The Legacy of T. C. Chao

Winfried Gluer

ccording to the official pinyin romanization recently made a major contribution to the Tambaram, Madras meeting of A adopted in China, Chao's name is to be spelled Zhao Ze­ the IMC in 1938. At the first Assembly of the World Council of chen. However, as Chao himself used the older form for his name, Churches (WCC) at Amsterdam in 1948, he was elected as one of it is given here in the familiar spelling. Had he lived longer he the six presidents of the WCC, representing the East Asian would, no doubt, have accepted the new romanization. He was churches. Shortly afterward, in April 1951, at the height of the Ko­ never a traditionalist, but always remained flexible in responding rean conflict, Chao resigned from this office in a dramatic move, to new developments, and this flexibility is an outstanding mark because of the "Statement on the Korean Situation and World Or­ of his character.It must not be mistaken for a lack of stability. In der," which the Central Committee of the WCC had issued at its looking at the legacy of T. C. Chao it is obvious that there is con­ meeting in Toronto the preceding year. In his letter to Dr. Visser 't sistency amid the apparent changes of position. Although Chao's Hooft he stated clearly that his resignation was of his own free thinking, indeed, underwent far-reaching changes, his basic con­ will: "I have complete freedom to affirm my faith in, and my loy­ cern remained the same. alty to Jesus Christ, my Lord and Savior." In 1956 Chao came un­ The various features of Chao's personality were well de­ der attack in China for his collaboration with the imperialism of scribed when he received an honorary doctorate at Princeton Uni­ the American mission boards. He lost his teaching position and versity in 1947 together with thirty-five other persons (among had to resign his office as dean of the renowned School of Religion them General Dwight Eisenhower and Cardinal Tisserant): "fore­ of Yenjing University at Beijing, the enlarged campus of which to­ most interpreter of Christian faith to Oriental minds, scholar, in­ day houses Beijing University. Consequently, Chao had to experi­ spiring teacher, distinguished poet, gentle mystic." To emphasize ence bitter years, although he later participated in the Three-Self that Chao was a prolific writer would seem redundant, since it is Movement. He suffered during the Cultural Revolution but expe­ implied in the eulogy. Yet, along with the diversity of his writing, rienced the joy of being rehabilitated officially shortly before his it is important to note its truly Chinese character. Chao was deeply death at the advanced age of ninety-two (in the Chinese reckoning influenced by Chinese thought and it was for the sake of China of years). and its revolution that he struggled for most of his life to make the Chao taught theology at Yenjing beginning in 1926. Before Christian church in China a Chinese church, and this not in a mere­ that, he had been a professor at the Methodist Dongwu University ly intellectual way but in the real life of the church in Chinese so­ in Suzhou, his own alma mater. (In fact, he had attended school in ciety. Suzhou from the age of fourteen.) He wrote two detailed bio­ Chao was known in China before liberation as one of the graphical accounts of his younger years, which reflect, among oth­ leading theologians of the Chinese church. As such he is still high­ er things, the motivation for some of the important decisions that ly honored today by the church in the New China, even though he set the course for his later life. These accounts were both pub­ was extremely critical of the institutional church and, at the end of lished in Chinese under the title "My Religious Experience." Styl­ his life, moved away from Christianity itself, disclaiming the theo­ ized as they are, with the objective of personal witness to young logical validity of all his former writings. Yet there is little doubt Chinese intellectuals, they reveal to some degree Chao's intimate about his contributions to theology in a Chinese context, even if feelings and character. they leave many questions open. In his struggle for contextualiza­ Chao came from a family that had suffered economically from tion of the gospel, both in Chinese traditional culture and in con­ the upheavals of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom in the middle of temporary society, Chao clearly pointed to major problems the the nineteenth century, not very long before he was born. In his Chinese church will yet have to discuss in coming years. younger years, he had to struggle against financial difficulties. His Chao was well known in ecumenical circles beyond China. father wanted to train him for a business career, but Chao had al­ His theological reflection and experience are of importance even ready set his mind on studying at a foreign school, even though today in Asian, African, and Latin American countries where simi­ the Bodhisattva Guanyin whom he consulted during a special visit lar questions are being raised in the search for an ecumenical the­ to [uehai Monastery on Lingquanshan had advised him to attend a ology, with which he dealt in his own quest for true practice of the Chinese middle school in Hangzhou instead. At school he decided Christian faith in a revolutionary setting. to join the church, a decision