səŋ ~ siet; burn (169) siɔ ~ sau;

mountain (171) sua ~ san; new (183) seŋ ~ sin.

The phonemic correspondence of th ~ th in initial position shows the

correspondence in TC ~ HK on hair (71) thau mɔ ~ thiau na mau; head (72)

thau ~ thiau na; breathe (99) thau khui ~ thiau hi; sun (147) zit thau ~ nik thiau;

stone (156) ciɔk thau ~ sak thiau; sky (162) thi ~ thien.

The phonemic correspondence of a ~ a on the table above shows

the correspondence in TC ~ HK on three (24) sa ~ sam; father (43) pa ~

apa; turn (126) waŋ ~ wan; night (177) am me ~ am pu; cold (181) ŋaŋ ~

laŋ. The table above has 37 words which are phonemically correspondence

at 17.9 %.

4.1.1.3 Different One Phoneme

Two compared dialects which have the tendencies to have the

similarities but are having one different phoneme on certain vowels,

consonants, and vocalic clusters.

Table 4.3 Different One Phoneme Ø – ŋ of TC – HK

No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Hakka (HK) 1. fish (45) [həØ] [əŋ]

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2. hear (102) [thiaØ] [thaŋ] 3. think (104) [siɔØ] [siɔŋ] 4. fear (106) [kiaØ] [kiaŋ] 5. sing (141) [chioØ kua] [chɔŋ kɔ] No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Hakka (HK) 6. green (173) [cheØ] [chiaŋ] 7. name (207) [miaØ] [miaŋ]

A different phoneme of Ø – ŋ in the final position on the table

above shows the correspondence in TC - HK on fish (45) həØ - əŋ; hear

(102) thiaØ - thaŋ; think (104) siɔØ - siɔŋ; fear (106) kiaØ – kiaŋ; sing (141)

chioØ kua - chɔŋ kɔ; green (173) cheØ - chiaŋ; name (207) miaØ – miaŋ. The

table above has 7 words which shows the difference of 1 phoneme on Ø – ŋ

or 3.4 %.

4.1.1.4 One Syllable Similarity

When two dialects are compared, the other criterion in determining

the sound correspondence is one syllable similarity. It means the compared

words of A dialect have one or two syllables and one of the syllables is

similar to B dialect.

Table 4.4 One Syllable Similarity of TC ~ HK

No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Hakka (HK)

1. bone (65) [kut] [kut thiau] 2. nose (75) [phi] [phi koŋ]

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3. fingernail (79) [cəŋ kak] [siu cə kak] 4. rain (151) [lɔk hou] [lɔk sui] 5. because (206) [iŋ wei] [iŋ wui]

One syllable similarity can be found in the sound correspondence

of TC ~ HK as in bone (65) kut ~ kut thiau; nose (75) phi ~ phi koŋ;

fingernail (79) cəŋ kak ~ siu cə kak; rain (151) lɔk hou ~ lɔk sui; because

(206) iŋ wei ~ iŋ wui. The table above has 5 words which shows one similar

syllable or 2.4 %.

4.1.2 The Sound Correspondence between TC and CO (TC ~ CO)

The sound correspondence of TC ~ CO can be divided into phonemic correspondence, different one phoneme, and one syllable similarity.

4.1.2.1 Phonemic Correspondence

The phonemic correspondence of TC and CO consists of the word

pairs which are related in accordance to the same phonemes and meanings.

Table 4.5 Phonemic Correspondence of TC ~ CO

No. Sino - Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Cantonese (CO)

1. this (7) [ci kai] [i kɔ] 2. that (8) [hi kai] [kɔ kɔ] 3. what (12) [si mie] [me je]

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4. all (17) [nɔŋ cɔŋ] [loŋ coŋ] 5. three (24) [sa] [sam] 6. four (25) [si] [se] 7. big (27) [tua] [tai] 8. long (28) [təŋ] [chiɔŋ] 9. thick (30) [kau] [hau] No. Sino - Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Cantonese (CO) 10. heavy (31) [taŋ] [choŋ] 11. small (32) [sɔi] [sai] 12. short (33) [tɔ] [tin] 13. thin (35) [saŋ] [pɔk] [sau] [pɔk] 14. mother (42) [ma] [ama] 15. father (43) [pa] [apa] [lou tau] 16. animal (44) [khim siu] [kham sau] 17. bird (46) [ciau] [ciɔk] 18. dog (47) [kau] [kau] 19. louse (48) [sak] [sat] 20. worm (50) [thaŋ] [choŋ] 21. fruit (54) [kue ci] [kɔ ci] 22. rope (61) [sɔk] [seŋ] 23. meat (63) [bak] [yok] 24. bone (65) [kut] [kuat] 25. horn (68) [kak] [kɔk] 26. feather (70) [mɔ] [mou] 27. hair (71) [thau mɔ] [thou fat] 28. head (72) [thau] [thou] 29. guts (86) [təŋ] [chiɔŋ] 30. neck (87) [aŋ kuŋ] [kiaŋ] 31. heart (90) [sim caŋ] [sam cɔŋ] 32. liver (91) [kua] [kɔn]

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33. drink (92) [lim] [jam] 34. suck (95) [suk] [sɔk] 35. see (101) [thɔi] [thai] 36. hear (102) [thia] [thiaŋ] 37. fall (127) [tɔ] [tit] 38. wash (132) [sɔi] [sei] No. Sino - Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Cantonese (CO) 39. flow (144) [lau] [lau] 40. swell (146) [ceŋ] [coŋ] 41. sun (147) [zit thau] [jit thau] 42. salt (155) [jam] [jim] 43. sand (157) [sua] [sa] 44. earth (159) [ti kiu] [te khau] 45. fog (161) [mɔŋ] [mou] 46. sky (162) [thi] [thin] 47. wind (163) [huaŋ] [fɔŋ] 48. ice (165) [səŋ] [sit] [peŋ] 49. burn (169) [siɔ] [siu] 50. mountain (171) [sua] [san] 51. red (172) [aŋ] [hoŋ] 52. white (175) [pek] [pak] 53. cold (181) [ŋaŋ] [laŋ] 54. rotten (187) [chau] [chau] 55. straight (189) [tek] [cek] 56. sharp (191) [ciam] [cim] 57. with (203) [eŋ] [jɔŋ]

The phonemic correspondence of k ~ k in initial position on the

table above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on this (7) ci kai ~ i kɔ;

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43 that (8) hi kai ~ kɔ kɔ; horn (68) kak ~ kɔk; liver (91) kua ~ kɔn.

Meanwhile, the k ~ k correspondence in final position is shown on thin (35) pɔk ~ pɔk; meat (63) bak ~ yok; white (175) pek ~. pak; straight (189) tek ~ cek.

The phonemic correspondence of m ~ m in initial position on the table above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on what (12) si mie ~ me je; feather (70) mɔ ~ mou; fog (161) mɔŋ ~ mou. Meanwhile, the m ~ m correspondence in final position is shown on animal (44) khim siu ~ kham sau; drink (92) lim ~ jam; salt (155) jam ~ jim.

The phonemic correspondence of th ~ th in initial position on the table above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on hair (71) thau mɔ ~ thou fat; head (72) thau ~ thou; see (101) thɔi ~ thai; hear (102) thia ~ thiaŋ; sky (162) thi ~ thin.

The phonemic correspondence of ŋ ~ ŋ in final position on the table above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on heavy (31) taŋ ~ choŋ; worm (50) thaŋ ~ choŋ; guts (86) təŋ ~ chiɔŋ; neck (87) aŋ kuŋ ~ kiaŋ; wind

(163) huaŋ ~ fɔŋ; ice (165) səŋ ~ peŋ; red (172) aŋ ~ hoŋ; with (203) eŋ ~ jɔŋ.

The phonemic correspondence of s ~ s in initial position on the table above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on four (25) si ~ se; small (32) sɔi ~ sai; rope (61) sɔk ~ seŋ; suck (95) suk ~ sɔk; wash (132) sɔi

~ sei; sand (157) sua ~ sa; burn (169) siɔ ~ siu; mountain (171) sua ~ san.

The phonemic correspondence of t ~ t in initial position on the table

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44 above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on big (27) tua ~ tai; short

(33) tɔ ~ tin; fall (127) tɔ ~ tit; earth (159) ti kiu ~ te khau.

The phonemic correspondence of c ~ c in initial position on the table above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on all (17) nɔŋ cɔŋ ~ loŋ coŋ; bird (46) ciau ~ ciɔk; fruit (54) kue ci ~ kɔ ci; heart (90) sim caŋ ~ sam cɔŋ; swell (146) ceŋ ~ coŋ; sharp (191) ciam ~ cim.

The phonemic correspondence of vocalic cluster au ~ au in final position on the table above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on thick

(30) kau ~ hau; dog (47) kau ~ kau; flow (144) lau ~ lau; sun (147) zit thau ~ jit thau; rotten (187) chau ~ chau.

The phonemic correspondence of vowel a ~ a on the table above shows the correspondence in TC ~ CO on three (24) sa ~ sam; mother (42) ma ~ ama; pa ~ apa; louse (48) sak ~ sat; cold (181) ŋaŋ ~ laŋ. The table above has 57 words which correspond phonemically at 28 %.

