DOCSLIB.ORG

Relations Between the Southern Dynasties (Nanchao) and the Xiyu*

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Relations Between the Southern Dynasties (Nanchao) and the Xiyu* International Journal of Korean History (Vol.18 No.1, Feb. 2013) 39 Relations between the Southern Dynasties (Nanchao) and the Xiyu* Cho, Yun Jae (Cho Yunjae)** Introduction Before Nanchao, there had already been frequent exchange of people throughout the Han Dynasty, three Kingdoms and Wei-Jin period. Thus perception towards the Western Regions has been matured. But the frequency and scale of cultural exchange were varied depending on political tuburlence of China. In particular, conflicts between the south and the north during the Nanchao period, had distracted the direct contacts and exchange of goods and people. On the other hand, internal political turmoil within Roman Empire affected the cultural exchange network between the west and east. Relations between the Beichao and the Western Regions were active with a favored geographic environment and shared historical ties1. However, the diplomatic relationship between Nanchao and the Western Regions had never been cut off2. Paths were more diversified by securing west- south route and the southern coast route, facilitating the direct contact with the Western Regions3. Even the cultural exchange between Nanchao and Beichao was more flexible and active than we assume. In particular, ** This work was supported by the Korea Research Foundation Grant funded by the Korean Government (KRF-2009-32A-A00026). ** Assistant Professor, Department of History and Archaeology, Inje University 40 Relations between the Southern Dynasties (Nanchao) and the Xiyu various trade schemes of Nanchao have been underestimated, compared to those of Beichao. The simple biased view to understand Chinese ancient traffic routes led to assumption that interchange between Nanchao and the Western Regions was repressed due to political conflicts between Nanchao and Beichao. Nanchao maintained cultural exchange with the Western Regions via Tuyuhun with a stronghold in Bashu utilizing Yangtze river traffic resource. In addition, it indirectly kept relation with South-East and Southern Asian empires via maritime routes along the East-south coastline. Indirect cultural exchange between Nanchao and the Western Regions through impressions of the western regions embedded in Beichao culture was recognized. Such socio-political situations played a role in leaving the trace of cultural impressions of the Western Regions in the cultural relics of Nanchao. The context and details of relations between Nanchao and the Western Regions was recorded in the text, which provides factual evidence to explain their relations. In this paper, literature and related archaeological records were reviewed and the process of cultural exchange and the attitude of Nanchao towards the Western Regions to reveal a part of west- east cultural exchange. Diplomacy of Nanchao (the Southern Dynasties) toward Western Regions Indirect interchange though the relations with the Northern Dynasties After fall of Western Jin(西晉), the upper class society with a traditional stronghold in the Lo-yang(洛陽), the capital of Jin and its surrounding regions, migrated to the south. Thus Lo-yang lost its position as the cultural core of China. The long-term warfare and frequent invasions of the Northern tribes made Eastern Jin based in the south of Yangtze river, so called as Jiangnan(江南), to be considered as the sole legitimate regime for Han people. Such intensive and constant conflicts among ethnic Cho, Yun Jae 41 groups caused the chaotic state all over China. Despite this complicated political situation, exchange of people and goods, visits between the south and the north had never been ceased. All the regimes in the north attempted to remain in touch with the Eastern Jin during the Five Barbarians and the Sixteen Kingdoms period (Wu Hu; 五胡十六國時期). Later, in Northern Dynasties, one emperor of the