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Acting President Political affiliation Centre-right: Far right: Government of Ukraine UDAR Svoboda End of February-March 2014 Sobor Right sector Our Ukraine Indepedent: Oleksandr Turchynov Ministers Blok Yuliyi Tymoshenko/“Fatherland” Maidan activists Prime Minister Oligarchs Technocrat Main Sources: Wikipedia and Kyiv Post. For regional governors: Governmental http://www.worldstatesmen.org /Ukraine_prov.html. In general Minister of political parties are oriented towards personal affiliation rather bodies First Vice Arseniy Prime Vice Prime Vice Prime the Cabinet than ideology with the exception of the fascist party Svoboda. Yatsenyuk The many oligarchs and their closely related persons in the gov- Minister Minister Minister of Ministers ernment and as governors is here indicated with its own color, instead of a neutral technocratic or party color. There are quite Economy Prosecutor Security a few more connections to oligarchs than indicated here. Maidan activists have recieved many governmental posts. When they are linked to the far right sector as leaders or supporters of Bandera Oleksandr Volodymyr Ostap Vitaly and Dontsov their color is black, otherwise yellow. The initiator of National Sych Yarema Groysman Semerak Ukraine-NATO working group is indicated with a NATO flag. National Pros- Security Bank ecutor Council Internal Foreign Infra- Environ- Educa- Youth & Governor General Secretary Defense affairs Justice affairs Economy Finance Energy structure Agrarian ment Social Health tion Culture Sports Stepan Oleh Andriy Ihor Arsen Pavlo Andriy Pavlo Oleksandr Yuriy Maksym Ihor Andriy Lyudmyla Oleh Serhiy Yevhen Dmytro Kubiv Makhnitskyi Parubiyk Tenyukh Avakov Petrenko Deshchytsia Sheremeta Shlapak Prodan Burbak Shvaika Mokhnyk Denisova Musiy Kvit Nyshchuk Bulatov Anti Chief of the corruption Security Service Regional Donetsk Dnipro- Kiev Luhansk Zaporizhia Mykolaiv Poltava Kharkiv Odessa Rivne Lviv Ivano- Serhiy petrovsk Volodymyr Mykhailo Valeriy Mykola Viktor Ihor Volodymyr Volodymyr Iryna Frankivsk Tetyana Valentyn Governors Taruta Ihor Shandra Bolotskikh Baranov Romanchuk Bogajchuk Baluta Nemyrovsky Shulga Sekh Andriy Chornovol Nalhyvaichenkoh Kolomoyskiy Trotsenko Regions/oblast in order Lustration of wealthiest income. The autonomous re- gion Crimea and cities Sumy Zakarpattia Cherkasy Kirovo- Khmelnytskyi Zhyto- Vin- Chernivtsi Kherson Chernihiv Volyn Ternopil Kiev and Sevastopol Volodymyr Valeriy no new hrad no new myr nytsia no new no new Volodymyr Grygoriy Oleh are not included. Yegor Shulga Lunchenko appointment Oleksandr appointment Sydir Anatoliy appointment appointment Ivashko Pustovit Syrotyuk Sobolev yet Petik yet Kizin Oliynyk yet yet (c) Tord Björk 2014.

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Ukrainian Far Right
Nations in Transit brief May 2018 Far-right Extremism as a Threat to Ukrainian Democracy Vyacheslav Likhachev Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine and Russia Photo by Aleksandr Volchanskiy • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large ex- press their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society. • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euro- maidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society. • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state. • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, in- cluding by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities.