4.1.2.2 Different One Phoneme

Different one phoneme in this case means that words in TC and CO which have the tendencies to have the similarities but are having one different phoneme as on ŋ phoneme to n phoneme.

Table 4.6 Different One Phoneme ŋ – n of TC – CO

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No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Cantonese (CO)

1. man (human being) (38) [naŋ] [yan] 2. root (57) [kəŋ] [kən] 3. think (104) [siɔØ] [siɔŋ] 4. fear (106) [kiaØ] [kiaŋ] 5. split (115) [puŋ] [fən] 6. turn (126) [waŋ] [wan] 7. count (139) [səŋ] [sin] 8. sing (141) [chioØ kua] [chiɔŋ] 9. green (173) [cheØ] [chiaŋ] No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Cantonese (CO) 10. new (183) [seŋ] [sən] 11. near (197) [kəŋ] [khən] 12. because (206) [iŋ wei] [yan wei] 13. name (207) [miaØ] [miaŋ]

There are eight words with a different phoneme of ŋ – n in the final

position on the table above which shows the correspondence in TC – CO on

man (human being) (38) naŋ – yan; root (57) kəŋ - kən; split (115) puŋ - fən;

turn (126) waŋ – wan; new (183) səŋ – sin; new (183) seŋ - sən; near (197)

kəŋ - khən; because (206) iŋ wei - yan wei. Meanwhile for the phoneme Ø

– ŋ, there are five correspondences in TC – CO appear on think (104) siɔØ -

siɔŋ; fear (106) kiaØ – kiaŋ; sing (141) chioØ kua - chiɔŋ; green (173) cheØ -

chiaŋ; name (207) miaØ – miaŋ. The table above has 13 words which shows

the different one phoneme at 6.3 %.

4.1.2.3 One Syllable Similarity

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When TC and CO are compared, the other criterion in determining

the sound correspondence is one syllable similarity. It means the compared

words of TC have one of the syllables which is similar to CO as in the table.

Table 4.7 One Syllable Similarity of TC ~ CO

No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Cantonese (CO)

1. when (14) [ti si] [kei si] 2. knee (82) [kha thau wu] [sək thau] 3. throw (136) [kak tiau] [tiau] 4. rain (151) [lɔk hou] [lɔk sui] 5. dirty (188) [la tak] [la that]

One syllable similarity can be found in the sound correspondence

of TC ~ CO as in when (14) ti si ~ kei si; knee (82) kha thau wu ~ sək thau;

throw (136) kak tiau ~ tiau; rain (151) lɔk hou ~ lɔk sui; dirty (188) la tak ~

la that. The table above has 5 words which shows one similar syllable or 2.4

4.1.3 The Sound Correspondence between HK and CO (HK ~ CO)

The sound correspondence of HK ~ CO can be divided into identical pairs, phonemic correspondence, different one phoneme, and one syllable similarity.

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4.1.3.1 Identical Pair

One of the criteria in determining the sound correspondence of HK

and CO as cognates is the words having identical pair. Identic in this term

means the words of HK and CO have the same forms, sounds and meanings.

Table 4.8 Identical Pair of HK ~ CO

No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Hakka (HK) Cantonese (CO)

1. all (17) [loŋ coŋ] [loŋ coŋ] 2. three (24) [sam] [sam] 3. big (27) [tai] [tai] 4. heavy (31) [choŋ] [choŋ] 5. father (43) [apa] [apa] 6. worm (50) [choŋ] [choŋ] 7. flower (59) [fa] [fa] 8. horn (68) [kɔk] [kɔk] 9. blow (98) [chɔi] [chɔi] 10. think (104) [siɔŋ] [siɔŋ] 11. fear (106) [kiaŋ] [kiaŋ] 12. live (108) [saŋ] [saŋ] 13. fight (111) [ta kau] [ta kau] 14. hit (113) [ta] [ta] 15. sit (124) [chɔ] [chɔ] 16. turn (126) [wan] [wan] 17. pull (134) [lai] [lai]

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18. tie (137) [pɔŋ] [pɔŋ] 19. say (140) [kɔŋ] [kɔŋ] 20. water (150) [sui] [sui] 21. rain (151) [lɔk sui] [lɔk sui] 22. river (152) [hɔ] [hɔ] 23. fire (167) [fɔ] [fɔ] 24. road (170) [haŋ] [haŋ] 25. mountain (171) [san] [san] 26. green (173) [chiaŋ] [chiaŋ] 27. yellow (174) [wɔŋ] [wɔŋ] No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Teochew (TC) Cantonese (CO) 28. cold (181) [laŋ] [laŋ] 29. left (200) [cɔ] [cɔ] 30. name (207) [miaŋ] [miaŋ]

One of the criteria in determining the sound correspondence of two

dialects as cognates is the words having identical pair. Identic in this term

means the words of two dialects have the same forms, sounds and meaning.

In this case, HK ~ CO have 30 identical words or 14.5 %. The identical

words are such as: all (17) loŋ coŋ ~ loŋ coŋ; three (24) sam ~ sam; big (27)

tai ~ tai; heavy (31) choŋ ~ choŋ; father (43) apa ~ apa; worm (50) choŋ ~

choŋ; flower (59) fa ~fa; horn (68) kɔk ~ kɔk; blow (98) chɔi ~ chɔi; think

(104) siɔŋ ~ siɔŋ; fear (106) kiaŋ ~ kiaŋ; live (108) saŋ ~ saŋ; fight (111) ta

kau ~ ta kau; hit (113) ta ~ ta; sit (124) chɔ ~ chɔ; turn (126) wan ~ wan; pull

(134) lai ~ lai; tie (137) pɔŋ ~ pɔŋ; say (140) kɔŋ ~ kɔŋ; water (150) sui ~

sui; rain (151) lɔk sui ~ lɔk sui; river (152) hɔ ~ hɔ; fire (167) fɔ ~ fɔ; road

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(170) haŋ ~ haŋ; mountain (171) san ~ san; green (173) chiaŋ ~ chiaŋ; yellow

(174) wɔŋ ~ wɔŋ; cold (181) laŋ ~ laŋ; left (200) cɔ ~ cɔ; name (207) miaŋ ~

miaŋ.

4.1.3.2 Phonemic Correspondence

The phonemic correspondence of HK and CO consists of the word

pairs which are related in accordance to the same phonemes and meanings.

Table 4.9 Phonemic Correspondence of HK ~ CO

No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Hakka (HK) Cantonese (CO)

1. I (1) [ŋai] [ŋɔ] 2. we (4) [ŋai te ni] [ŋɔ te] 3. that (8) [ke ke] [kɔ kɔ] 4. what (12) [ma‟e] [me je] 5. when (14) [ki sə] [kei si] 6. not (16) [mɔi] [mou] 7. four (25) [si] [se] 8. long (28) [chɔŋ] [chiɔŋ] 9. thin (35) [səu] [phɔk] [sau] [pɔk] 10. dog (47) [kiau] [kau] 11. tree (51) [su] [si] 12. forest (52) [san pa] [sam pa] 13. leaf (56) [jap] [jip] 14. root (57) [kin] [kən] 15. tail (69) [mi] [mei] 16. feather (70) [mau] [mou]

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17. hair (71) [thiau na mau] [thou fat] 18. head (72) [thiau na] [thou] 19. nose (75) [phi koŋ] [pei kɔ] 20. knee (82) [chik thiau] [sək thau] 21. wing (84) [jik] [jek] 22. guts (86) [chɔŋ] [chiɔŋ] 23. eat (93) [sək] [sek] 24. bite (94) [ŋat] [ŋau] 25. suck (95) [sək] [sɔk] 26. spit (96) [thui hiau lan] [thou] 27. laugh (100) [siau] [siu] No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Hakka (HK) Cantonese (CO) 28. hear (102) [thaŋ] [thiaŋ] 29. die (109) [si] [sei] 30. walk (121) [haŋ lu] [haŋ lo] 31. wash (132) [se] [sei] 32. wipe (133) [chat phek] [chat] 33. sew (138) [cha] [che] 34. count (139) [suan] [sin] 35. sing (141) [chɔŋ kɔ] [chiɔŋ] 36. swell (146) [cuŋ] [coŋ] 37. sun (147) [nik thiau] [jit thau] 38. salt (155) [jam] [jim] 39. dust (158) [fei chən] [fui chən] 40. wind (163) [foŋ] [fɔŋ] 41. smoke (166) [jen] [jun] 42. burn (169) [sau] [siu] 43. red (172) [foŋ] [hoŋ] 44. white (175) [phak] [pak] 45. day (178) [jit] [jat]

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46. dig (181) [wak] [wat] 47. full (182) [man] [mun] 48. new (183) [sin] [sən] 49. rotten (187) [chu] [chau] 50. round (190) [jen] [jin] 51. far (198) [jen] [jϋn] 52. with (203) [juŋ] [jɔŋ]

The phonemic correspondence of k ~ k on the table above shows

the correspondence in HK ~ CO on that (8) ke ke ~ kɔ kɔ; when (14) ki sə ~

kei si; dog (47) kiau ~ kau; root (57) kin ~ kən; nose (75) phi koŋ ~ pei kɔ.