Northern Wei, Xiao Wen Di (孝文帝) even tried to adopt Jiangnan culture actively. Such attitudes created new cultural atmosphere in both societies, and also opened up the path for the Western Regions’s exotic culture in the Northern Dynasties (Beichao) to be introduced to the Southern Dynasties, so called Nanchao, later. The direct interchange through so called ‘Henan Circuit (河南道)’, the Southwestern Silkroad The traditional route to the Western Regions passing through Hexi or Gansu Corridor (河西走廊), Yumen (玉門), Yangguan (陽關), was occupied by the Northern Dynasties. Thus Nanchao secured a new route to the Western Regions via Yizhou(益州) by opening the diplomatic relations with several regimes in Liangzhou (諸凉). That is so called ‘Henan Circuit(河南道)4. The Western Region regimes posted delegates for economic benefits and political negotiations to Nanchao under permission of Tuyuhun (土谷 渾). These include Jushi-gaochang (麴氏高昌), Baishi-guic i(白氏龜玆), Hotan (于闐), Gepantuo (葛盤陀), Roulan (柔然)5, Ephtal (壓達), Sogd (粟 特), Sassanian Persia (波斯), Northern India (天竺國), Baitimoju (白題末 局). This served as an opportunity for the Western Regions’ goods to be introduced to Nanchao. Direct and indirect cultural exchanges through Southwestern maritime route. The main sea voyage route between the ancient China and the Western Regions runs through the South Sea and the Indian Ocean6. Along the 42 Relations between the Southern Dynasties (Nanchao) and the Xiyu coast of the Indian Ocean, it sets off via the Mediterranean to get to Europe. That route is so called the ‘Maritime Silk Road’. The exploration of Southwestern sea route was already recorded in Han Shu 漢書- the book of the Han Dynasty. However, it could be traced back to 222 BC. After unification of China by the Chin Dynasty, the conquering expedition on Nanyue Province became intensified and the use of sea route in the Southwestern coast was eased by setting up pro- Chinese colonial regimes such as 閩中郡 (minzhongjun), 南海郡 (nanhaijun), 桂林郡 (guilinjun), 象郡 (xiangjun). Later, the cultural exchange became more intensive and frequent during the Han Dynasty7. Opening up the cultural exchange in the earlier period eventually led to a favourable environment for Nanchao occupying the Jiangnan and Lingnan provinces to have active extravert activities. For Nanchao, cultural exchange with the southern sea region had been continued since the Emperor Wu of Han(漢武帝). Roman and Persian merchants had expanded their market to the Southern Sea and toward inland of China. <Figure 1> Reconstructed Silkroad routes map * Liuyingsheng, 1995, 『Silkroad, vol.maritime』, Zhejiang People's Publishing House Cho, Yun Jae 43 This private trades led to form direct diplomatic relations between Nanchao and the Western Regions. Context of diplomatic relations between Nanchao and the Western Regions. Diplomatic relations between Nanchao and the Western Regions Few contextual evidence about diplomatic relations between Nanchao and the Western Regions are known. It appears that the lack of detailed record must be due to instable political situation of that time8. The articles stating the diplomatic relations between Nanchao and the Western Regions in the historical texts are mostly about delegates posted from the Western Regions to Nanchao. Although there was a few delegates from Nanchao to the Western Regions, which was a rare occasion of sending envoys due to a need for coordinating military affairs. <Table 1> Envoys from the Western Regions to Nanchao Relations (offerings) between the Date Reference Western Regions and Nanchao 439, 元嘉十六年 沮渠高昌 envoy to Nanchao 『魏書』卷一百二·西域傳 『南史』卷二·宋本紀 442, 元嘉十九年 沮渠高昌 envoy to Nanchao 『魏書』卷三十九·李寶傳 443, 元嘉二十年 沮渠高昌 envoy to Nanchao 『宋書』卷五·文帝紀 444, 元嘉二十一年 沮渠高昌 envoy to Nanchao 『資治通鑑』卷一百二十四·宋紀 459, 大明三年 沮渠高昌 envoy to Nanchao 『宋書』卷六·孝武帝本紀 502~519, 天監年間 鞠氏高昌 envoy to Nanchao 『太平廣記』卷八十一·梁四公 535~546, 大同年間 鞠氏高昌 envoy to Nanchao 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 503, 天監二年 白氏龜玆 envoy to Nanchao 『南史』卷六·梁本紀 521, 普通二年 白氏龜玆 envoy