Morocco: Freedom in the World 2020
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Morocco 2014: the Return of Authoritarianism
Geographical Overview | Maghreb Panorama Morocco 2014: The Return of Authoritarianism Maâti Monjib (PJD) heading the coalition seems to have definitively Professor come to terms with royal hegemony over the execu- Mohammed V University, Rabat tive branch. It thus relinquished a democratic inter- pretation of the 2011 Constitution granting the exec- utive branch substantial powers while turning various Geographical Overview | Maghreb Geographical Overview 2014 was the third year of the Benkirane administra- royal powers – formerly discretionary – into limited tion. The cabinet led by him resulted from the early powers. After this reshuffle, control over key minis- elections brought on by the 20 February Movement tries such as those of the Interior, Foreign Affairs and protests (the Moroccan version of the so-called Education by palace officials has made the little pow- ‘Arab’ Spring) occurring over the course of 2011. er held by the Prime Minister dwindle even more. This is the first time in Moroccan history that an Isla- This return to pre-2011 monarchic authoritarianism mist party independent from the monarchy is head- has been accompanied by an increase in the weight ing the government. In any case, Benkirane, a mod- of security agencies in decision-making processes. erate conservative leader, only managed to stay at This is implicitly justified by the real threats to the the head of the coalition government during the sec- country by extremist groups, whether loyal to Daesh 176 ond half of 2013 by making significant political con- or al-Qaeda. Some two thousand Moroccans, a cessions to the pre-Arab Spring establishment, par- large part of them bearing European passports, are ticularly insofar as sharing power with the royal participating in the combats in Syria, Iraq and other palace camp. -
Beyond Islamists & Autocrats
PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM POST ARAB SpRING Beyond Islamists & Autocrats MOROCCO: peting through more or less free and fair elections for par- liamentary and governmental positions since 1956, when Prospects for Civil Society the country established independence from French rule, n Vish Sakthivel arguably the greatest prospects for democratic reform can be found not in traditional political institutions but in the This paper, the second in a series exploring reformist country’s civil society. As this paper demonstrates, civil so- actors among non-Islamists throughout the region, ex- ciety entities such as trade unions and organizations work- amines prospects for political reform in Morocco. The ing on democratic development, women’s empowerment, paper defines democratic/reformist actors as individu- human rights, and the rights of the Berber (Amazigh) mi- als or groups supporting the familiar procedural mech- nority carry promise for Morocco’s democratic prospects, anisms of power sharing, such as regular elections and even as the political system remains dominated by the open contestation for political office, and also possi- monarchy. Indeed, since the constitutional reforms of bly working to strengthen the attendant freedoms of 2011, many Moroccan political groups, including those expression, association, and press; legal protections counterdemocratic strains with strong links to the regime, for minorities; and social conditions, such as literacy, portray themselves as reform-oriented, democratic actors widely acknowledged to be necessary components of a and may, in certain ways, serve as facilitators for reform democracy. Religious or Muslim democrats—or those groups. But their primary role is to facilitate continued le- seeing a role for religion in public life—are included in gitimacy for the regime, often taking up the ancillary role this definition. -
The Islamist Movement in Morocco. Main Actors and Regime Responses
DIIS REPORT 2010:05 DIIS REPORT THE ISLAMIST MOVEMENT IN MOROCCO MAIN ACTORS AND REGIME RESPONSES Julie E. Pruzan-Jørgensen DIIS REPORT 2010:05 DIIS REPORT DIIS . DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2010:05 © Copenhagen 2010 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Anine Kristensen Cover Photo: Polfoto.dk Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN 978-87-7605-378-9 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk The report was commissioned by the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but its findings and conclusions are entirely the responsibility of the author. Julie E. Pruzan-Jørgensen, Project Researcher, Religion, Conflict and International Politics, DIIS 2 DIIS REPORT 2010:05 Contents Abstract 4 Introduction 5 Religion and Politics in Morocco 6 The Islamist Movement in Morocco 8 Developments within MUR/PJD 11 Developments within Justice and Spirituality 15 Regime Responses: Reforms and Repression 19 Future Scenarios 24 Literature 26 3 DIIS REPORT 2010:05 Abstract Morocco’s formally accepted Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party (PJD), has further underlined its recognition of the authoritarian regime in response to a disappointing electoral showing and tough competition from the new Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM). In contrast, the forbidden, although tolerated, Justice and Spirituality Movement (Al Adl wal Ihsan) retains its principled oppositional role. -
Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined: Constitutional Insights Pre- and Post-2011
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 13 | 34 – December 2013 ISSN 2280-4331 Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined: Constitutional Insights pre- and post-2011 Mohammed Hashas Abstract Compared to Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, Morocco’s political development looks like an oasis of tranquillity. “Moroccan exceptionalism” is often drawn on as a positive status, the result of at least one decade of reforms implemented by the monarchy, long before the Arab Spring events. An alternative view is offered by some civil society movements inside the country and by the 20 February Movement, born amidst the waves of the Arab Spring, which are critical of this exceptionalism and call for more reforms. By making reference to the constitutional reforms undertaken by the country since 1908 and by assessing the most recent reform efforts, this paper argues that “Moroccan exceptionalism” is yet to go through the test of the implementation of what is often referred to as a “promising constitution” that should in its intentions pave the way for a genuine constitutional monarchy in Morocco. “Moroccan exceptionalism,” as the paper concludes, is not the description of a “final” political situation; rather, it is merely “a phase” in the political life of a country undergoing transition. It is then the outcome of this “phase” that will determine whether “exceptionalism” takes on a positive or a negative meaning and whether the two contrasting narratives about “exceptionalism” can ultimately be reconciled. Keywords : Morocco / Domestic policy / Reforms / Arab Spring © 2013 IAI ISBN 978-88-98650-05-7 IAI Working Papers 1334 Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined : Constitutional Insights pre- and post-2011 Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined: Constitutional Insights pre- and post-2011 by Mohammed Hashas ∗ Introduction The label “Moroccan exceptionalism” is often used both by government officials in the country and many political analysts and commentators. -
International Reports 1/2017
Source: © Rafael Marchante, Reuters. Marchante, © Rafael Source: Other Topics Government Formation by Consensus? Monarchy, Democracy and Political Islam in Morocco Helmut Reifeld 90 Since the constitutional reform and 2011 elections, Morocco’s political reform course has continued to stabilise. However, is there any democratic foundation for this stability? Do the political parties form a democratic force that could lead the population through a necessary transformation process? And how “moderate” are the Islamists who were in power during the last election period? On 7 October 2016, at the end of a normal For Benkirane, this crisis came to a head with legislative period, the seats were reallocated the King’s decision to request the new parlia- in Morocco’s House of Representatives. As the ment to elect a president, even without a new leader of the moderate Islamist Justice and government in office in order to be capable of Development Party (PJD), which again won a taking action. Thus, on 13 January 2017, (with majority of the seats, King Mohammed VI fol- the abstention of the PJD), Habib El Malki was lowed the constitutional guideline to invite the elected by the USFP as the new parliamentary former Prime Minister, Abdelilah Benkirane, to president.1 This may be viewed as a highly prag- form a new government. matic solution, however, many observers also treated it as a “coup d’état” that contested the Over a period of more than five months, will of the electorate.2 Benkirane unsuccessfully attempted to honour this invitation during tough coalition negoti- This crisis came to an end on 17 March with the ations. -
Neues Kabinett Und Regierungserklärung in Marokko
POLITISCHER SONDERBERICHT Projektland: Marokko Datum: 26.01.2012 Neues Kabinett und Regierungserklärung in Marokko Nach intensiven Verhandlungen zwischen den vier Parteien der Regierungskoalition (PJD (islamisch-konservative Partei), Istiqlal (konservative Partei), MP (liberale Partei), PPS (Linkspartei)) wurde am 03.01.2012 im Einklang mit der neuen Verfassung - Abdelilah Benkirane (PJD) durch König Mohammed VI. zum neuen Regierungschef ernannt. Diese Regierung, die ursprünglich auf 15 bis 20 Geschäftsbereiche beschränkt werden sollte, zählt nun insgesamt 31 Ressorts mit 22 Ministern, 7 beigeordneten Ministern, dem Generalsekretär der Regierung und dem Regierungschef, wobei es jedoch keine Staatssekretäre mehr gibt. Im Vergleich zur scheidenden Regierung ist keine bedeutsame Reduzierung der Ressorts zu verzeichnen, da die letzte Regierung insgesamt 35 Vertreter umfasste. Im Gegensatz zu den ursprünglichen Ankündigungen hat die Regierungsarchitektur keine grundlegenden Änderungen erfahren. Das für die Beziehungen mit dem Parlament zuständige Ministerium wird das Ministerium für Beziehungen mit dem Parlament und der Zivilgesellschaft, wodurch der Zivilgesellschaft – der neuen Verfassung gemäß – eine wichtige Rolle übertragen wird; das Justizministerium wird das Ministerium für Justiz und Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung_Politischer Sonderbericht_Marokko_26.01.2012 1 Grundrechte - was eine Stärkung der bürgerlichen und individuellen Freiheiten bedeutet, wie sie auch in der neuen Verfassung vorgesehen ist, die den Menschenrechten ein ganzes Kapitel mit 22 Artikeln widmet. Es handelt sich um die erste, auf der Grundlage der neuen Verfassung gewählte Regierung, die somit eine im Vergleich zu ihren Vorgängern wesentlich politischere Regierung sein wird. Durch die neue Verfassung wird nämlich die Rolle der politischen Parteien beträchtlich gestärkt – insbesondere dadurch, dass ein Regierungschef aus der Partei ernannt wird, die als stärkste Partei aus den Parlamentswahlen hervorgegangen ist. -