The phonemic correspondence of th ~ th on the table above shows

the correspondence in HK ~ CO on hair (71) thiau na mau ~ thou fat; head

(72) thiau na ~ thou; knee (82) chik thiau ~ sək thau; spit (96) thui hiau lan ~

thou; sun (147) nik thiau ~ jit thau.

The phonemic correspondence of s ~ s on the table above shows the

correspondence in HK ~ CO on four (25) si ~ se; thin (35) səu ~ sau; tree

(51) su ~ si; eat (93) sək ~ sek; suck (95) sək ~ sɔk; laugh (100) siau ~ siu;

die (109) si ~ sei; wash (132) se ~ sei; count (139) suan ~ sin; burn (169)

sau ~ siu; new (183) sin ~ sən.

The phonemic correspondence of j ~ j on the table above shows the

correspondence in HK ~ CO on leaf (56) jap ~ jip; wing (84) jik ~ jek; salt

(155) jam ~ jim; smoke (166) jen ~ jun; day (178) jit ~ jat; round (190) jen ~

jin; far (198) jen ~ jϋn; with (203) juŋ ~ jɔŋ.

The phonemic correspondence of m ~ m on the table above shows

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52 five correspondence in HK ~ CO on what (12) ma‟e ~ me je; not (16) mɔi ~ mou; tail (69) mi ~ mei; feather (70) mau ~ mou; full (182) man ~ mun.

The phonemic correspondence of ŋ ~ ŋ on the table above shows the correspondence in HK ~ CO on I (1) ŋai ~ ŋɔ; we (4) ŋai te ni ~ ŋɔ te; bite (94) ŋat ~ ŋau; hear (102) thaŋ ~ thiaŋ; swell (146) cuŋ ~ coŋ; wind

(163) foŋ ~ fɔŋ; red (172) foŋ ~ hoŋ.

The phonemic correspondence of ch ~ ch in the initial position on the table above shows the correspondence in HK ~ CO on long (28) chɔŋ ~ chiɔŋ; guts (86) chɔŋ ~ chiɔŋ; sew (138) cha ~ che; sing (141) chɔŋ kɔ ~ chiɔŋ; dust (158) fei chən ~ fui chən; rotten (187) chu ~ chau.

The phonemic correspondence of a ~ a in the medial position on the table above shows the correspondence in HK ~ CO on forest (52) san pa ~ sam pa; dig (181) wak ~ wat; walk (121) haŋ lu ~ haŋ lo; wipe (133) chat phek ~ chat; white (175) phak ~ pak. There are 52 words in phonemic correspondence of HK ~ CO or 25.1 %.

4.1.3.3 Different One Phoneme

Different one phoneme in this case means that words in HK and

CO which have the tendencies to have the similarities but are having one different phoneme of vocalic cluster to vowel and vice versa.

Table 4.10 Different One Phoneme of HK - CO

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No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Hakka (HK) Cantonese (CO)

1. you (singular) (2) [ni] [nei] 2. wife (40) [lau phɔ] [lou phɔ] 3. husband (41) [lau koŋ] [lou koŋ] 4. animal (44) [khim siu] [kham sau] 5. grass (60) [chau] [chou] 6. skin (62) [phi] [phei] 7. blood (64) [hiet] [hit] 8. fat (66) [phi] [fei] 9. hand (83) [siu] [sau] 10. hunt (112) [ta liek] [ta lit] No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Hakka (HK) Cantonese (CO) 11. cut (114) [chiet] [chit] 12. swim (119) [iu sui] [jau sui] 13. fly (120) [pi] [fei] 14. stand (125) [khi] [khei] 15. flow (144) [liu] [lau] 16. freeze (145) [kiet] [kit] 17. earth (159) [thi khiu] [te khau] 18. sky (162) [thien] [thin] 19. snow (164) [lɔk siet] [sit] 20. ice (165) [siet] [sit] [peŋ] 21. year (179) [nien] [nin] 22. old (184) [lau] [lou] 23. good (185) [hau] [hou] 24. right (199) [jiu] [jau]

There are five words with a different vowel phoneme i to vocalic

cluster ei in the final position on the table above. They show the

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54 correspondences in HK – CO as on you (singular) (2) ni – nei; skin (62) phi - phei; fat (66) phi – fei; fly (120) pi – fei; stand (125) khi - khei.

One different phoneme of vocalic cluster ei to vowel i can be seen on blood (64) hiet – hit; hunt (112) ta liek - ta lit; cut (114) chiet - chit; freeze

(145) kiet – kit; sky (162) thien - thin; snow (164) lɔk siet – sit; ice (165) siet – sit; year (179) nien – nin.

One different phoneme of vocalic cluster iu - au in the final position on the table above shows the correspondence in HK – CO on animal (44) khim siu - kham sau; hand (83) siu – sau; swim (119) iu sui - jau sui; flow

(144) liu – lau; earth (159) thi khiu - te khau; right (199) jiu – jau.

The other different phoneme of vocalic cluster au - ou in the final position on the table above shows the correspondence in HK – CO on wife

(40) lau phɔ - lou phɔ; husband (41) lau koŋ – lou koŋ; grass (60) chau - chou; old (184) lau – lou; good (185) hau – hou. There are 24 words which show one different phoneme at 11.6 %.

4.1.3.4 One Syllable Similarity

When HK and CO are compared, the other criterion in determining the sound correspondence is one syllable similarity. It means the compared words of HK have one of the syllables which is similar to CO as in the table.

Table 4.11 One Syllable Similarity of HK ~ CO

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No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Hakka (HK) Cantonese (CO)

1. he (3) [ki he nam cai] [hoi he nam cai] 2. you (plural) (5) [ŋi te ŋin] [ne te] 3. they (6) [ki te ŋin] [hoi te] 4. how (15) [jɔŋ pan] [tim jɔŋ] 5. many (18) [sə fən tɔ] [tɔ] 6. few (20) [ik tik] [ja tik] 7. man (adult, male) (37) [nam cai] [nam jen] 8. stick (53) [muk thou] [muk] 9. fruit (54) [sui kɔ] [kɔ ci] 10. tooth (77) [ŋa chə] [ŋa] 11. foot (80) [kiɔk phan] [kiɔk min] No. Sino-Tibetan Swadesh List Hakka (HK) Cantonese (CO) 12. leg (81) [ŋi kiɔk] [kiɔk kua] 13. neck (87) [kiaŋ kin] [kiaŋ] 14. moon (148) [ŋik kɔŋ] [jit kɔŋ] 15. sea (154) [thai hɔi] [hɔi]

One syllable similarity can be found in the sound correspondence

of HK ~ CO as on he (3) ki he nam cai ~ hoi he nam cai; you (plural) (5) ŋi

te ŋin ~ ne te; they (6) ki te ŋin ~ hoi te; how (15) jɔŋ pan ~ tim jɔŋ; many

(18) sə fən tɔ ~ tɔ; few (20) ik tik ~ ja tik; man (adult, male) (37) nam cai ~

nam jen; stick (53) muk thou ~ muk; fruit (54) sui kɔ ~ kɔ ci; tooth (77) ŋa

chə ~ ŋa; foot (80) kiɔk phan ~ kiɔk min; leg (81) ŋi kiɔk ~ kiɔk kua; neck

(87) kiaŋ kin ~ kiaŋ; moon (148) ŋik kɔŋ ~ jit kɔŋ; sea (154) thai hɔi ~ hɔi.

The table above has 15 words which shows one similar syllable or 7.2 %.

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4.2 Findings

Based on the reconstructive analysis done upon the sound correspondence in the compared dialects (TC, HK, and CO), it is discovered that there are vowel, consonant and vocalic cluster correspondences of three dialects. The reconstruction of a proto-phoneme is conducted by looking into every sound in the sound correspondence set. Some of the correspondences are having identical pairs, phonemic correspondences in vowel, consonant and vocalic cluster, different one phoneme, and one syllable similarity.

4.2.1 Kinship of Teochew and Hakka (TC ~ HK)

Teochew and Hakka are dialects from the Sino-Tibetan family. Deriving from the same family makes the two dialects have similarities; yet the similarities can be used to show how close the dialects are. After transcribing the words spoken by

Teochew and Hakka informants and analyzing them, it is found out that:

1. TC and HK have similarities which can be proven that both dialects have

60 related words on the 11 identical pairs, 37 phonemic correspondence

of consonants ŋ, k, s, th, and vowel a, 7 different one phoneme of Ø – ŋ,

and 5-one similar similarity. From these findings, it can be concluded

that vocalic clusters in TC seldom end with phoneme ŋ. Vocalic clusters

in TC mostly appear as coda which do not need any consonants

afterwards.

2. Analyzing and comparing 207 words between TC and HK, there are 60

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related words. Therefore, the cognates between those two dialects can be

calculated using lexicostatistics:

C = C‟ x 100 %

= 60 x 100 %

207

= 28.98 % (29 %)

Based on the method by Crowley and Keraf, both TC and HK are

considered in the subgroup of clump or stock at the percentage level of

29%.