to Nanchao(梁) 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 510, 天監九年 于闐 envoy to Nanchao (方物) 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 44 Relations between the Southern Dynasties (Nanchao) and the Xiyu Relations (offerings) between the Date Reference Western Regions and Nanchao 于闐 envoy to Nanchao 514, 天監十三年 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 (波羅波步障) 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 519, 天監十八年 于闐 envoy to Nanchao (琉璃器) 『南史』卷六·梁本紀 541, 大同七年 于闐 envoy to Nanchao (玉佛) 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 546, 梁中大同元年 渴盤陀 envoy to Nanchao (方物) 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 『南史』卷二·宋本紀 442, 元嘉十九年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao (方物) 『宋書』卷五·文帝本紀 『南史』卷二·宋本紀 463, 大明七年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao (方物) 『南齊書』卷五十九·茹茹虐傳 467, 泰始三年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao (方物) 『宋書』卷八·明帝紀 468, 泰始四年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao (方物) 『宋書』卷八·明帝紀 471, 泰始七年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao (方物) 『宋書』卷八·明帝紀 472, 泰豫元年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao (方物) 『宋書』卷九·后廢帝紀 『南齊書』卷五十九·茹茹虐傳 480, 建元元年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao(方物) 『南史』卷四·齊本紀 柔然 envoy to Nanchao (齊), 483~493, 永明年間 (醫員, 工匠, 指南車 demanded 『南齊書』卷五十九·茹茹虐傳 for 南齊 rejected) 515, 天監十四年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao9* 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 516, 天監十五年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao 『梁書』卷二·武帝紀 520, 普通元年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao 『梁書』卷五十四·諸夷傳 528, 大通二年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao 『南史』卷七·梁本紀 529, 中大通二年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao 『南史』卷七·梁本紀 『梁書』卷二·武帝紀 538, 大同四年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao 『南史』卷七·梁本紀 『梁書』卷三·武帝紀 541, 大同七年 柔然 envoy to Nanchao 『南史』卷七·梁本紀 壓達(Ephtal) envoy to Nanchao 516, 天監十五年 『梁書』卷五十四·諸夷傳 (方物) 『梁職貢圖』10* 520, 普通元年 壓達 envoy to Nanchao (貢物) 『南史』卷七·梁本紀 526, 普通七年 壓達 envoy to Nanchao (貢物) 『梁書』卷三·武帝紀 Cho, Yun Jae 45 Relations (offerings) between the Date Reference Western Regions and Nanchao 535, 大同元年 壓達 envoy to Nanchao (貢物) 『梁書』卷三·武帝紀 541, 大同七年 壓達 envoy to Nanchao (貢物) 『梁書』卷三·武帝紀 441, 元嘉十八年 粟特(Sogd) envoy to Nanchao 『南史』卷二·宋本紀 粟特(Sogd) envoy to Nanchao 457~464, 大明年間 『南史』卷二·宋本紀 (火浣布, 獅子, 汗血馬) 波斯(Persia) envoy to Nanchao 530, 中大通二年 『南史』卷七十九·夷陌傳 (佛牙) 533, 中大通五年 波斯(Persia) envoy to Nanchao 『南史』卷七·梁本紀 535, 大同元年
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Official Colours of Chinese Regimes: a Panchronic Philological Study with Historical Accounts of China
    TRAMES, 2012, 16(66/61), 3, 237–285 OFFICIAL COLOURS OF CHINESE REGIMES: A PANCHRONIC PHILOLOGICAL STUDY WITH HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF CHINA Jingyi Gao Institute of the Estonian Language, University of Tartu, and Tallinn University Abstract. The paper reports a panchronic philological study on the official colours of Chinese regimes. The historical accounts of the Chinese regimes are introduced. The official colours are summarised with philological references of archaic texts. Remarkably, it has been suggested that the official colours of the most ancient regimes should be the three primitive colours: (1) white-yellow, (2) black-grue yellow, and (3) red-yellow, instead of the simple colours. There were inconsistent historical records on the official colours of the most ancient regimes because the composite colour categories had been split. It has solved the historical problem with the linguistic theory of composite colour categories. Besides, it is concluded how the official colours were determined: At first, the official colour might be naturally determined according to the substance of the ruling population. There might be three groups of people in the Far East. (1) The developed hunter gatherers with livestock preferred the white-yellow colour of milk. (2) The farmers preferred the red-yellow colour of sun and fire. (3) The herders preferred the black-grue-yellow colour of water bodies. Later, after the Han-Chinese consolidation, the official colour could be politically determined according to the main property of the five elements in Sino-metaphysics. The red colour has been predominate in China for many reasons. Keywords: colour symbolism, official colours, national colours, five elements, philology, Chinese history, Chinese language, etymology, basic colour terms DOI: 10.3176/tr.2012.3.03 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyrighted Material