that gave rise to stern resistance at home. Even at the age of twenty-one Chao was beaten several A Biographical Sketch times by his father for his betrayal of the old faith. Later, however, his parents also followed his example and became Christians. Chao Chao was born on February 14, 1888, in Deqing in the province of remained critical of the mission school throughout his life because [ejiang. He died in Beijing on November 21, 1979. As he participat­ of its compulsory Christian education and, even worse, compul­ ed in the work of the Chinese National Christian Council from its sory attendance at worship services. His decision to join the very beginning in 1922, and had published a great number of theo­ church was not influenced by the school as such but, rather, by logical articles and some monographs, he soon became widely personal encounters with Christian friends, and his conversion did known throughout China. He participated in the Jerusalem meet­ not mean for him the abandonment of Chinese culture. At one ing of the International Missionary Council (IMC) in 1928 and time-these were the years of high national feeling, shortly after the Boxer uprising succumbed to Western arms-Chao joined anti-Western and anti-Christian activities. But in the long run the Winfried Gli/er, East Asia Secretary of the Association of Churches and Missions in Christian influence was stronger. John Mott's visit to Suzhou left a South West Germany, served in HongKongas director of the Christian Study Center on deep impression on Chao. One year later, in 1908, he asked to be Chinese Religion and Culture, and as editor of Ching Feng. baptized.

October 1982 165 For his theological education Chao went to the United States. logical school. Among the latter the prophets of the Social Gospel, From 1914 to 1917 he studied theology at Vanderbilt University in whose thought Chao had imbibed with his daily food during the Nashville, Tennessee. He was a brilliant student who acquainted years in Nashville, hold a foremost place. The question, however, himself extensively, beyond the theological field, with Western is whether Chao cites these Western thinkers merely to echo their philosophy. He also took some courses in sociology. In 1916 he ob­ views, or because their system ofthought reinforced an expression. tained his M.A. degree, and concluded his studies at Vanderbilt in of his own Chinese understanding of the world and of Christian 1917. As the best student, surpassing his American classmates, he theology. The latter is obviously the case. Chao confirms this with was honored with the Founder's Medal. his two monographs of the mid-1920s. Chao's reflections on his development reveal a great sensitiv­ His Christian Philosophy and Jesus' Philosophy ofLife-On theSermon ity in the years of his childhood. At times he experienced visions On the Mount, each written in a record time of about three weeks, and appearances. Also, at later times, he spoke of dreams that had expound Christian doctrine in Chinese vestments. The former some influence on him. But a strong rational trait superseded this work is written in the form of a dialogue, and its purpose is again mystic inclination, which expressed itself in his lyricism and es­ apologetic. Among the participants in the dialogue, Chao includes theticism. The rational element remained dominant in his theolo­ some students of science who represent the thought of the intel­ gy. But its extreme expression, in which Chao, sure of himself, lectuals of his day in the wake of the May 4th movement. Chao ostracized other modes of Christian thought after his return from takes up the whole range of theological themes already dealt with Vanderbilt University, was scorned by Chao himself a decade later in his earlier writings, this time in systematic order. The main em­ when he renounced this "youthful immaturity." phasis is to express Christian theology in the framework of Confu­ Chao returned to China in 1917, bent on contributing to its cian thought, a most fascinating undertaking. He boldly paints a national reconstruction as he had earlier decided to do at the age of portrait of Jesus, which, in the end, turns out to resemble Confu­ sixteen, when he was a middle-school student at Suzhou. The mis­ cius more than Jesus of Nazareth as presented by the New Testa­ sionary goal set by Mott at the Edinburgh Conference in 1910 had ment Gospels. Similarly, in the second work, the Sermon on the convinced Chao that China would be Christian in one generation. Mount is interpreted basically from a viewpoint of the Confucian It was his hope, indeed, to renew China through the Christian spirit. It is not so much a return to historic Confucianism, which at spirit and a dedicated Christian life. that time had already been rejected by China's intellectuals, but Most of Chao's writings have been published in the Chinese rather, an attempt at dialogue with Chinese humanism, be it tradi­ language, but there are about thirty articles in English. In these he tional Confucian humanism or the humanism of the Chinese Re­ addresses himself to theological problems arising in the context of naissance. However, Chao had to learn soon that the two were not China and of the church ecumenical. Many of these English publi­ so closely related as he had believed. Brilliant as his approach ap­ cations were meant as a challenge to