3. Getting the subgroup percentage level of TC ~ HK at the cognate 29 %,

the lineage between them can be calculated using the formula:

t = log C

log r

= log 29

2 log 0.805

= 1.238

434

= 2,852

Seeing the result of the lineage diverges between TC and HK and

calculate it from 2020, it means they were together and considered as

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58 family in 832 BC (2,020 – 2,852) before diverging.

To calculate the standard errors of the span between TC and HK:

S = √ C (1-C)

= √ 0.29 (1 - 0.29)

207

= √ 0.29 x 0.71

207

= √ 0.2059

207

= √ 0.00099

= 0.0315386428

= 0.03

t = log C

2 log r

= log (0.29 + 0.03)

434

= log 0.32

434

= 1.139

434

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= 2.624 x 1,000

= 2,624

Therefore, to count the error span of TC and HK, the previous time of

2,852 is deducted to the new time 2,624 (2,852 - 2,624) = 228. TC and

HK were two single dialects in 3,080 – 2,624 years ago (counted from

2,852 + 228 = 3,080 ; 2,852 - 228 = 2,624). TC and HK started diverging

from the language family in 1,060 BC – 604 BC (counted from 2,020 -

3,080 = -1,060 ; 2,020- 2,624 = -604).

4.2.2 Kinship of Teochew and Cantonese (TC ~ CO)

Teochew and Cantonese are also dialects from the Sino-Tibetan family.

Deriving from the same family makes the two dialects have similarities; yet the similarities can be used to show how close the dialects are. After transcribing the words spoken by Teochew and Cantonese informants and analyzing them, it is found out that:

1. TC and CO have similarities which can be proven that both dialects have

75 related words on the 57 phonemic correspondence of consonants ŋ, t,

c, m, k, s, th, vowel a, and vocalic cluster au, 13 different one phoneme of

Ø – ŋ and ŋ – n, and 5 one syllable similarities. From these findings, it is

clear that TC ~ CO happen to have the same nasal, alveolar, velar, and

fricative consonants.

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2. Analyzing and comparing 207 words between TC and CO, there are 75

related words. Therefore, the cognates between those two dialects can be

calculated using lexicostatistics:

C = C‟ x 100 %

= 75 x 100 %

207

= 36.23 % (36 %)

Based on the method by Crowley and Keraf, both TC and CO are

considered in the subgroup of clump or stock at the percentage level of

36%.

3. Getting the subgroup percentage level of TC ~ CO at the cognate 36 %,

the lineage between them can be calculated using the formula:

t = log C

log r

= log 36

2 log 0.805

= 1.022

434

= 2,354

Seeing the result of the lineage diverges between TC and CO and

calculate it from 2020, it means they were together and considered as

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family in 334 BC (2,020 – 2,354) before diverging.

To calculate the standard errors of the span between TC and CO:

S = √ C (1-C)

= √ 0.36 (1 - 0.36)

207

= √ 0.36 x 0.64

207

= √ 0.2304

207

= √ 0.00111

= 0.0333623062

= 0.03

t = log C

2 log r

= log (0.36 + 0.03)

434

= log 0.39

434

= 942

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434

= 2.170 x 1,000

= 2,170

Therefore, to count the error span of TC and CO, the previous time of

2,354 is deducted to the new time 2,170 (2,354 - 2,170) = 184. TC and

CO were two single dialects in 2,538 – 2,170 years ago (counted from

2,354 + 184 = 2,538 ; 2,354 - 184 = 2,170). TC and CO started diverging

from the language family in 518 BC – 150 BC (counted from 2,020 -

2,538 = -518 ; 2,020 - 2,170 = -150).

4.2.3 Kinship of Hakka and Cantonese (HK ~ CO)

Hakka and Cantonese are also dialects from the Sino-Tibetan family.

Deriving from the same family makes the two dialects have similarities; yet the similarities can be used to show how close the dialects are. After transcribing the words spoken by Hakka and Cantonese informants and analyzing them, it is found out that:

1. HK and CO have similarities which can be proven that both dialects have

121 related words on the 30 identical pairs, 52 phonemic correspondence

of consonants k, th, s, j, m, ŋ, ch, and vowel a, 24 different one phoneme

of vocalic cluster i – ei, ei – i, iu – au, and au – ou, and 5-one similar

similarity. From these findings, it is clear that HK ~ CO is having the

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most outstanding similarity at 58 % which makes them as the closest

compared to TC.

2. Analyzing and comparing 207 words between HK and CO, there are 121

related words. Therefore, the cognates between those two dialects can be

calculated using lexicostatistics:

C = C‟ x 100 %

= 121 x 100 %

207

= 58.45 % (58 %)

Based on the method by Crowley and Keraf, both HK and CO are

considered in the subgroup of family at the percentage level of 58%.

3. Getting the subgroup percentage level of HK ~ CO at the cognate 58 %,

the lineage between them can be calculated using the formula:

t = log C

2 log r

= log 58

2 log 0.805

= 545

434

= 1,255

Seeing the result of the lineage diverges between HK and CO and

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64 calculate it from 2020, it means they were together and considered as family in 765 AD (2,020 - 1,255) before diverging.

To calculate the standard errors of the span between HK and CO:

S = √ C (1-C)

= √ 0.58 (1 - 0.58)

207

= √ 0.58 x 0.42

207

= √ 0.2436

207

= √ 0.00117

= 0.0342052627

= 0.03

t = log C

2 log r

= log (0.58 + 0.03)

434

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= log 0.61

434

= 494

434

= 1.138 x 1,000

= 1,138

Therefore, to count the error span of HK and CO, the previous time

of 1,255 is deducted to the new time 1,138 (1,255 – 1,138) = 117. HK and

CO were two single dialects in 1,372 – 1138 years ago (counted from

1,255 + 117 = 1,372 ; 1,255 - 117 = 1138).

HK and CO started diverging from the language family in 648 AD –

882 AD (counted from 2,020 - 1,372 = 648 ; 2,020 – 1,138 = 882).

4.3 Discussion

The definition of cognate words is normally one of two or more words or morphemes which are directly descended from a single ancestor for, in the single common ancestor of language in which the words or morphemes are found, without any borrowed words. The cognate words function to identify the grouping or subgroup of comparative languages. After knowing the comparable pairs of phoneme- phoneme or phoneme-vocalic cluster pairs, the criteria for the determination of related pairs are as follows:

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1. The couples of phonemes for TC ~ HK and HK ~ CO are identically similar.

2. The couples of phonemes in TC, HK, and CO have similarity in comparing

the phonetics.

3. The couples of phonemes in TC, HK, and CO are found continuously in

another matching couples which is in comparative position.

It is also seen that HK and CO both have ŋ phoneme is most of their words either in onset or coda position. The words in HK and CO also tend to be in vocalic cluster.

After the percentage of the cognates of the three Sino-Tibetan sister languages (TC – HK – CO) have been discovered, the kinship can be shown on the following diagram. The diagram below describes that HK has the closet similarity to

CO, compared to TC whereas TC ~ HK has the least similarity of the three dialects.

TC CO HK

36 % 58 %

29 % Universitas Sumatera Utara

CHAPTER V

CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION

5.1 Conclusion

After analyzing the data based on the sound correspondences, the subgroup percentage levels of kinship, and the lineages of three dialects namely Teochew

(TC), HK (Hakka), and Cantonese (CO), it can be concluded that:

1. There are sound correspondences of TC, HK, and CO.

a. The sound correspondences between TC ~ HK consist of 11 identical

pairs, 37 phonemic correspondences such as ŋ ~ ŋ in final position, k ~ k in

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both initial and final positions, s ~ s in initial position, th ~ th in initial

position, vowel correspondence of a ~ a, 7 different one phoneme of

Ø – ŋ in final position, and 5 one syllable similarities.

b. The sound correspondences between TC ~ CO consist of 57

phonemic correspondence of consonants k ~ k in initial position, m ~

m in final position, th ~ th in initial position, ŋ ~ ŋ in final position, c

~ c in initial position, s ~ s in initial position, t ~ t in initial position,

vocalic cluster au ~ au in final position, vowel correspondence of a ~

a, 13 different one phoneme of ŋ – n in final position and Ø – ŋ in

final position, and 5 one syllable similarities.

c. The sound correspondences between HK ~ CO consist of 30 identical

pairs, 52 phonemic correspondences such as k ~ k in initial position,

th ~ th in initial position, s ~ s in initial position, j ~ j in initial 67 position, m ~ m in initial position, ŋ ~ ŋ in final position, ch ~ ch in

initial position, a ~ a in medial position, 24 different one phoneme of i

– ei in final position, ei – i in medial position, iu – au in final position,

au – ou in final position, and 15 one syllable similarities.

2. The percentage levels of kinship of the TC, HK, and CO.

a. There are 60 words found corresponding between TC and HK which

makes the two dialects considered in the subgroup of clump or stock

at 29 %.

b. There are 75 words found corresponding between TC and CO which

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makes them considered in the subgroup of clump or stock at 36 %.

c. There are 121 75 words found corresponding between HK and CO

which makes them considered in the subgroup of family at 58 %.