No Rivals to the King. the Limits to Political Reform in Morocco's
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments No Rivals to the King WP The Limits to Political Reform in Morocco’s “Enlightened Authoritarianism” Isabelle Werenfels and Ilyas Saliba S In Morocco it is still the king who defines the boundaries of political discourse and action. The palace is increasingly placing obstacles in the path of its strongest adver- sary, the moderate Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD). This was seen most recently in the difficult and protracted coalition negotiations following the October 2016 parliamentary elections. At the same time, pressure on civil society critics is steadily intensifying. The inherent promise of political reform in Morocco’s compara- tively inclusive model is increasingly eroding and gradually substituted with the promise of economic modernisation, potentially undermining the very bases of the kingdoms domestic stability. It is thus also in Europe’s interests for Morocco to uphold the pro- gress it has achieved through the political reforms of recent decades. On March 15th 2017, King Mohammed VI ahead of the royalist Authenticity and of Morocco withdrew Abdelilah Benkirane’s Modernity Party (PAM). The PJD also did mandate to form a new government. In the well in the 2015 local and regional elec- five months since October 2016 the popular tions. As prime minister, Benkirane pulled serving prime minister and PJD leader had off the delicate balancing act of cutting failed to establish a viable coalition. Due to subsidies without it leading to major pro- the election results he would have needed tests, but he occasionally deviated from the support from parties close to the palace. -
The Birth of a Moroccan Ruling Coalition
ASSESSMENT REPORT The Birth of a Moroccan Ruling Coalition Policy Analysis Unit | April 2017 The Birth of a Moroccan Ruling Coalition Series: Assessment Report Policy Analysis Unit | April 2017 Copyright © 2017 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center’s paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world - states and communities- to analyze social, economic and cultural policies and to provide political analysis, from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Al Tarfa Street, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 4035 7777 www.dohainstitute.org Table of Contents Introduction 1 The Makeup of the New Government 1 The PJD Loses Ground 3 The Resurgence of Bureaucrats and Crown Ministers 3 Political Loyalists to the Forefront 4 El Othmani’s New Cabinet: Looking to the Future Error! Bookmark not defined. THE SAAD EDDINE EL OTHMANI CABINET IN MOROCCO Introduction Former Moroccan Foreign Minister, and member of the Justice and Development Party (PJD), Saad Eddine El Othmani succeeded in creating a new cabinet in three short weeks. -
Exception Or Pioneer? Political Islam in Morocco
6 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 10|2013 EXCEPTION OR PIONEER? POLITICAL ISLAM IN MOROCCO Helmut Reifeld Dr. Helmut Reifeld is Resident Representative Shortly after the first stirrings of the Arab Spring, the of the Konrad-Adenauer- éxception marocaine, the Moroccan exception, quickly Stiftung in Morocco. became one of Morocco’s hottest topics in the media and in public debate. To understand the political factors underly- ing this exception, we need to look at the country’s recent history and in particular the fact that the country has a stable monarchy. The current king, Mohammed VI, is seen as a reformer whose policies are often described as a cul- ture de l’anticipation. Added to this are the parliamentary structures and autonomous political parties that have been established since the independence in 1956, constitutional developments since 1962, and the country’s multi-ethnic population structure and pluralistic culture. For almost two years now, Morocco has been peacefully run by a moderate Islamic government, while Islamic governments in Tunisia and Egypt have been the cause of renewed unrest and have contributed to instability. Without further verifying these particular factors, it is also clear that the relatively successful process of transforma- tion currently taking place in Morocco is setting it apart from the other countries of North Africa. Morocco’s elite sees its country as a hub between Europe and Africa, and the spotlight is increasingly being turned on Morocco as a model for peaceful transformation to parliamentary democracy and stronger ties with Europe. However, it is no secret that the country also has its darker aspects. -