current Western theological pears-it might have been widely accepted had it been developed thought from his Chinese vantage point. The themes of these writ­ some decades earlier-Chao was nevertheless forced to abandon ings focus around two emphases. One is the basic theological his attempts at coming to a full Christian-Confucian synthesis. He question of the authenticity of Christianity as expressed, for ex­ later spoke in a rather critical way of the theological premises un­ ample, in his "Revelation" written for the Madras Conference of derlying his theology during this period, particularly his Christian the International Missionary Council. The themes of two early ar­ Philosophy, in which salvation in Christ is interpreted as an attain­ ticles indicate the other focus, expressed more extensively: "The ment to the perfection of humankind in Confucian terms. Appeal of Christianity to the Chinese Mind" and, complementary A dialogue with China's youth was imperative for Chao. His to this, the more direct practical question "Can Christianity Be the many articles published in the Yenjing journal Zhenli yu shengming Basis of Social Reconstruction in China?" (Truth and Life) in which, among others, the tradition of the Apol­ More than 100 articles in Chinese are available to us. Most of ogetic Group is continued, show his incessant efforts at convincing them were published in journals edited in Beijing by a group of young university students of the real power of the Christian spirit. Chinese and foreign Christians. The origins of this circle date back Dedication and self-sacrifice are exemplified by Jesus. To follow to the Apologetic Group, formed in 1918, under the influence of Jesus in China would mean China's spiritual salvation and social the May 4th movement, when Chinese intellectuals discarded the renewal. Again and again the social situation of China is analyzed traditional Chinese framework and brought about a "Chinese Re­ by Chao and confronted with the appeal to selfless sacrifice for the naissance." Some alert Christians saw the urgency of a Christian country. The tone of these writings becomes less apologetic. Al­ contribution for which this situation seemed to call. though this element never disappears completely, it becomes more Chen Duxiu, one of the group that in 1921 secretly founded pastoral. The journal expresses the communal experience of the the Chinese Communist party, published an article in February Life-Fellowship, a model for a Christian elite at Yenjing that Chao 1920 in which he pointed to thewonderful personality of Jesus as wished to see expanding over all of China, to reach its villages in an inspiration to the Chinese in their national commitment. Chao far provinces and to transform the life of the peasants. contributed to the publication of the Apologetic Group and eager­ In this period of the mid-1930s, Chao wrote The LifeofJesus, a ly spelled out the main principles of Christian theology. He took work that also follows liberal theological thought patterns. The great pains to show that religion, that is, Christian revelation and book is not intended as a historical investigation of the life of Je­ the reality of God, is easily accessible by philosophic reasoning. In sus. Chao describes with much imagination and, sometimes, daring these efforts, he readily joined forces with the philosophical-natu­ freedom the "eternal reality" of Jesus in the experience of faith. ralist tradition, blended with the pragmatism of William James. The book is written in masterly Chinese language and became a Later, when Chao gradually became disenchanted with the grow­ best-seller. By 1948 it had appeared in five reprints. Another re­ ing anti-Christian and clearly secularist trends in intellectual Chi­ print was published in 1965 in Hong Kong, although Chao's theo­ na, traits of idealism and personalism came to the forefront of his logical presuppositions of the 1930s are scarcely in accord with the thought and were never fully excluded from his thinking. requirements of contemporary Christianity. Chao looked back at It is interesting to analyze the effects of Chao's student years this book with pride in its literary success, but he criticized the un­ at Vanderbilt in his early writings where we find a distinguished bridled use of imagination, which impaired its theological quality. and somewhat strange consortium of Western, and particularly His later theological monographs are of a different nature. In American, philosophers together with the liberal American theo­ these he left the spirit of liberal theology far behind, although the