3. The lineages of TC, HK, and CO.

a. Counting the lineage diverges between TC and HK based on the

cognate of 29 % is 2,852. Calculating it from 2020, it means they

were together and considered as family in 832 BC (2,020 – 2,852)

before diverging. TC and HK started diverging from the language

family in 1,060 BC – 604 BC (counted from 2,020 - 3,080 = -1,060 ;

2,020- 2,624 = -604).

b. Counting the lineage diverges between TC and CO based on the

cognate of 36 % is 2,354. Calculating it from 2020, it means they were

together and considered as family in 334 BC (2,020 – 2,354) before

diverging. TC and CO started diverging from the language family in

518 BC – 150 BC (counted from 2,020 - 2,538 = -518 ; 2,020 – 2,170

= -150).

c. Counting the lineage diverges between HK and CO based on the

cognate of 58 % is 1,255. Calculating it from 2020, it means they

were together and considered as family in 765 AD (2,020 -1,255)

before diverging. HK and CO started diverging from the language

family in 648 AD – 882 AD (counted from 2,020 - 1,372 = 648 ;

2,020 - 1,138 = 882).

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Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese which have been reviewed using glottochronology and lexicostatistics methods have a language kinship. This kinship is possible with the percentage of cognate words between Teochew and Hakka is

29%, between Teochew and Cantonese is 36%, and between Hakka and Cantonese is

58%. From this percentage, it can be concluded that Teochew and Hakka belong to the subgroup of clump or stock. Meanwhile, the kinship between Hakka and

Cantonese is that both belong to the subgroup of family.

5.2 Suggestion

Using Chinese dialects as the objects of the study, the writer would suggest dialects of ethnics in Indonesia should be maintained and preserved considering the dialects might face extinction. The writer hopes that youngsters could still speak their mother tongue or dialect in their environment. By doing so, the identity of

Indonesia for having various kinds of ethnicities could be preserved although there are many youngsters who learn international languages in droves. This research focuses on phonemic reconstruction; therefore, the writer wishes this research to be further analyzed on morphological reconstruction and syntactical reconstruction.

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APPENDIX

1. Teochew Word Transcription

No. Sino-Tibetan Informant 1 Informant 2 Informant 3 Swadesh List 1. I [wa] [wa] [wa] 2. you (singular) [lə] [lə] [lə] 3. he [ji] [ji] [ji ta pou] 4. we [wa naŋ] [wa naŋ] [wa naŋ] 5. you (plural) [lə naŋ] [lə naŋ] [lə naŋ] 6. they [ji naŋ] [ji naŋ] [ji naŋ] 7. this [ci kai] [ci kai] [ci kai] 8. that [hi kai] [hi kai] [hi kai] 9. here [cə peŋ] [cə peŋ] [cə peŋ] 10. there [hiɔ peŋ] [hiɔ peŋ] [hiɔ peŋ] 11. who [ti tiaŋ] [ti tiaŋ] [ti tiaŋ] 12. what [si mie] [sə mie] [si mie] 13. where [na ti kɔ] [ti kɔ] [na ti kɔ] 14. when [ti si] [ti si] [ti si] 15. how [cə ni muek] [cə ni muek] [cə ni muek] 16. not [bɔ] [əm si] [əm si] [əm si] 17. all [nɔŋ cɔŋ] [nɔŋ cɔŋ] [nɔŋ cɔŋ] 18. many [cɔi] [cɔi] [cɔi] 19. some [kua kai] [kua kai] [kua kai] 20. few [tam pok] [tam pok] [tam pok] 21. other [pak kai] [pak kai] [pak kai] 22. one [cek] [cek] [cek] 23. two [nɔ] [nɔ] [nɔ] 24. three [sa] [sa] [sa] 25. four [si] [si] [si] 26. five [ŋou] [ŋou] [ŋou] 27. big [tua] [tua] [tua] 28. long [təŋ] [təŋ] [təŋ] 29. wide [khuak] [khuak] [khuak] 30. thick [kau] [kau] [kau] 31. heavy [taŋ] [taŋ] [taŋ] 32. small [sɔi] [sɔi] [sɔi] 33. short [tɔ] [tɔ] [tɔ] 34. narrow [ɔik] [ɔik] [ɔik] 35. thin [saŋ] [pɔk] [saŋ] [pɔk] [saŋ] [pɔk] 36. woman [ca bou] [ca bou] [ca bou] 37. man (adult, male) [ta pou] [ta pou] [ta pou] 38. man (human being) [naŋ] [naŋ] [naŋ]

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39. child (a youth) [kia] [kia] [kia] 40. wife [bou]a [bou] [bou] 41. husband [aŋ] [aŋ] [aŋ] 42. mother [ma] [mak] [mak] 43. father [pa] [pak] [pak] 44. animal [khim siu] [khim siu] [khim siu] 45. fish [hə] [hə] [hə] 46. bird [ciau] [ciau] [ciau] 47. dog [kau] [kau] [kau] 48. louse [sak] [sak] [sak] 49. snake [cua] [cua] [cua] 50. worm [thaŋ] [thaŋ] [thaŋ] 51. tree [chiu] [chiu] [chiu] 52. forest [ou taŋ] [ou taŋ] [ou taŋ] 53. stick [cha] [cha] [cha] 54. fruit [kue ci] [kue ci] [kue ci] 55. seed [ci] [ci] [ci] 56. leaf [hiɔk] [hiɔk] [hiɔk] 57. root [kəŋ] [kəŋ] [kəŋ] 58. bark [ki] [ki] [ki] 59. flower [hue] [hue] [hua] 60. grass [chau] [chau] [chau] 61. rope [sɔk] [sɔk] [sɔk] 62. skin [phoi] [phoi] [phoi] 63. meat [bak] [bak] [bak] 64. blood [hoik] [hoik] [hoik] 65. bone [kut] [kut] [kut] 66. fat [pui] [pui] [pui] 67. egg [nəŋ] [nəŋ] [nəŋ] 68. horn [kak] [kak] [kak] 69. tail [boi] [boi] [boi] 70. feather [mɔ] [mɔ] [mɔ] 71. hair [thau mɔ] [thau mɔ] [thau mɔ] 72. head [thau] [thau] [thau] 73. ear [hi] [hi] [hi] 74. eye [mak ciu] [mak ciu] [mak ciu] 75. nose [phi] [phi] [phi] 76. mouth [chui] [chui] [chui] 77. tooth [khi] [khi] [khi] 78. tongue [cik] [cik] [cik] 79. fingernail [cəŋ kak] [cəŋ kak] [cəŋ kak] 80. foot [kha toi] [kha toi] [kha toi] 81. leg [kha] [kha] [kha] 82. knee [kha thau wu] [kha thau wu] [kha thau wu]

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83. hand [chiu] [chiu] [chiu] 84. wing [sek] [sek] [sek] 85. belly [pat tou] [pat tou] [pat tou] 86. guts [təŋ] [təŋ] [təŋ] 87. neck [aŋ kuŋ] [aŋ kuŋ] [aŋ kuŋ] 88. back [ka ciak] [ka ciak] [ka ciak] 89. breast [heŋ] [heŋ] [heŋ] 90. heart [sim caŋ] [sim caŋ] [sim caŋ] 91. liver [kua] [sim] [sim] 92. drink [lim] [lim] [lim] 93. eat [ciak] [ciak] [ciak] 94. bite [ka] [ka] [ka] 95. suck [suk] [kut] [kut] 96. spit [phui nua] [phui nua] [phui nua] 97. vomit [thou] [thou] [thou] 98. blow [puŋ] [puŋ] [puŋ] 99. breathe [thau khui] [thau khui] [thau khui] 100. laugh [chiɔ] [chiɔ] [chiɔ] 101. see [thɔi] [thɔi] [thɔi] 102. hear [thia] [thia] [thia] 103. know [cai] [cai] [cai] 104. think [siɔ] [siɔ] [siɔ] 105. smell [phi] [phi] [phi] 106. fear [kia] [kia] [kia] 107. sleep [uk] [uk] [uk] 108. live [uak] [uak] [uak] 109. die [si] [si] [si] 110. kill [thai] [thai] [thai] 111. fight [sio phak] [sio phak] [phak] 112. hunt [phak lak] [phak lak] [phak lak] 113. hit [phak] [phak] [phak] 114. cut [cɔik] [tɔk] [tɔk] 115. split [puŋ] [puŋ] [puŋ] 116. stab [chiam] [tuk] [tuk] 117. scratch [lek] [lek] [lek] 118. dig [ou] [ou] [ou] 119. swim [siu ek] [siu ek] [siu ek] 120. fly [poi] [poi] [poi] 121. walk [kia] [kia] [kia] 122. come [lai] [lai] [lai] 123. lie [tɔ] [tɔ] [tɔ] 124. sit [cɔ] [cɔ] [cɔ] 125. stand [khia] [khia] [khia] 126. turn [waŋ] [waŋ] [waŋ]