The Moroccan Government
The Moroccan Government Abdelilah Benkirane Head of the Government PJD Abdellah Baha Mohand Laenser Saad-Eddine El Othmani Mustafa Ramid Ahmed Tawfiq Driss Dahak Minister of State Minister of Interior Minister of Foreign Minister of Justice and Minister of Endowments Secretary-General of the PJD MP Affairs and Cooperation Liberties and Islamic Affairs Government PJD PJD Nizar Baraka Minister of Nabil Benabdellah Aziz Akhannouch Mohamed El Ouafa Lahcen Daoudi Mohamed Ouzzine Economy and Finance Minister of Housing, Minister of Agriculture Minister of National Minister of Higher Minister of Youth and Istiqlal Town Planning and and Maritime Fisheries Education Education, Scientific Sports Urban Policy Istiqlal Research and Executive MP MP Training PJD Aziz Rabbah EL Hossein El Ouardi Mustapha El Khalfi Fouad Douiri Abdelouahed Souhail Abdelkader Aâmara Minister of Equipment and Minister of Health Minister of Minister of Energy, Mines, Minister of Labour and Minister of Industry, Trade Transport PPS Communications Water and the Environment Vocational Training and New Technologies PJD Spokesperson for the Istiqlal PPS PJD Government PJD Lahcen Haddad Bassima Hakkaoui Mohamed Amine Sbihi Abdessamad Qaiouh Lahbib Choubani Abdellatif Loudiyi Minister of Tourism Minister of Solidarity, Minister of Culture Minister of Handicrafts Minister in charge of Minister Delegate to the MP Women, Family and PPS Istiqlal Relations with Parliament Head of the Government in Social Development and Civil Society charge of the PJD PJD Administration of National -
The Conflicting Moroccan Responses to Normalization with Israel by Sadik Rddad
MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum The Conflicting Moroccan Responses to Normalization with Israel by Sadik Rddad Apr 12, 2021 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Sadik Rddad Dr. Sadik Rddad is a founding member of the Moroccan Cultural Studies Center in Fez, Morocco. Rddad is a contributor to Fikra Forum. Brief Analysis Moroccan responses to normalization with Israel are split along two opposing narratives, although popular resistance to normalization is unlikely to cause any real change. nly a few months before the announcement of the normalization of diplomatic ties between Morocco and O Israel, the Islamist Prime Minister of Morocco, Saad Eddine El Othmani, had categorically ruled out the possibility. He likewise indicated that his position was the unanimous position of the state, the government, and the Moroccan people, stressing Morocco’s immutable foundational convictions over the Palestinians’ right to establish a viable state within a two-state solution. Indeed, for some Moroccans, the Palestinian cause is probably only second to the country’s principle national cause, the Moroccan Sahara. In what sounded like an electoral campaign speech to the youth section of the PJD last August, El Othmani stated that the rights of the Palestinians and the status of Jerusalem are red lines for Morocco. Based on the Moroccan government’s declared position on the resumption of ties with Israel, and given its reserved stance towards the "deal of the century,” along with its open opposition to Israel's settlement policies, it seemed at the time that the normalization was strictly out of the question. As such, the subsequent reversal of this position seemed like an unexpected turn of events for many observers. -
Islamist Spring in Morocco, Or a Gattopardo's Effect
CIDOB • Barcelona Centre for International for Affairs Centre CIDOB • Barcelona notesISSN: 2013-4428 internacionals CIDOB ISLAMIST SPRING IN MOROCCO, 47 or a Gattopardo’s Effect MARCH 2012 Mohammed El-Katiri, Senior Research Analyst, Conflict Studies Research Centre, UK he landslide win of the Islamist Parti de la Justice et du kept to this principle of running only in limited constituencies Développement (PJD) in Morocco’s parliamentary elec- - increasingly in the 2000s, when the party attracted an ever- tions in November 2011 has been followed with great growing number of supporters, this self-imposed constraint ar- Tinterest and some concern by many of Morocco’s neighbours, guably became a tactical move, aimed at not antagonising the both inside and outside the Arab World. The leader of the win- population and, more importantly, the heart of Morocco’s po- ning political party, Abdelilah Benkirane, was subsequently litical power, the Moroccan Palace establishment, the Makhzen.1 appointed Prime Minister - Algeria’s short-lived experi- breaking the long-held prac- ence with an Islamist party tice that lets the King appoint In the wake of the Arab Spring, and following recent constitutional winning elections in a land- an own or preferred candi- changes pushed through by Morocco’s King Mohammed VI, Morocco slide victory in 1991 and the date for the position. Only a saw a landslide electoral victory of the moderate Islamist party PJD. subsequent political turmoil year ago, both events -the vic- The Moroccan Islamists’ victory has built up over years, but this is the that had not yet completely tory of the Islamists and the first time the party entered into a formal government.