    INDEX Aodayixike Qingzhensi Baisha, 683–684 Abacus Museum (Linhai), (Ordaisnki Mosque; Baishui Tai (White Water 507 Kashgar), 334 Terraces), 692–693 Abakh Hoja Mosque (Xiang- Aolinpike Gongyuan (Olym- Baita (Chowan), 775 fei Mu; Kashgar), 333 pic Park; Beijing), 133–134 Bai Ta (White Dagoba) Abercrombie & Kent, 70 Apricot Altar (Xing Tan; Beijing, 134 Academic Travel Abroad, 67 Qufu), 380 Yangzhou, 414 Access America, 51 Aqua Spirit (Hong Kong), 601 Baiyang Gou (White Poplar Accommodations, 75–77 Arch Angel Antiques (Hong Gully), 325 best, 10–11 Kong), 596 Baiyun Guan (White Cloud Acrobatics Architecture, 27–29 Temple; Beijing), 132 Beijing, 144–145 Area and country codes, 806 Bama, 10, 632–638 Guilin, 622 The arts, 25–27 Bama Chang Shou Bo Wu Shanghai, 478 ATMs (automated teller Guan (Longevity Museum), Adventure and Wellness machines), 60, 74 634 Trips, 68 Bamboo Museum and Adventure Center, 70 Gardens (Anji), 491 AIDS, 63 ack Lakes, The (Shicha Hai; Bamboo Temple (Qiongzhu Air pollution, 31 B Beijing), 91 Si; Kunming), 658 Air travel, 51–54 accommodations, 106–108 Bangchui Dao (Dalian), 190 Aitiga’er Qingzhen Si (Idkah bars, 147 Banpo Bowuguan (Banpo Mosque; Kashgar), 333 restaurants, 117–120 Neolithic Village; Xi’an), Ali (Shiquan He), 331 walking tour, 137–140 279 Alien Travel Permit (ATP), 780 Ba Da Guan (Eight Passes; Baoding Shan (Dazu), 727, Altitude sickness, 63, 761 Qingdao), 389 728 Amchog (A’muquhu), 297 Bagua Ting (Pavilion of the Baofeng Hu (Baofeng Lake), American Express, emergency Eight Trigrams; Chengdu), 754 check
    [Show full text]
  • Inventing Chinese Buddhas: Identity, Authority, and Liberation in Song-Dynasty Chan Buddhism
    Inventing Chinese Buddhas: Identity, Authority, and Liberation in Song-Dynasty Chan Buddhism Kevin Buckelew Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2018 © 2018 Kevin Buckelew All rights reserved Abstract Inventing Chinese Buddhas: Identity, Authority, and Liberation in Song-Dynasty Chan Buddhism Kevin Buckelew This dissertation explores how Chan Buddhists made the unprecedented claim to a level of religious authority on par with the historical Buddha Śākyamuni and, in the process, invented what it means to be a buddha in China. This claim helped propel the Chan tradition to dominance of elite monastic Buddhism during the Song dynasty (960–1279), licensed an outpouring of Chan literature treated as equivalent to scripture, and changed the way Chinese Buddhists understood their own capacity for religious authority in relation to the historical Buddha and the Indian homeland of Buddhism. But the claim itself was fraught with complication. After all, according to canonical Buddhist scriptures, the Buddha was easily recognizable by the “marks of the great man” that adorned his body, while the same could not be said for Chan masters in the Song. What, then, distinguished Chan masters from everyone else? What authorized their elite status and granted them the authority of buddhas? According to what normative ideals did Chan aspirants pursue liberation, and by what standards did Chan masters evaluate their students to determine who was worthy of admission into an elite Chan lineage? How, in short, could one recognize a buddha in Song-dynasty China? The Chan tradition never answered this question once and for all; instead, the question broadly animated Chan rituals, institutional norms, literary practices, and visual cultures.