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127. fall [puak tɔ] [puak tɔ] [puak tɔ] 128. give [khɔk] [khɔik] [khɔk] 129. hold [gim] [gim] [gim] 130. squeeze [te] [te] [te] 131. rub [chiu] [chiu] [chiu] 132. wash [sɔi] [sɔi] [sɔi] 133. wipe [chek] [chek tiau] [chek tiau] 134. pull [tui] [tui] [tui] 135. push [leŋ] [leŋ] [leŋ] 136. throw [kak tiau] [kak tiau] [kak tiau] 137. tie [pak] [pak] [pak] 138. sew [thi] [thi] [thi] 139. count [səŋ] [səŋ] [səŋ] 140. say [ta] [ta] [ta] 141. sing [chio kua] [chio kua] [chio kua] 142. play [səŋ] [səŋ] [səŋ] 143. float [phu] [phu] [phu] 144. flow [lau] [lau] [lau] 145. freeze [kek səŋ] [kek səŋ] [kek səŋ] 146. swell [ceŋ] [ceŋ] [ceŋ] 147. sun [zit thau] [zit thau] [zit thau] 148. moon [guek niɔ] [guek niɔ] [guek niɔ] 149. star [che] [che] [che] 150. water [cui] [cui] [cui] 151. rain [lɔk hou] [hou] [hou] 152. river [kau] [kau] [kau] 153. lake [hɔ] [hɔ] [hɔ] 154. sea [hai] [hai] [hai] 155. salt [jam] [jam] [jam] 156. stone [ciɔk thau] [ciɔk] [ciɔk] 157. sand [sua] [sua] [sua] 158. dust [thou huŋ] [thou huŋ] [thou huŋ] 159. earth [ti kiu] [ti kiu] [ti kiu] 160. cloud [huŋ] [huŋ] [huŋ] 161. fog [mɔŋ] [mɔŋ] [mɔŋ] 162. sky [thi] [thi] [thi] 163. wind [huaŋ] [huaŋ] [huaŋ] 164. snow [səŋ sɔk] [səŋ sɔk] [səŋ sɔk] 165. ice [səŋ] [səŋ] [səŋ] 166. smoke [eŋ] [eŋ] [eŋ] 167. fire [hoi] [hoi] [hoi] 168. ashes [hoi hu] [hoi hu] [hoi hu] 169. burn [siɔ] [siɔ] [siɔ] 170. road [lou] [lou] [lou]

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171. mountain [sua] [sua] [sua] 172. red [aŋ] [aŋ] [aŋ] 173. green [che] [che] [che] 174. yellow [ə] [ə] [ə] 175. white [pek] [pek] [pek] 176. black [ou] [ou] [ou] 177. night [am me] [am me] [am me] 178. day [zek] [zek] [zek] 179. year [ni] [ni] [ni] 180. warm [haŋ] [sio] [sio] 181. cold [ŋaŋ] [ŋaŋ] [ŋaŋ] 182. full [mua] [ti] [ti] 183. new [seŋ] [sin] [sin] 184. old [lau] [lau] [lau] 185. good [hɔ] [hɔ] [hɔ] 186. bad [phai] [phai] [phai] 187. rotten [chau] [chau] [chau] 188. dirty [la tak] [lak tak] [lak tak] 189. straight [tek] [tek] [tek] 190. round [ji] [ji] [ji] 191. sharp [ciam] [ciam] [ciam] 192. dull [lu] [lu] [lu] 193. smooth [kut] [iu] [iu] 194. wet [tam] [tam] [tam] 195. dry [ta] [ta] [ta] 196. correct [tiɔk] [tiɔk] [tiɔk] 197. near [kəŋ] [kəŋ] [kəŋ] 198. far [hə] [hə] [hə] 199. right [tɔ chiu] [cia chiu] [cia chiu] 200. left [cia chiu] [tɔ chiu] [tɔ chiu] 201. at [na] [na] [na] 202. in [na lai meŋ] [lai meŋ] [lai meŋ] 203. with [eŋ] [kak] [kak] 204. and [kak] [kak] [kak] 205. if [ka lau] [ka lau] [ka lau] 206. because [iŋ wei] [iŋ wei] [iŋ wei] 207. name [mia] [mia] [mia]

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2. Hakka Word Transcription

No. Sino-Tibetan Informant 1 Informant 2 Informant 3 Swadesh List 1. I [ŋai] [ŋai] [ŋai] 2. you (singular) [ni] [ni] [ni] 3. he [ki he nam cai] [lai cai] [ki he nam cai] 4. we [ŋai te ni] [ŋai ten] [ŋai te ni] 5. you (plural) [ŋi te ŋin] [ŋi ten] [ŋi te ŋin] 6. they [ki te ŋin] [ŋi ten] [ki te ŋin] 7. this [li je] [li je] [li je] 8. that [ke ke] - [ke ke] 9. here [li pheŋ] [li pheŋ] [li pheŋ] 10. there [ke pheŋ] [ke heŋ] [ke pheŋ] 11. who [ma ŋin] [ma ŋin] [ma ŋin] 12. what [ma‟e] [ma‟e] [ma‟e] 13. where [hi nai‟e] [hoi nai‟e] [hi nai‟e] 14. when [ki sə] [ki sə] [ki sə] 15. how [jɔŋ pan] [jɔŋ pan] [jɔŋ pan] 16. not [mɔi] [mɔi] [mɔi] 17. all [loŋ coŋ] [luŋ cuŋ] [loŋ coŋ] 18. many [sə fən tɔ] [ən tɔ] [fən tɔ] 19. some [mɔ kik tɔ cak] - [tɔ cak] 20. few [ik tik] [an ti sik] [ik tik] 21. other [li ŋɔi] - [li ŋɔi] 22. one [ik] [ik] [ik] 23. two [liɔŋ] [ni] [liɔŋ] 24. three [sam] [sam] [sam] 25. four [si] [si] [si] 26. five [əŋ] [əŋ] [əŋ] 27. big [tai] [thai] [tai] 28. long [chɔŋ] [chɔŋ] [chɔŋ] 29. wide [fat] [fat] [fat] 30. thick [phun] [phun] [phun] 31. heavy [choŋ] [chuŋ] [choŋ] 32. small [se cak] [se] [se cak] 33. short [tuan] [tɔn] [tuan] 34. narrow [hap] [hap] [hap] 35. thin [səu] [phɔk] [səu] [səu] [phɔk] 36. woman [mɔi cai] [mɔi cai] [mɔi cai] 37. man (adult, male) [nam cai] [nam cai] [nam cai] 38. man (human being) [ŋin] [ŋin] [ŋin] 39. child (a youth) [se ŋin] [se ŋin] [se ŋin] 40. wife [lau phɔ] [lau phɔ] [lau phɔ]

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41. husband [lau koŋ] [lau koŋ] [lau koŋ] 42. mother [ɔi yek] [ama] [ɔi yek] 43. father [apa] [apa] [apa] 44. animal [khim siu] - [khim siu] 45. fish [əŋ] [ŋe] [əŋ] 46. bird [tiau] [tiau] [tiau] 47. dog [kiau] [keu] [kiau] 48. louse [sek ma] - [sek ma] 49. snake [sa kɔ] [sa kɔ] [sa kɔ] 50. worm [choŋ] [choŋ] [choŋ] 51. tree [su] [su] [su] 52. forest [san pa] - [san pa] 53. stick [muk thou] [cha] [muk thou] 54. fruit [sui kɔ] [saŋ kɔ] [sui kɔ] 55. seed [cə] - [cə] 56. leaf [jap] [jap] [jap] 57. root [kin] - [kin] 58. bark [su kin] - [su kin] 59. flower [fa] [fa] [fa] 60. grass [chau] - [chau] 61. rope [sɔk] [sɔk] [sɔk] 62. skin [phi] [phi] [phi] 63. meat [niuk] [niuk] [niuk] 64. blood [hiet] [siek] [hiet] 65. bone [kut thiau] [kut] [kut thiau] 66. fat [phi] [phi] [phi] 67. egg [lɔn] [lɔn] [lɔn] 68. horn [kɔk] - [kɔk] 69. tail [mi] [mi pa] [mi] 70. feather [mau] [mau] [mau] 71. hair [thiau na mau] [thiau na mau] [thiau na mau] 72. head [thiau na] [thiau na] [thiau na] 73. ear [ŋi koŋ] [ŋi kuŋ] [ŋi koŋ] 74. eye [ŋien cu] [ŋien cu] [ŋien cu] 75. nose [phi koŋ] [phi kuŋ] [phi koŋ] 76. mouth [cɔi] [cɔi] [cɔi] 77. tooth [ŋa chə] [ŋa chə] [ŋa chə] 78. tongue [sek thiau] [sek ma] [sek thiau] 79. fingernail [siu cə kak] [siu cə kap] [siu cə kak] 80. foot [kiɔk phan] [kiɔk] [kiɔk phan] 81. leg [ŋi kiɔk] [kiɔk] [ŋi kiɔk] 82. knee [chik thiau] - [chik thiau] 83. hand [siu] [siu] [siu] 84. wing [jik] - [jik]

