DOCSLIB.ORG

The Nature of Fascism Revisited

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Nature of Fascism Revisited THE NATURE OF FASCISM REVISITED ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO THE NATURE OF FASCISM REVISITED SOCIAL SCIENCE MONOGRAPHS, BOULDER DISTRIBUTED BY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK 2012 © 2012 António Costa Pinto ISBN 978-0-88033-666-6 Library of Congress Control Number: 2009939128 Printed in the United States of America For my son Filipe Contents !. List of Figures and Tables vii 2. Preface and acknowledgements ix 1. Fascists: A ‘revolutionary right’ in interwar Europe ! 2. The origins of fascist ideology: The Sternhell debate "# 3. New interpretations (I): The constituencies of fascism $% 4. New interpretations (II): Conceptual problems &' 5. Fascism, dictators, and charisma %# 6. Ruling elites, political institutions, and decision- making in fascist-era dictatorships: Comparative perspectives (# 7. Fascism, corporatism, and authoritarian institutions in interwar European dictatorships !!# 8. Index !)! List of Figures and Tables Figures 5.1 *e charismatic triangle 82 Tables 5.1 Forms of political legitimation 85 6.1 Ministers’ occupational background (%) 108 6.2 Political o+ces held by ministers (%) 109 7.1 Dictatorship and corporatism in Europe (1918–45) 125 New interpretations (I): 3 The constituencies of fascism European fascism continues to attract a considerable degree of attention, as witnessed by the publication of many works over the past few years.1 Recently the comparative study of fascism has increasingly centered on its ideologi- cal and cultural dimensions, at times becoming ideology-centered. We could even say that, at least on a superficial level, the analysis of so-called generic fascism has moved from a sociological to a more political perspective, giving both ideology and culture much more importance than previously. On the other hand, this area has become more restricted in disciplinary terms with historians clearly dominating, while sociology and political science seem to be abandoning the subject.2 Michael Mann’s Fascists represents a welcome return from the best tradi- tions of comparative historical sociology towards the analysis of fascism and its role in the crises and collapse of democracy. *is book restores society and politics to the center of the study of fascism. Deviating slightly from his major work, "e sources of social power (1986, 1993), Mann utilizes the vast academic literature on fascism to provide an analysis of both the phenomenon and the conditions for its success. *is book asks the classic questions: Who were the fascists? How did they grow and who supported them? And what 1 In this chapter I review the following books: M. Mann, Fascists, Cambridge, 2004; R. O. Paxton, The anatomy of fascism, London, 2004; N. Bermeo, Ordinary people in extraordinary times: The citizenry and the breakdown of democracy, Princeton, NJ, 2003; D. Musiedlak, Mussolini, Paris, 2005; P. H. Lewis, Latin fascist elites: The Mussolini, Franco and Salazar regimes, Westport, CT, 2003. 2 With some exceptions that are connected to studies of the crises and fall of democratic regimes, as in the case of D. Berg-Schlosser and J. Mitchell, eds, Conditions of democ- racy in Europe, 1919–39: Systematic case studies, London, 2000, and from the same edi- tors, Authoritarianism and democracy in Europe, 1919–39: Comparative analyses, London, 2003, as well as Bermeo’s book, which is reviewed here. See also G. Capoccia, Defend- ing democracy: Reactions to extremism in interwar Europe, Baltimore, MD, 2005. 48 !e nature of fascism revisited are the conditions most conducive to their taking power? *rough an exami- nation of six cases in which fascist movements were important in overthrow- ing the liberal democratic order, and where they obtained power as either the dominant political force or as a junior partner, Mann attempts to construct a dynamic model that is not merely a taxonomy of fascism. Like Mann’s study, the historian Robert O. Paxton’s "e anatomy of fas- cism is also a critical reaction to some aspects of the ‘ideological centrism’ of recent years. Because it was written by a historian, criticism of culturalism is more present in Paxton’s book, the author of which is more marked by the ‘fascistology’ debates than Mann. By claiming that ‘what fascists did tells at least as much as what they said’ (a stance that has been criticized by histori- ans such as Zeev Sternhell and Roger Griffin), Paxton attempts to locate the ideas in their rightful place.3 It would be reductionist to say Paxton’s work is a development of his ar- ticle, ‘*e -ve stages of fascism’; however, in strictly theoretical-methodo- logical terms, that is exactly what this is.4 What Paxton has achieved in this book – which is the culmination of several years research and teaching and which is destined for a much greater audience than just the specialists – is to