    [Show full text]
  • The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Wai Kit Wicky Tse University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tse, Wai Kit Wicky, "Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Abstract As a frontier region of the Qin-Han (221BCE-220CE) empire, the northwest was a new territory to the Chinese realm. Until the Later Han (25-220CE) times, some portions of the northwestern region had only been part of imperial soil for one hundred years. Its coalescence into the Chinese empire was a product of long-term expansion and conquest, which arguably defined the egionr 's military nature. Furthermore, in the harsh natural environment of the region, only tough people could survive, and unsurprisingly, the region fostered vigorous warriors. Mixed culture and multi-ethnicity featured prominently in this highly militarized frontier society, which contrasted sharply with the imperial center that promoted unified cultural values and stood in the way of a greater degree of transregional integration. As this project shows, it was the northwesterners who went through a process of political peripheralization during the Later Han times played a harbinger role of the disintegration of the empire and eventually led to the breakdown of the early imperial system in Chinese history.
    [Show full text]
  • Resaerch on the Creation and Booming of Bird Fu in the Han Dynasty
    2021 4th International Conference on Arts, Linguistics, Literature and Humanities (ICALLH 2021) Resaerch on the Creation and Booming of Bird Fu in the Han Dynasty Qunyi Ma ,Shinian Ma* Northwest Normal University, Lanzhou, Gansu, 730070, China *corresponding author:Shinian Ma Keywords: Poems on birds in the han dynasty, General situation of creation, Reasons for rise, Ideological connotation Abstract: The literature with birds as the subject has gone through the profound literary accumulation in the pre-Qin period. In the Han Dynasty, the subject of birds and the Han Fu achieved a perfect combination, forming a unique style of the Han Fu. This unique style is manifested in profound cultural accumulation, profound ideological connotation and distinctive artistic achievements. Bird Fu can be greatly developed in the Han Dynasty. On the one hand, it is related to the prosperity of Fu style literature. On the other hand, the unified and stable social environment of the Han Dynasty, the preference of the rulers for Fu, the frequent banquet activities and the interaction between writers Influence has a very important driving effect. The bird poetry of the Han Dynasty showed rich ideological connotation through the ways of embedding Taoism into things, borrowing things to chanting virtue, and entrusting things to express their will. 1. Introduction As early as the “Book of Songs” in the pre-Qin Dynasty, “birds” have entered literary works as a literary image. By the time of the Han Dynasty, the subject of birds had already entered the vision of fu masters, for example, when Jia Yi lived in Changsha, Wang Taifu wrote “Fu on the Birds.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese “Guanxi”: Does It Actually Matter?
    Asian Journal of Management Sciences & Education Vol. 8(1) January 2019 __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ CHINESE “GUANXI”: DOES IT ACTUALLY MATTER? Md. Bashir Uddin Khan 1, Yanwen Tang 2 1Researcher, Department of Sociology, School of Sociology and Political Science, Shanghai University, CHINA and Assistant Professor, Department of Criminology and Police Science, Mawlana Bhashani Science and Technology University, Santosh, Tangail, BANGLADESH; 2Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, School of Sociology and Political Science, Shanghai University, Shanghai, CHINA. [email protected], [email protected] ABSTRACT Guanxi, which evolved out of the Chinese social philosophy of Confucianism, is treated as one of the inevitable issues in the Chinese culture. The impact of guanxi starts from the family and ends up to the international trades and mutual agreements. This mutual and long-term reciprocity of exchanging some benefits often seems to be obscure to the foreigners, specially to the Westerners. Chinese social web is cemented by this strong phenomenon that is embedded in the Chinese people’s philosophical aspects.
    [Show full text]
  • How Poetry Became Meditation in Late-Ninth-Century China
    how poetry became meditation Asia Major (2019) 3d ser. Vol. 32.2: 113-151 thomas j. mazanec How Poetry Became Meditation in Late-Ninth-Century China abstract: In late-ninth-century China, poetry and meditation became equated — not just meta- phorically, but as two equally valid means of achieving stillness and insight. This article discusses how several strands in literary and Buddhist discourses fed into an assertion about such a unity by the poet-monk Qiji 齊己 (864–937?). One strand was the aesthetic of kuyin 苦吟 (“bitter intoning”), which involved intense devotion to poetry to the point of suffering. At stake too was the poet as “fashioner” — one who helps make and shape a microcosm that mirrors the impersonal natural forces of the macrocosm. Jia Dao 賈島 (779–843) was crucial in popularizing this sense of kuyin. Concurrently, an older layer of the literary-theoretical tradition, which saw the poet’s spirit as roaming the cosmos, was also given new life in late Tang and mixed with kuyin and Buddhist meditation. This led to the assertion that poetry and meditation were two gates to the same goal, with Qiji and others turning poetry writing into the pursuit of enlightenment. keywords: Buddhism, meditation, poetry, Tang dynasty ometime in the early-tenth century, not long after the great Tang S dynasty 唐 (618–907) collapsed and the land fell under the control of regional strongmen, a Buddhist monk named Qichan 棲蟾 wrote a poem to another monk. The first line reads: “Poetry is meditation for Confucians 詩為儒者禪.”1 The line makes a curious claim: the practice Thomas Mazanec, Dept.