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85. belly [tu sə] [tu sə] [tu sə] 86. guts [chɔŋ] [chɔŋ] [chɔŋ] 87. neck [kiaŋ kin] - [kiaŋ kin] 88. back [poi nɔŋ] - [poi nɔŋ] 89. breast [sim kuan chien] [sim kuan chien] [sim kuan chien] 90. heart [kɔn] [sim] [kɔn] 91. liver [sim] [kɔn] [sim] 92. drink [sək] [sik] [sək] 93. eat [sək] [sək] [sək] 94. bite [ŋat] [ŋat] [ŋat] 95. suck [sək] [cɔt] [sək] 96. spit [thui hiau lan] [phui] [thui] 97. vomit [phɔn] [eu] [phɔn] 98. blow [chɔi] [phun] [chɔi] 99. breathe [thiau hi] [thiau hi] [thiau hi] 100. laugh [siau] [siau] [siau] 101. see [khɔn] [khɔn] [khɔn] 102. hear [thaŋ] [thaŋ] [thaŋ] 103. know [ti] [ti] [ti] 104. think [siɔŋ] [siɔŋ] [siɔŋ] 105. smell [phi] [phi] [phi] 106. fear [kiaŋ] [kiaŋ] [kiaŋ] 107. sleep [sɔi] [sɔi] [sɔi] 108. live [saŋ] [saŋ] [saŋ] 109. die [si] [si] [si] 110. kill [ta si] [ta si] [ta si] 111. fight [ta kau] [ta kau] [ta] 112. hunt [ta liek] [ta liek] [ta liek] 113. hit [ta] [ta] [ta] 114. cut [chiet] [chiet] [chiet] 115. split [pun] [pun] [pun] 116. stab [chiam] [chiam] [chiam] 117. scratch [kua] [kua] [kua] 118. dig [wak] [wak] [wat] 119. swim [iu sui] [iu sui] [iu sui] 120. fly [pi] [pi] [pi] 121. walk [haŋ lu] [haŋ lu] [haŋ lu] 122. come [lɔi] [lɔi] [lai] 123. lie [min ten] [min ten] [min ten] 124. sit [chɔ] [chɔ] [cɔ] 125. stand [khi] [khi] [khi] 126. turn [wan] [wan] [wan] 127. fall [tiek tau] [tiek tau] [tiek tau] 128. give [pun] [pun] [pun]

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129. hold [na ten] [na ten] [na ten] 130. squeeze [ŋien] [ŋien] [ŋien] 131. rub [sɔt] [sɔt] [sɔt] 132. wash [se] [se] [se] 133. wipe [chat phek] [chat phek] [chat phek] 134. pull [lai] [lai] [lai] 135. push [suŋ] [suŋ] [suŋ] 136. throw [tiu] [tiu] [tiu] 137. tie [pɔŋ] [pɔŋ] [pɔŋ] 138. sew [cha] [cha] [cha] 139. count [suan] [suan] [suan] 140. say [kɔŋ] [kɔŋ] [kɔŋ] 141. sing [chɔŋ kɔ] [chɔŋ kɔ] [chɔŋ kɔ] 142. play [kau] [kau] [kau] 143. float [phu] [phu] [phu] 144. flow [liu] [liu] [liu] 145. freeze [kiet] [kiet] [kiet] 146. swell [cuŋ] [cuŋ] [cuŋ] 147. sun [nik thiau] [nik thiau] [nik thiau] 148. moon [ŋik kɔŋ] [ŋik kɔŋ] [ŋik kɔŋ] 149. star [siŋ] - - 150. water [sui] [sui] [sui] 151. rain [lɔk sui] [lɔk sui] [lɔk sui] 152. river [hɔ] [hɔ] [hɔ] 153. lake [fu] - [hɔ] 154. sea [thai hɔi] [hɔi sun] [thai hɔi] 155. salt [jam] [jam] [jam] 156. stone [sak thiau] [sak thiau] [sak thiau] 157. sand [hai] [hai] [hai] 158. dust [fei chən] [fei chən] [fei chən] 159. earth [thi khiu] [thi khiu] [thi khiu] 160. cloud - - - 161. fog [wu] [wu] [wu] 162. sky [thien] [thien] [thien] 163. wind [foŋ] [foŋ] [foŋ] 164. snow [lɔk siet] [lɔk siet] [lɔk siet] 165. ice [siet] [siek] [siet] 166. smoke [jen] [jen] [jen] 167. fire [fɔ] [fɔ] [fɔ] 168. ashes [fɔi] [fɔi] [fɔ] 169. burn [sau] [sau] [sau] 170. road [haŋ] [haŋ] [haŋ] 171. mountain [san] [san] [san] 172. red [foŋ] [foŋ] [foŋ]

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173. green [chiaŋ] [chiaŋ] [chiaŋ] 174. yellow [wɔŋ] [wɔŋ] [wɔŋ] 175. white [phak] [phak] [phak] 176. black [wu] [wu] [wu] 177. night [am pu] [am pu] [am pu] 178. day [jit] [jit] [jit] 179. year [nien] [nien] [nien] 180. warm [wən] [wən] [wən] 181. cold [laŋ] [laŋ] [laŋ] 182. full [man] [man] [man] 183. new [sin] [sin] [sin] 184. old [lau] [lau] [lau] 185. good [hau] [hau] [hau] 186. bad [fai] [mɔ liaŋ] [mɔ liaŋ] [mɔ liaŋ] 187. rotten [chu] [chu] [chu] 188. dirty [lek cek] [lek cek] [lek cek] 189. straight [chək chək] [chək chək] [chək chək] 190. round [jen] [jen] [jen] 191. sharp [li] [li] [li] 192. dull [mɔ li] [mɔ li] [mɔ li] 193. smooth [ŋiɔn] [iu] [ŋiɔn] [iu] [ŋiɔn] [iu] 194. wet [sək] [sək] [sək] 195. dry [cau] [cau] [cau] 196. correct [chɔk] [chɔk] [chɔk] 197. near [khiun] [khiun] [khiun] 198. far [jen] [jen] [jen] 199. right [jiu] [jiu] [jiu] 200. left [cɔ] [cɔ] [cɔ] 201. at [khi] [khi] [khi] 202. in [ti pɔi] [ti pɔi] [khi] 203. with [juŋ] [juŋ] [te] 204. and [te] [te] [te] 205. if [ke cak] [ke cak] - 206. because [iŋ wui] [iŋ wui] [iŋ wui] 207. name [miaŋ] [miaŋ] [miaŋ]

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3. Cantonese Word Transciption

No. Sino-Tibetan Informant 1 Informant 2 Informant 3 Swadesh List 1. I [ŋɔ] [ŋɔ] [ŋɔ] 2. you (singular) [nei] [nei] [nei] 3. he [hoi he nam cai] [hoi he nam cai] [hoi] 4. we [ŋɔ te] [ŋɔ te] [ŋɔ te] 5. you (plural) [ne te] [ne te] [ni te] 6. they [hoi te] [hoi te] - 7. this [i kɔ] [i kɔ] [i tɔ] 8. that [kɔ kɔ] [kɔ kɔ] [kɔ tɔ] 9. here [kə ni si] [kə ni si] [ni tɔ] 10. there [kən kɔ si] [kən kɔ si] [kɔ tɔ] 11. who [piŋ kɔ] [piŋ kɔ] [piŋ kɔ] 12. what [me je] [me je] [me si] 13. where [hei pin si] [hei pin si] [kɔ tɔ] 14. when [kei si] [kei si] [ki si] 15. how [tim jɔŋ] [tim jɔŋ] [tim jɔŋ] 16. not [mou] [mou] [mou] 17. all [loŋ coŋ] [loŋ coŋ] [chim po] 18. many [tɔ] [tɔ] [tɔ] 19. some [kei tɔ] [kei tɔ] [siu] 20. few [ja tik] [ja tik] [siu tik] 21. other [khei tha] [khei tha] [em thoŋ] 22. one [jat] [jat] [jat] 23. two [ji] [ji] [ŋi] 24. three [sam] [sam] [sam] 25. four [se] [se] [si] 26. five [əm] [əm] [əm] 27. big [tai] [tai] [tai] 28. long [chiɔŋ] [chiɔŋ] [chiɔŋ] 29. wide [fut] [fut] [fut] 30. thick [hau] [hau] [hou] 31. heavy [choŋ] [choŋ] [coŋ] 32. small [sai] [sai] [sai] 33. short [tin] [tin] [tai] 34. narrow [cak] [cak] [cak] 35. thin [sau] [pɔk] [sau] [pɔk] [sou] 36. woman [nui jen] [nui jen] [nui jan] 37. man (adult, male) [nam jen] [nam jen] [nam cai] 38. man (human being) [yan] [yan] [yan] 39. child (a youth) [sei lo kɔ] [sei lo kɔ] [sa me cai] 40. wife [lou phɔ] [lou phɔ] [lou phɔ]