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Clarke, S.J. o Send application and more informa tion . NAME _ ADDRESS _ CITY STATE ZIP _ rational element of his younger years was not eliminated.- A com­ sant reflection on the legitimacy of his venture and in the process prehensive study entitled An Interpretation ofChristianity, and The Life of his theological expression itself. of Paul were written during the war in Beijing. The former consti­ tutes a more or less systematic theology written after his spectacu­ Contextualization lar renunciation of liberal thought. After the prolegomena, the relationship between Christianity and Chinese culture are dis­ Chao was a contextual theologian long before that term was cussed extensively. Since practical application in the concrete life coined. Context included for him the totality of life, in its cultural situation is inseparable from Christian faith, and also from the as well as sociopolitical dimensions. Challenged by the radical core of Chinese understanding, the book culminates in a chapter changes for China, the need of which was already clearly felt by on Christian ethics. In its description of a just social and political him in his teens, and which continued through the Chinese Revo­ order, it reflects Chao's dissatisfaction with the incompetent Guo­ lution from Sun Yat-sen to Mao Zedong, he constantly sought for mindang regime, which he had already voiced in the late 1930s. The an articulation of the relevance of the gospel. He was deeply influ­ Life of Paul shows Chao's concern for the church and its mission. enced by the earlier Social Gospel although he never accepted its The new discovery of Chao after the failure of liberalism was later development and often criticized "mere social action." The the church. This discovery coincides with his decision to join the personalist approach of his Christian ethics, in accordance with the Anglican church in China, and he was ordained in 1941. Several earlier Social Gospel and, as it were, Neo-Confucianism, proved a treatises on the church spell out the mystery of the body of Christ limitation to the viability of his hopes. Chao experienced a great and his saving act. The Christianization of the social order, which disappointment for this reason, especially in the light of the mi­ he wanted to attain directly in former times, now appears in an es­ nority situation of Christianity and the obvious shortcomings of a chatological perspective. The kingdom of God, however, will be Chinese church, which for the most part was out of touch with the forshadowed through the reality of thechurch, sociopolitical context of China. In introducing the writings of Chao, a booklet that deals with his personal experience must be mentioned. "My Experience in New China Prison" (published 1947, in Chinese) gives a deep insight into his life. He was imprisoned by the Japanese, on the day of the Pearl Like many other intellectuals, Chao was late to realize the real Harbor attack, for a period of six months. During this time the power of the communist revolution. But already at Amsterdam in theological recognition of the breakdown of liberalism, clearly 1948 he pointed out that a meaningful life for Chinese society was experienced by Chao in preceding years, took final form. Chao's to be found only by drastic changes. With expectation and fears he reflections on this change give valuable insights into the develop­ awaited the communist troops to take Beijing, and soon rejoiced in ment of his thinking. liberation and the opportunities for Christians to participate in There is yet another category of Chao's writings to be men­ building the motherland. In his personal experience, he was not tioned: his poems. "My Experience in Prison" contains about 170 spared bitter disappointments, however. Finally Christianity no poems that Chao composed and memorized in prison and put on longer held any relevance for him in view of the achievements of paper after his release. There are other volumes of poems, some of the New China. It is difficult for an outsider to understand this his poetry dealing with biblical themes. Chao also wrote church long intellectual journey. Its end, however, does not appear incon­ hymns in simple form for the use of Chinese congregations in their sistent with Chao's earlier thought, especially with his incessant worship services. Other poems deal with the wonders of nature. calls for practice by which faith is to be realized. Chao saw the ba­ Tao Yuanming, in his quest for life and meaning, and the great lyr­ sis for it in the New Testament, and this with the eyes of a down­ ics of: the Tang Dynasty meant much to Chao and influenced his to-earth Confucianist. But in his situation he did not find writings as well as his thinking. sufficient evidence of this attitude in the actual performance of Christianity. Chinese Theology In his theology a number of questions about a theological an­ thropology, the understanding of God, church and society-all re­ How much Chao's lifework centered on the task of a Chinese lated to the Chinese context-remain open. That he was twice Christian theology is evident from the preceding account. A pre­ overwhelmed, as it were, by his context does not speak against the supposition for the positive task of developing a Chinese theology task of contextualization as such. Admission by Chao himself of is a critique of Western theological thinking. Chao was not slow to his failure as a theologian in a letter only a few months before his apply his sharp criticism of the traditional doctrines, but bold re­ death does not allow us to dismiss his work as meaningless. In fact, jection of elements of Western theology was for him no more than he has left a legacy for the Chinese church and ecumenical theolo­ a first step in freeing the Chinese church from foreign bondage. gy by the very fact of his personal aporia. And there is a Chinese Again and again he attempted to express the gospel positively and church in China today, eagerto accept it and to continue where authentically in the Chinese context, both by thorough and inces­ Chao was not able to carryon.