present a global vision of the fascist phenomenon in a more developed and sophisticated manner than before. *e book’s structure follows the five stages cycle: (i) the creation of the movements, (ii) their embedding in the political system, (iii) the seizure of power, (iv) the exercise of power, and (v) ‘finally, the long duration, during which the fascist regime chooses either radicaliza- tion or entropy’ (p. 32). According to Paxton, this creates a simpler illustra- tion of how fascism ‘far from [being] static, was a succession of processes and choices,’ requiring di.erent conceptual tools for each stage. What is fascism? I readily confess that I do not know where the tendency for short definitions of fascism comes from. Such definitions are obviously central to the func- tionality of an analysis; however, some are little more than soundbites. *ere has to my knowledge been no similar obsession in the study of communism or democracy. Nevertheless, neither Mann nor Paxton can resist the tempta- tion that captured their predecessors. Despite this, however, these works are 3 See the indirect critique by Z. Sternhell, New York Review of Books 52, no 8, 12 May 2005, which comments on A. Lyttelton’s review of Paxton, New York Review of Books 51, no 16, 21 October 2004, and the very critical review of R. Griffin in American His- torical Review 109, no 5, 2004, pp. 1530–1. 4 R. O. Paxton, ‘*e -ve stages of fascism’, Journal of Modern History 70, no 1, 1998, pp. 1–13. New interprestations (I): !e constituencies of fascism 49 much richer than the definitions and particularly in the case of the former the definitions represent the anchor in a sophisticated set of hypotheses concern- ing the success or failure of fascism. In other words, they are instruments of study that structure both the analysis and the narrative. Mann begins his book with a definition of ‘fascism in terms of [the] key values, actions, and power organizations of fascists. Most concisely, fascism is the pursuit of a transcendent and cleansing nation-statism through paramili- tarism’ (p. 13). *e five key terms, some with internal tensions, are national- ism, statism, transcendence, cleansing, and paramilitarism. Given that many of these concepts are relatively consensual it is not necessary to introduce them in any great detail: Nationalism: the ‘deep and populist commitment to an “organic” or “in- tegral” nation’; Statism: this is concerned with goals and organizational form. *e or- ganic conception imposes an authoritarian state ‘embodying a singular, cohesive will [as] expressed by a party elite’ adhering to the leadership principle (p. 14). Mann is well aware of the tensions between movement and bureaucracy and confirms that ‘fascism was more totalitarian in its transformational goals than in its actual regime form’ (p. 13); Transcendence: this is the typical neither/nor of fascism as a third way. Mann stresses that the core constituency of fascist support can be under- stood only by taking their aspirations to transcendence seriously. ‘Nation and state comprised their center of gravity, not class’ (p. 15); Cleansing: ‘Most fascisms entwined both ethnic and political cleansing, though to di.er[ring] degrees’ (p. 16);5 Paramilitarism: both a key fascist value and an organizational form. Just as many analysts have done before him, Mann stresses that ‘what essentially distinguishes fascists from many military and monarchical dictatorships of the world is [the] “bottom-up” and violent quality of its paramilitarism. It could bring popularity, both electorally and among elites’ (p. 16). *is is not too far from other definitions of fascism, such as Stanley G. Payne’s typological description, to give only one example.6 Mann states that the diverse combinations of this definition can result in more-or-less fascist movements, but that he does not have the imagination to ‘plot fascist move- ments (each one obviously unique) amid a five-dimensional space’ (p. 17). However, one of the problems with the functionality of his definition is that 5 M. Mann, The dark side of democracy: Explaining ethnic cleansing, New York, 2005. 6 S. G. Payne, A history of fascism,1914–194, Madison, WI, 1995, p. 7. 50 !e nature of fascism revisited it talks of di.erent units: at times referring to parties or movements, at others referring to political regimes, and sometimes referring to both. *is same problem is also present in Paxton’s book, given that ‘a definition that does full justice the phenomenon of fascism must apply to the later stag- es as e.ectively as it does to the earlier ones’ (p. 206). Paxton provides the definition at the end of his book: Fascism may be defined as a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoc- cupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood, and by compensa- tory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but e.ective collaboration with tradi- tional elite groups, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion (p.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Right Radicalism in Party and Political Systems in Present- Day European States