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List of Persons and Entities Under EU Restrictive Measures Over the Territorial Integrity of Ukraine
dhdsh PRESS Council of the European Union EN List of persons and entities under EU restrictive measures over the territorial integrity of Ukraine List of Persons Name Identifying Reasons Date of listing information 1. Sergey Valeryevich DOB: 26.11.1972. Aksyonov was elected 'Prime Minister of Crimea' in the Crimean 17.3.2014 AKSYONOV, Verkhovna Rada on 27 February 2014 in the presence of pro-Russian POB: Beltsy (Bălţi), gunmen. His 'election' was decreed unconstitutional by the acting Sergei Valerievich now Republic of Ukrainian President Oleksandr Turchynov on 1 March 2014. He actively AKSENOV (Сергей Moldova lobbied for the 'referendum' of 16 March 2014 and was one of the co- Валерьевич signatories of the ’treaty on Crimea´s accession to the Russian AKCëHOB), Federation’ of 18 March 2014. On 9 April 2014 he was appointed acting Serhiy Valeriyovych ‘Head’ of the so-called ‘Republic of Crimea’ by President Putin. On 9 AKSYONOV (Сергiй October 2014, he was formally ‘elected’ 'Head' of the so-called 'Republic Валерiйович Аксьонов) of Crimea'. Aksyonov subsequently decreed that the offices of ‘Head’ and ‘Prime Minister’ be combined. Member of the Russia State Council. 1/83 dhdsh PRESS Council of the European Union EN Name Identifying Reasons Date of listing information 2. Rustam Ilmirovich DOB: 15.8.1976 As former Deputy Minister of Crimea, Temirgaliev played a relevant role 17.3.2014 TEMIRGALIEV in the decisions taken by the ‘Supreme Council’ concerning the POB: Ulan-Ude, ‘referendum’ of 16 March 2014 against the territorial integrity of Ukraine. (Рустам Ильмирович Buryat ASSR He lobbied actively for the integration of Crimea into the Russian Темиргалиев) (Russian SFSR) Federation.
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Citizens and the State in the Government-Controlled Territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk Regions Problems, Challenges and Visions of the Future
Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions Problems, challenges and visions of the future Funded by: This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union through International Alert. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of International Alert and UCIPR and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. Layout: Nick Wilmot Creative Front cover image: A mother and daughter living in temporary accommodation for those displaced by the violence in Donetsk, 2014. © Andrew McConnell/Panos © International Alert/Ukrainian Center for Independent Political Research 2017 Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions Problems, challenges and visions of the future October 2017 2 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 3 2. Methodology 6 3. Findings 7 4. Statements from interviewees 22 5. Conclusions and recommendations 30 Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions 3 1. INTRODUCTION The demarcation line (the line of contact)1 and the ‘grey zone’ between the government-controlled2 and uncontrolled territories3 of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions separates the parties to the conflict in the east of Ukraine. The areas controlled by the Ukrainian authorities and bordering the ‘grey zone’ are very politically sensitive, highly militarised, and fall under a special governance regime that is different from the rest of the country. In the absence of a comprehensive political settlement and amid uncertain prospects, it is unclear how long this situation will remain. It is highly likely that over the next few years, Ukrainians in areas adjacent to the contact line will live under very particular and unusual governance structures, and in varying degrees of danger.
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The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine.
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Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin.
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Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine
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Preserving Ukraine's Independence, Resisting Russian Aggression
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Slave Labour in the Eastern Ukraine Separatist Regions – “Gulags Approved by Moscow”
1 Slave labour in the eastern Ukraine separatist regions – “Gulags approved by Moscow” Sabine Adler Alexander Efreshin arrives late. He got lost on the metro. He still has trouble finding his way around Kiev, with its population of three million. The thirty-year-old man waited years for his freedom. Much longer than necessary. In 2011, he was sentenced to eight-and-a-half years in prison for car theft. In April, 2014, acting president Oleksandr Turchynov declared an amnesty and Efreshin should have been released. But he wasn’t. Because unfortunately, he was serving his sentence in the breakaway republic of Luhansk. “I wasn’t released because of the Luhansk revolution in 2014, when all the Ukrainian courts and other state institutions there were closed down. My lawyer petitioned for my release, but the Luhansk authorities denied it. They said the amnesty had been declared by a different state and they weren’t going to honour it.” So the muscular young man was in a penal colony during the occupation of eastern Ukraine by the separatists and the Russian military. A disproportional number of the penal camps where convicted criminals normally served their sentences are in the eastern part of the country, says the Ukrainian human rights commissioner Valeria Lutkovska. “Twenty percent of penal institutions are in eastern Ukraine, so a very large number of people are serving their sentences there.”“ And most of those Ukrainian prisons are in the occupied areas Donetsk and Luhansk oblast – meaning they are under the rule of the separatists, explains Pavel Lisyansky. The 30-year-old man founded an aid organisation called the “Eastern Human Rights Group” years ago.