    [Show full text]
  • Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950
    Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950 Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access China Studies published for the institute for chinese studies, university of oxford Edited by Micah Muscolino (University of Oxford) volume 39 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/chs Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950 Understanding Chaoben Culture By Ronald Suleski leiden | boston Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org. Cover Image: Chaoben Covers. Photo by author. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Suleski, Ronald Stanley, author. Title: Daily life for the common people of China, 1850 to 1950 : understanding Chaoben culture / By Ronald Suleski.
    [Show full text]
  • Contents More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-02077-1 — The Cambridge History of China Edited by Albert E. Dien , Keith N. Knapp Table of Contents More Information CONTENTS List of Figures and Tables page x List of Maps xiii Preface xv Six Dynasties Chronology xviii Introduction 1 part 1 history 25 1 Wei 27 by R AFE DE C RESPIGNY Prologue: The Fall of Han (189) 27 Civil War and the Rise of Cao Cao (190–200) 28 Development of a State (200–208) 32 The Limits of Expansion (208–217) 35 From Kingdom to Empire (216–220) 39 Cao Pi and Cao Rui (220–239) 42 Cao Shuang, Sima Yi, and the Fall of Wei (239–265) 46 2 Wu 50 by R AFE DE C RESPIGNY Sun Jian (c.155–191) and Sun Ce (175–200) 50 Sun Quan and the Kingdom of Wu (200–222) 52 The Empire of Sun Quan (222–252) 57 The Succession to Sun Quan and the Fall of Wu (252–280) 61 3 Shu-Han 66 by J. M ICHAEL F ARMER © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-02077-1 — The Cambridge History of China Edited by Albert E. Dien , Keith N. Knapp Table of Contents More Information iv contents The Shu Region in the Late Han 66 The Reign of Liu Yan and Liu Zhang 67 Liu Bei’s Conquest of Yi Province 68 The Reign of Liu Bei (214–223) 70 The Reign of Liu Shan (223–263) 73 4 Western Jin 79 by D AMIEN C HAUSSENDE The Prehistory of the Jin: The Rise of the Sima Clan under the Wei 79 The Reign of Emperor Wu (266–290) 84 The Disturbances of the Eight Princes and the Fall of the Western Jin 92 5 Eastern Jin 96 by C HARLES H OLCOMBE The Founding of the Eastern Jin Dynasty (317–420) 96 Émigrés and Natives 98 Wang Dun’s Rebellion 103 Great-Family Politics 106 Huan Wen 109 The Battle of the Fei River 112 The End of the Eastern Jin 114 An Evaluation 117 6 The Sixteen Kingdoms 119 by C HARLES H OLCOMBE The Emerging Threat 119 The Roads to the Fei River 125 After the Fei River Encounter 137 7 Cheng-Han State 145 by T ERRY F.