    Right Radicalism in Party and Political Systems in Present- day European States Right Radicalism in Party and Political Systems in Present- day European States By Natalia Eremina and Sergei Seredenko Right Radicalism in Party and Political Systems in Present-day European States By Natalia Eremina and Sergei Seredenko This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Natalia Eremina and Sergei Seredenko All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-7274-1 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-7274-4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter I .................................................................................................... 12 Far-Right Parties: Terminological and Conceptual Approaches 1.1 Ideological mutations: from fascism to right-wing radicalism 1.2. Investigation of the Far-Right parties: methodological approaches Chapter II ................................................................................................... 33 Ideological Features of Right-Wing Radicalism in Europe 2.1. Three pillars
    [Show full text]
  • Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945
    Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945 Ashley James Thomas Discipline of History School of History & Politics University of Adelaide Thesis presented as the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Adelaide March 2010 CONTENTS Abstract iii Declaration iv Acknowledgments v Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Interpreting Fascism: An Evolving 26 Historiography Chapter Three: The Fascist Critique of the Modern 86 World Chapter Four: Race, Reds and Revolution: Specific 156 Issues in the Fascist Utopia Chapter Five: Conclusion 202 Bibliography 207 ABSTRACT This thesis argues that utopian aspirations are a fruitful way to understand fascism and examines the utopian ideals held by a number of fascist writers. The intention of this thesis is not to define fascism. Rather, it is to suggest that looking at fascism’s goals and aspirations might reveal under-examined elements of fascism. This thesis shows that a useful way to analyse the ideology of fascism is through an examination of its ideals and goals, and by considering the nature of a hypothetical fascist utopia. The most common ways of examining fascism and attempting to isolate its core ideological features have been by considering it culturally, looking at the metaphysical and philosophical claims fascists made about themselves, or by studying fascist regimes, looking at the external features of fascist movements, parties and governments. In existing studies there is an unspoken middle ground, where fascism could be examined by considering practical issues in the abstract and by postulating what a fascist utopia would be like.
    [Show full text]
  • POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES András Bozóki Professor, Dept. of Political
    Win POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES András Bozóki Professor, Dept. of Political Science, CEU, Vienna [email protected] MA course, 4 credits, Fall semester, 2020. #D318, Monday at 1.30pm and Wednesday at 3.30pm Description: The purpose of the course is to give a comprehensive overview to the modern political ideologies. The course starts off with the concept of ideology itself, in both historical and post-Cold War context, by paying attention to the linguistic turn in historiography in clarifying different approaches to ideology vs discourse.Then, we examine major ideologies such a way in which we shall discuss the theoretical considerations first, and then the impact of these ideas. The course aim to put these ideologies into the context of social and political practice. Beside some 'classic' ideologies (liberalism, conservatism, socialism, anarchism, fascism, nationalism etc.) which all had significant impact in the history of ideas, we will discuss some 'new' ideologies (feminism, ecologism, new left, new right) and issues in democratic political participation in the era of globalization) will be discussed. We will follow the main debates on ideology too. Learning outcome: Students will be able to understand and analyze different political arguments in their wider, ideological context and they will be more sophisticated in dealing with the cultural, ideological and social embeddedness of political actions, discourses, and rhetorics. The course will enhance the students’ critical thinking in revealing and uncovering one of the major components (i.e. ideology) has been present in the history of politics and political ideas. Grade components: Students are required to follow the readings before each meeting, to attend the seminars, participating actively in the class discussions, and, if asked, introducing the readings of the week (20%).