Selected Bibliography of T. C. Chao fiaohuidi tiyong yu qi biyaoxing (The Nature, Purpose, and Necessity of the 1. Monographs in Chinese Language Church). Shanghai, 1946. jidujiaodi lunli (Christian Ethics). Shanghai, 1948. Xiyuji (My Experience in Prison). Shanghai, 1948. jidujiao jexue (Christian Philosophy). Shanghai, 1925. Yesudi Rensheng jexue. mingdengshan baoxun xinjie (Jesus' Philosophy of Life- Shenxue sixiang(Four Talks on Theology). Shanghai, 1948. On the Sermon on the Mount). Shanghai, 1926. Yesu zhuan (The Life of Jesus). Shanghai, 1935. 2. Short Selection of Chao's Writings in Western Bolisheng (Poems). N.p., n.d., introduction dated 1938. Languages Baledi zhongjiao sixiang(The Theology of Barth). Hong Kong, 1939. jidujiao jinjie (An Interpretation of Christianity). Shanghai, 1947. "Christianity and Confucianism," International Review of Missions 17 (1928): Sheng baoluo zhuan (The Life of Paul). Shanghai, 1947. 588-600.

168 "Preface to the Moral and Social Problems of Chinese Youth," Student World "Christian Churches in Communist China," Christianity and Crisis, June 27, 24 (1931): 206-14. 1949, pp. 83-85. "The Church," in As It Looks to YoungChina, ed. William Hung. New York: IIRed Peiping after Six Months," Christian Century, Sept. 14, 1949, pp. 1066­ Friendship Press, 1932, pp. 143-77. 68. The Christian Movement in China in a Period of National Transition, ed. J. Merle 3. Secondary Literature Davis. Mysore City: Dept. of Social and Industrial Research of the Inter­ national Missionary Council, 1938 (articles by T. C. Chao, R. O. Hall, Gliier, Winfried, Chrisiliche Theologie in China: T C. Chao 1918-1956. Giiters­ and Roderick Scott). loh: Giitersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1979 (with detailed bibliogra­ "Revelation," in The Authority of the Faith. The Madras Series, vol. 1. New phy). York and London: International Missionary Council, 1938, pp. 22-57. ---. "T. C. Chao and the Quest for Life and Meaning," China Notes 18, "A Chinese Delegate Looks at Tambaram," Christendom 4 (1939): 197-204. no. 4 (1980): 120-33. "The Articulate Word: The Problem of Communication," International Re­ Ng Lee-ming. "Christianity and Social Change. The Case of China 1920­ viewof Missions 36 (1947): 482-89. 1950," unpublished Th.D. dissertation, Princeton Theological Seminary, IIDas Zeugnis der Christen in China," in Amsterdamer Dokumente, Berichte und 1971; published in part as IIAn Evaluation of T. C. Chao's Thought," Reden auf der Weltkirchenkonferenz in Amsterdam 1948, ed. Focko Liipsen. Ching Feng 14 (1971): 5-59. Bielefeld: Evangelischer Presseverband, 1948. --."A Bibliography of T. C. Chao and Y. T. Wu," ChingFeng 16 (1973): "Amsterdam in the Perspective of the Younger Churches," Ecumenical Review 166-77. I, no. 2 (1949): 131-36. ---. "The Promise and Limitations of Chinese Protestant Theologians, "Days of Rejoicing in China," Christian Century, March 2, 1949, pp. 265-67. 1920-1950," Ching Feng 21, no. 4 (1978)-22, no. 1 (1979): 175-82.