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Public Opinion Survey Residents of Ukraine September 12-25, 2014
Public Opinion Survey Residents of Ukraine September 12-25, 2014 International Republican Institute Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted by the public opinion and market research company Baltic Surveys/The Gallup Organization on behalf of the International Republican Institute. The field work was carried out by Rating Group Ukraine. • Data was collected throughout Ukraine (excluding Crimea), including the regions of Donetsk and Luhansk, between September 12–25, 2014, through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ home. • The sample consisted of 1,200 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative for the general population by age, gender, education, region and size of the settlement. • Multistage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday respondent’s selection procedures. • Stage one: 25 official administrative regions of Ukraine were defined (24 regions of Ukraine and Kyiv). All regions of Ukraine were surveyed except Crimea. • Stage two: selection of the settlements - towns and villages. Towns were grouped into subtypes according to the size: • City more than one million residents • City 500,000-999,000 residents • City 100,000-499,000 residents • City 50,000-99,000 residents • City to 50,000 residents • Village • Settlements were selected at random. The number of selected settlements in each region was proportional to the share of population living in a particular type of the settlement in each region. • Stage three: primary sampling units were described. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.8 percent. • Response rate was 63 percent. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding.
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Putin's Next Objectives in the Ukraine Crisis
HUGO SPAULDING BACKGROUNDER FEBRUARY 3, 2015 PUTIN’S NEXT OBJECTIVES IN THE UKRAINE CRISIS Russia’s campaign in eastern Ukraine has reached an inflection point. Five months after signing a ceasefire agreement, Russian and separatist forces have moved from a preparation phase to a maneuver offensive launched by the separatist victory at the Donetsk airport on January 21, 2015. This new phase of the conflict presents a fresh set of operational decision points for the governments in Moscow and Kyiv. Will Russian- backed forces stop at the boundaries of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts [Provinces] and consolidate their gains? Will they seize Mariupol and then drive west to build a land-corridor to Crimea? Or will they prepare for much larger battles to take the pivotal cities of Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk, and Zaporizhia, whose capture would put the survival of the Ukrainian state in grave doubt? Will the Kyiv government commit reserves to defend against any of these contingencies? These decisions, much like the decision to seize the airport, will shed light on Moscow’s strategic objectives in Ukraine and Kyiv’s capacity to withstand them. They will also shape the evolution and quite possibly the outcome of this war. RUSSIAN OBJECTIVES IN KYIV Russia’s strategic interest in controlling Ukrainian political may well be reluctant to undertake it. Unless he can either affairs reflects Russian President Vladimir Putin’s belief in achieve his goals by means short of conquest or be persuaded the need to maintain a buffer between NATO, the European to accept lesser objectives, he is likely to be planning for and Union, and Russia.
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Download the Full Report
“You Don’t Exist” Arbitrary Detentions, Enforced Disappearances, and Torture in Eastern Ukraine HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH “You Don’t Exist” Arbitrary Detentions, Enforced Disappearances, and Torture in Eastern Ukraine Copyright © 2016 Human Rights Watch Copyright © 2016 Amnesty International All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-33863 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org *** Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.amnesty.org JULY 2016 ISBN: 978-1-6231-33863 “You Don’t Exist” Arbitrary Detentions, Enforced Disappearances, and Torture in Eastern Ukraine Map ...................................................................................................................................
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1412305* A/Hrc/25/G/19
Nations Unies A/HRC/25/G/19 Assemblée générale Distr. générale 20 mars 2014 Français Original: anglais Conseil des droits de l’homme Vingt-cinquième session Point 3 de l’ordre du jour Promotion et protection de tous les droits de l’homme, civils, politiques, économiques, sociaux et culturels, y compris le droit au développement Note verbale datée du 19 mars 2014, adressée au secrétariat du Conseil des droits de l’homme par la Mission permanente de l’Ukraine auprès de l’Office des Nations Unies et des autres organisations internationales à Genève La Mission permanente de l’Ukraine auprès de l’Office des Nations Unies et des autres organisations internationales à Genève présente ses compliments au secrétariat du Conseil des droits de l’homme et a l’honneur de lui faire tenir ci-joint le texte d’un mémorandum sur la promotion et la protection des droits des minorités nationales en Ukraine (voir l’annexe). La Mission permanente saurait gré au secrétariat de bien vouloir faire distribuer la présente note verbale et son annexe* comme document de la vingt-cinquième session du Conseil au titre du point 3 de l’ordre du jour. * Le texte est reproduit tel qu’il a été reçu, dans la langue originale seulement. GE.14-12305 (F) 010414 020414 *1412305* A/HRC/25/G/19 Annexe [Anglais seulement] Memorandum on the promotion and protection of the national minorities rights in Ukraine I. Ensuring the national minorities rights in Ukraine The modern Ukraine іs a multinational country, with representatives of more than 130 nationalities living in its territory.
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