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41. husband [lou koŋ] [lou koŋ] [lou koŋ] 42. mother [ama] [ama] [lou mou] 43. father [apa] [apa] [lou tau] 44. animal [kham sau] [kham sau] [kham siu] 45. fish [ji] [ji] [ji] 46. bird [ciɔk] [ciɔk] [tiak] 47. dog [kau] [kau] [kau] 48. louse [sat] [sat] [sat] 49. snake [se] [se] [sia] 50. worm [choŋ] [choŋ] [choŋ] 51. tree [si] [si] [si] 52. forest [sam pa] [sam pa] - 53. stick [muk] [muk] [chai] 54. fruit [kɔ ci] [kɔ ci] [sui kɔ] 55. seed [wat] [wat] - 56. leaf [jip] [jip] [jip] 57. root [kən] [kən] [kan] 58. bark [si ci] [si ci] [su muk] 59. flower [fa] [fa] [fa] 60. grass [chou] [chou] [chau] 61. rope [seŋ] [seŋ] [seŋ] 62. skin [phei] [phei] [phi] 63. meat [yok] [yok] [yok] 64. blood [hit] [hit] [se] 65. bone [kuat] [kuat] [kut] 66. fat [fei] [fei] [fei] 67. egg [tan] [tan] [tan] 68. horn [kɔk] [kɔk] [kɔk] 69. tail [mei] [mei] [mi] 70. feather [mou] [mou] [mou] 71. hair [thou fat] [thou fat] [tha mou] 72. head [thou] [thou] [thou] 73. ear [ji cai] [ji cai] [ji cai] 74. eye [ŋan] [ŋan] [ŋan] 75. nose [pei kɔ] [pei kɔ] [pi kɔ] 76. mouth [hau] [hau] [hau] 77. tooth [ŋa] [ŋa] [ŋa] 78. tongue [lei] [lei] [sek thou] 79. fingernail [sau kap] [sau kap] [siu kap] 80. foot [kiɔk min] [kiɔk] [kiɔk pan] 81. leg [kiɔk kua] [kiɔk] [kiak] 82. knee [sək thau] [sək thau] [sək thou] 83. hand [sau] [sau] [siu] 84. wing [jek] [jek] [jap]

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85. belly [thou] [thou] [wu] 86. guts [chiɔŋ] - [chiɔŋ] 87. neck [kiaŋ] [kiaŋ] [kiaŋ] 88. back [pui] [pui] [pui] 89. breast [sam hau] - [sem hau] 90. heart [sam cɔŋ] [sam cɔŋ] [sem kuan] 91. liver [kɔn] [kɔn] [kan] 92. drink [jam] [jam] [jam] 93. eat [sek] [sek] [sek hiak] 94. bite [ŋau] [ŋau] [ŋau] 95. suck [sɔk] [sɔk] [tuat] 96. spit [thou] - - 97. vomit [au] [au] [au] 98. blow [chɔi] [chɔi] [chɔi] 99. breathe [fu khap] [fu khap] [fu khap] 100. laugh [siu] [siu] [siu] 101. see [thai] [thai] [thai] 102. hear [thiaŋ] [thiaŋ] [theŋ] 103. know [ci tɔ] [ci tɔ] [ci tɔ] 104. think [siɔŋ] [siɔŋ] [siaŋ] 105. smell [mən] [mən] [sek] 106. fear [kiaŋ] [kiaŋ] [kiaŋ] 107. sleep [fən kau] [fən kau] [fən kau] 108. live [saŋ] [saŋ] [saŋ] 109. die [sei] [sei] [sei] 110. kill [sat] [sat] [sat] 111. fight [ta kau] [ta] [ta kau] 112. hunt [ta lit] - - 113. hit [ta] [ta] [ta] 114. cut [chit] [chit] [chiet] 115. split [fən] [fən] [fan] 116. stab [kət] - [ket] 117. scratch [wak] [wak] [wak] 118. dig [wat] [wat] [wat] 119. swim [jau sui] [jau sui] [jau sui] 120. fly [fei] [fei] [fei] 121. walk [haŋ lo] [haŋ lo] [haŋ lo] 122. come [lei] [lei] [lei] 123. lie [thau ha] - [thou] 124. sit [chɔ] [chɔ] [chɔ] 125. stand [khei] [khei] [khei] 126. turn [wan] [wan] [wan] 127. fall [tit] [tit] [tit tɔ] 128. give [mai] [pei] [mai]

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129. hold [ca] [ca] [ca] 130. squeeze [nau] [nau] [cun] 131. rub [chat] [chat] [chat] 132. wash [sei] [sei] [sai] 133. wipe [chat] [chat] [chat] 134. pull [lai] [lai] [la] 135. push [thui] [thui] [thui] 136. throw [tiau] [tiau] [tiu] 137. tie [pɔŋ] [pɔŋ] [phaŋ] 138. sew [che] [che] [che] 139. count [sin] [sin] [sin] [suan] 140. say [kɔŋ] [kɔŋ] [kɔŋ] 141. sing [chiɔŋ] [chiɔŋ] [chiɔŋ kɔ] 142. play [fan] [fan] [wan] 143. float [fau] [fau] [phu] 144. flow [lau] [lau] [liu] 145. freeze [kit] [kit] [kiet] 146. swell [coŋ] [coŋ] [coŋ] 147. sun [jit thau] [jit thau] [jit thou] 148. moon [jit kɔŋ] [jit kɔŋ] [jit liɔŋ] 149. star [seŋ-seŋ] [seŋ-seŋ] [seŋ-seŋ] 150. water [sui] [sui] [sui] 151. rain [lɔk sui] [lɔk sui] [lɔk sui] 152. river [hɔ] [hɔ] [hɔ] 153. lake [wu] - [wu] 154. sea [hɔi] [hɔi] [hɔi] 155. salt [jim] [jim] [jim] 156. stone [siak ku] [siak ku] [ciɔk] 157. sand [sa] [sa] [sa] 158. dust [fui chən] [fui chən] [fui chan] 159. earth [te khau] - - 160. cloud [wan] [wan] - 161. fog [mou] [mou] - 162. sky [thin] [thin] [then] 163. wind [fɔŋ] [fɔŋ] [fɔŋ] 164. snow [sit] [sit] [sek] 165. ice [sit] [peŋ] [sit] [peŋ] 166. smoke [jun] [jun] [jun] 167. fire [fɔ] [fɔ] [fɔ] 168. ashes [fui chən] [fui chən] [fui chan] 169. burn [siu] [siu] [sau] 170. road [haŋ] [haŋ] [lo] 171. mountain [san] [san] [san] 172. red [hoŋ] [hoŋ] [hoŋ]

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173. green [chiaŋ] [chiaŋ] [chiaŋ] 174. yellow [wɔŋ] [wɔŋ] [wɔŋ] 175. white [pak] [pak] [pak] 176. black [hək] [hək] [hap] 177. night [man siɔŋ] [man siɔŋ] [hap man] 178. day [jat] [jat] [jat] 179. year [nin] [nin] [nin] 180. warm [nϋn] - [wan] 181. cold [laŋ] [laŋ] [poŋ] 182. full [mun] [mun] [muan] 183. new [sən] [sən] [sin] 184. old [lou] [lou] [lou] 185. good [hou] [hou] [hou je] 186. bad [wai] [wai] [mou liaŋ] 187. rotten [chau] [chau] [chau] 188. dirty [la that] [la that] [la ca] 189. straight [cek] [cek] [cek] 190. round [jin] [jin] [jen] 191. sharp [cim] [cim] [li] 192. dull [kuat] [kuat] [cam] 193. smooth [jau] [jau] [jau] 194. wet [sap] [sap] [siak] 195. dry [kɔn] [kɔn] [kan] 196. correct [ŋam] [ŋam] [ŋam] 197. near [khən] [khən] [khen] 198. far [jϋn] [jϋn] [juen] 199. right [jau] [jau] [jau] 200. left [cɔ] [cɔ] [tɔ] 201. at [hei] [pin si] [hei] [khi] 202. in [jap pin] [jap pin] [jap pin] 203. with [jɔŋ] - [jɔŋ] 204. and [thɔŋ] [thɔŋ] [hə] 205. if [ji kɔ] [ji kɔ] [ji kɔ] 206. because [jan wei] [jan wei] [jan wei] 207. name [miaŋ] [miaŋ] [miaŋ]

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4. Informants

The Biography of the Informants in Medan Tembung (Teochew)

1. Name : Denny Marvin

Age : 31 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 30th November 1988

Occupation : Salesman

Address : Jln. Pukat VI No. 42

2. Name : Stella

Age : 30 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 9th January 1990

Occupation : Private Teacher

Address : Jln. Tangguk Bongkar IX Komp. Raffles 88-D / 12-I

3. Name : Siska Ayu Halim

Age : 33 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 14th May 1986

Occupation : Housewife

Address : Jln. Pukat IV No. 15 C

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The Biography of the Informants in Medan Area (Hakka)

1. Name : Olivia

Age : 25 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 28th Maret 1995

Occupation : Employee

Address : Jln. Bingkarung No. 30

2. Name : Ahung / Maria

Age : 44 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 22nd October 1975

Occupation : Housewife

Address : Jln. Menjangan, Komp. Menjangan Indah No. 6-C /

14-C

3. Name : Canvitry

Age : 35 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 22nd August 1984

Occupation : Baker

Address : Jln. Gajah No. 33

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The Biography of the Informants in Medan Timur (Cantonese)

1. Name : Tjandra Linda

Age : 51 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 28th November 1968

Occupation : Principal

Address : Jln. Bandar Baru No. 4

2. Name : Fung Ming

Age : 69 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 12th March 1951

Occupation : Housewife

Address : Jln. Prof. H.M. Yamin No. 224 K

3. Name : Listya Winarti

Age : 29 years old

Place, Date of Birth : Medan, 30th October 1990

Occupation : Teacher

Address : Jln. G.B. Josua No. 222 GG

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