PIPKA: An Indonesian Response to Mission

Charles Chrisiano

IPKA (Pengutusan Injil dan Pelayanan Kasih-Sending, ner to add to the minimal amounts coming from local churches and PGospel, Ministry, Love) is the Board for Missions and individual contributions. Charities of the Muria (Mennonite) Christian Church of Indone­ PIPKA's first outreach was in the city of Surakarta (Solo) in sia. * The Muria church became an independent body more than southern Central Java (the Muria church itself being centered in fifty years ago, since which time it has had several periods of in­ northern Central Java east of the provincial capital, Semarang). But tense missionary outreach. PIPKA was established in May 1965 by this first effort was poorly planned and supported in terms of both several leaders of the Muria church in an attempt to create an or­ finances and personnel. The stagnation of this first effort was a se­ gan through which their growing vision for missionary outreach vere blow to PIPKA's founders. Why did their efforts seem to could be carried out. This vision, however, was not shared by come to naught? Was it like the fig tree in Luke 13? many of the older leadership. The men who formed the PIPKA or­ The second effort seemed to work out like a miracle in com­ ganization had acted on their own, not on the basis of a decision of parison to Solo. There were many uncertainties in seeking to es­ the General Assembly of the synod. The articles of incorporation tablish a church in Jakarta, Indonesia's sprawling capital city in had been drawn up assigning to the assembly the authority to ap­ West Java. Some of the workers there thought they knew how point the members of PIPKA's board, so that when the fact of the Noah must have felt as he built his ark. It seemed to them like a creation of the new mission board was presented to the General nightmare as people "leered and jeered" at them. Yet the Lord Assembly, it was difficult to do anything but accept it. honored their efforts and the newly planted church flourished. The fact that the rank and file of congregational leaders were PIPKA was like the goad of Acts 26:14 in the midst of the not enthusiastic about the new organizaton and had not yet caught Muria church. There it was; none could deny its existence. While the vision of its founders is evident in that for a number of years it was not greatly appreciated, it was difficult for detractors to op­ congregational support for PIPKA was quite limited. In fact, the pose it. PIPKA's supporters grappled with hard questions: Would early leaders of the mission did not realistically expect a great deal such a small, weak church ever be ready consistently to obey the of support initially from the local churches. What they needed mandate to evangelize the world? How could PIPKA go about ful­ from the churches was a formal endorsement on which basis they filling the Great Commission? Could an Indonesian church from could then seek additional support from overseas partners. This an ethnic minority (mostly Chinese) really minister to its own peo­ strategy might have worked had not the primary overseas partner ple without substantial foreign aid in personnel and finances? in the United States, the Mennonite Central Committee (MCC), at They likened their experience to that of the Israelites wandering in that precise time changed its policy for providing financial aid. Up the wilderness: sometimes hopeful and rejoicing but also marred to that point MCC-which is basically a relief, service, and devel­ with murmurings and bitterness, reinforcing a temptation to give opment agency-had responded individually to requests for finan­ up. cial assistance from the Muria church, its congregations and By the end of the 1960s PIPKA's financial problems, resulting organizations. Now, however, MCC decided to provide the church from minimal support of the Muria church and the allocation of with a lump sum each year and it would be the General Assem­ most of the overseas-partner aid to other uses, forced the PIPKA bly's decision as to how the funds were to be used. PIPKA, having leadership to devise a plan whereby they might obtain support only a minimal number of supporters in the assembly, received only a minimal amount of the financial aid from the overseas part- *For a full account of the historical development of PIPKA and the Muria church, see Lawrence Yoder, "The Church of the Muria: A Historyof the Muria Christian Church Charles Christano, oneof the pioneer workers in PIPKA and a Muria pastor in Central of Indonesia-GKMl " unpublished master's thesis, School of World Mission, Fuller Java, hasserved as chairman of the Muria Synod and president of the Mennonite World Theological Seminary, Pasadena, California, 1981, 633 pages, available from Universi­ Conference. ty Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106.

October 1982 169