    [Show full text]
  • Levi Strauss & Co. Factory List
    LEVI STRAUSS & CO. FACTORY LIST Published : September 2014 Country Factory name Alternative factory name Address City State/Province Argentina Accecuer SA Juan Zanella 4656 Caseros Buenos Aires Avanti S.A. Coronel Suarez 1544 Olavarría Buenos Aires Best Sox S.A. Charlone 1446 Capital Federal Buenos Aires Buffalo S.R.L. Valentín Vergara 4633 Florida Oeste Buenos Aires Carlos Kot San Carlos 1047 Wilde Buenos Aires CBTex S.R.L. - Cut Avenida de los Constituyentes, 5938 Capital Federal Buenos Aires CBTex S.R.L. - Sew San Vladimiro, 5643 Lanús Oeste Buenos Aires Cooperativa de Trabajo Textiles Pigue Ltda. Altromercato Ruta Nac. 33 Km 132 Pigue Buenos Aires Divalori S.R.L Miralla 2536 Buenos Aires Buenos Aires Estex Argentina S.R.L. Superi, 3530 Caba Buenos Aires Gitti SRL Italia 4043 Mar del Plata Buenos Aires Huari Confecciones (formerly Victor Flores Adrian) Victor Flores Adrian Charcas, 458 Ramos Mejía Buenos Aires Khamsin S.A. Florentino Ameghino, 1280 Vicente Lopez Buenos Aires Ciudad Autonoma de Buenos La Martingala Av. F.F. de la Cruz 2950 Buenos Aires Aires Lenita S.A. Alfredo Bufano, 2451 Capital Federal Buenos Aires Manufactura Arrecifes S.A. Ruta Nacional 8, Kilometro 178 Arrecifes Buenos Aires Materia Prima S.A. - Planta 2 Acasusso, 5170 Munro Buenos Aires Procesadora Centro S.R.L. Francisco Carelli 2554 Venado Tuerto Santa Fe Procesadora Serviconf SRL Gobernardor Ramon Castro 4765 Vicente Lopez Buenos Aires Procesadora Virasoro S.A. Boulevard Drago 798 Pergamino Buenos Aires Procesos y Diseños Virasoro S.A. Avenida Ovidio Lagos, 4650 Rosario Santa Fé Provira S.A. Avenida Bucar, 1018 Pergamino Buenos Aires Spring S.R.L.
    [Show full text]
  • The Increasing Significance of Guanxi in China's Transitional Economy
    41st ANNUAL SOROKIN LECTURE The Increasing Significance of Guanxi in China’s Transitional Economy Dr. Yanjie Bian University of Minnesota and Xi’an Jiaotong University Delivered January 29, 2010, at the University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada © 2013 University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon ISBN: 978-0-88880-591-1 ABSTRACT How do we understand the increasing significance of guanxi (social connections) in China's transitional economy? Sociologist Yanjie Bian presents a theoretical model in which the fate of guanxi is considered as a function of institutional uncertainty and market competition. His Chinese data show that social networking is increasingly active when labor market competition increases, personal connections become extremely important when entrepreneurs start up their business or when they try to minimize negative consequences of economic crisis, and relational dependence decreases when business organizations gain a stable market position. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Yanjie Bian is Professor of Sociology at the University of Minnesota, and the Dean of the School of Humanities and Social Science and the Director of the Institute for Empirical Social Science Research, Xi'an Jiaotong University. He formerly taught at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, where he was the Founding Director of the Survey Research Center, Chair Professor, and Head of the Division of Social Science. An author of several books and numerous articles on social stratification and social networks, Dr. Bian is an internationally recognized authority on the sociology of China. He is currently leading a large research project to examine the changing roles of social networks in employment processes in urban China. Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Huangling Bei Monograph April 2020
    The Imperial Tomb Tablet of the Great Ming 大明皇陵之碑 With translation into English, annotations and commentary by Laurie Dennis April 2020 The town of Fengyang 凤阳, to the north of Anhui Province in the heart of China, may seem at first glance to be an ordinary, and rather unremarkable, provincial outpost. But carefully preserved in a park southwest of the town lies a key site for the Ming Dynasty, which ruled the Middle Kingdom from 1368 until 1644. Fengyang is where the eventual dynastic founder lost most of his family to the plague demons. This founder, Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋, was a grieving and impoverished peasant youth when he buried his parents and brother and nephew on a remote hillside near the town that he later expanded, renamed, and tried (unsuccessfully) to make his dynastic capital. Though Zhu had to leave his home to survive in the aftermath of the burial, he was a filial son, and regretted not being able to tend his family graves. Soon after becoming emperor, he transformed his family’s unmarked plots into a grand imperial cemetery for the House of Zhu, flanked by imposing statues (see the photo above, taken in 2006). He ordered that a stone tablet be placed before the graves, and carved with the words he wanted his descendants to read and ponder for generation after generation. The focus of this monograph is my translation of this remarkable text. The stele inscribed with the words of Zhu Yuanzhang, known as the Imperial Tomb Tablet of the Great Ming 大明皇陵之碑, or the Huangling Bei, stands over 7 meters high and is borne on the back of a stone turtle.
    [Show full text]