    [Show full text]
  • CHILE, 1945-1988 Diálogos - Revista Do Departamento De História E Do Programa De Pós-Graduação Em História, Vol
    Diálogos - Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História ISSN: 1415-9945 [email protected] Universidade Estadual de Maringá Brasil McGee Deutsch, Sandra FASCISM, NEO-FASCISM, OR POST-FASCISM? CHILE, 1945-1988 Diálogos - Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, vol. 13, núm. 1, 2009, pp. 19-44 Universidade Estadual de Maringá Maringá, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=305526877002 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Diálogos, DHI/PPH/UEM, v. 13, n. 1, p. 19-44, 2009. FASCISM, NEO-FASCISM, OR POST-FASCISM? CHILE, 1945-1988 * Sandra McGee Deutsch Abstract. The article sets out to analyze fascist and neo-fascist movements in Chile, in the period following World War II. Chile is an exemplary case for this type of analysis, as it had a significant fascist movement in the period between world wars, with several radical right organizations appearing later on. The objective of the study is to understand how the defeat of the Axis and post-war context affected these fascist movements, including some composed by women. Keywords: Fascism; Neo-Fascism; Chile. ¿FASCISMO, NEOFASCISMO O POSFASCISMO? CHILE (1945-1988) Resumen. El artículo se propone analizar los movimientos fascistas y neofascistas de Chile, durante el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Chile es un caso ejemplar para este tipo de análisis ya que tuvo un significativo movimiento fascista durante la etapa de entreguerras, con el posterior surgimiento de varias organizaciones de derecha radical.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Ideologies
    Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 23:48 30 May 2016 Political Ideologies Now in its fourth edition, Political Ideologies: An introduction continues to be the best introductory textbook for students of political ideologies. Completely revised and updated throughout, this edition features: • A comprehensive introduction to all of the most important ideologies • Brand new chapters on multiculturalism, anarchism, and the growing infl uence of religion on politics • More contemporary examples of twenty-fi rst-century iterations of liberalism, socialism, conservatism, fascism, green political theory, nationalism, and feminism • Enhanced discussion of the end-of-ideology debates and emerging theories of ideological formation • Six new contributors. Accessible and packed with both historical and contemporary examples, this is the most useful textbook for scholars and students of political ideologies. Vincent Geoghegan is Professor of Political Theory at Queen’s University Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 23:48 30 May 2016 Belfast, UK. Rick Wilford is Professor of Politics at Queen’s University Belfast, UK. The contributors to this volume have all taught or carried out research at the School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy at Queen’s University Belfast, or have close research connections with the School. This page intentionally left blank Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 23:48 30 May 2016 Political Ideologies An introduction Fourth edition Edited by Vincent Geoghegan and Rick Wilford Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 23:48 30 May 2016 First edition published in 1984 Trademark notice: Product or corporate names by Unwin Hyman may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifi cation and Third edition published in 2003 by Routledge explanation without intent to infringe.
    [Show full text]
  • The 'Regime-Model' of Fascism: a Typology
    02_Articles 30/1 19/11/99 11:10 am Page 77 Aristotle A. Kallis The ‘Regime-Model’ of Fascism: A Typology Introduction In recent years there has been a revival of interest in the nature of generic fascism. This renewed search for a paradigmatic model of fascism originated as a reaction to the trend of overstating specificity, of studying fascist phenomena in the longue durée and of using their individual differences to underscore the futility of grand theories of fascism. A large part of the blame for the dis- crediting of comparative approaches is borne by the erratic and often mystifying sample of the studies themselves. Lack of clarity about the nature and content of fascism resulted in a number of comparative studies, whose insufficiently justified sample of case studies left the concept of ‘fascism’ in disarray. The ‘totalitarian’ approach focused on the political features of fascism as regime (i.e. Italy and Germany), but then subjected it to a broader definition which dovetailed with aspects of such a disparate socio-political phenomenon as communism.1 Nolte’s Three Faces of Fascism provided an insightful account of the ideological similarities between the Italian and German regimes, only to obfuscate his paradigm by including Action Française in his analysis.2 The ideological affinities notwithstanding, the weak- nesses of his generic definition are obvious. If ‘fascism’ is a broad ideological phenomenon, then why are other case-studies ex- cluded (Austria, Britain, etc.)? If, on the other hand, ‘fascism’ is both ideology and action, movement and regime, then why is Action Française comparable to the Italian and German regimes? Even the recent account by Roger Eatwell has focused on a curious combination of two major interwar regimes (Italy, Germany) and a plethora of disparate movements (most of which achieved limited, short-lived appeal and none of which ever European History Quarterly Copyright © 2000 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Portraying Fascism As a Colonial Understanding of Europe
    Háskóli Íslands School of Humanities History Portraying Fascism as a Colonial Understanding of Europe How Continuities of Imperial Expansion Shaped Fascist Ideology and Practices MA-thesis in History Pontus Järvstad Kt.: 180487-3879 Supervisor: Valur Ingimundarson May 2017 1 Abstract Within the context of the scholarly debates over fascism, this thesis explores continuities between the colonial and fascist periods in European history. There is much confusion among scholars about how to define fascism: whether it should be considered a comprehensive ideology or merely a system of rule. What most agree on, however, is fascism’s animosity towards democracy and plurality. This is often conceptualized as a rejection of the pillars of Western civilization built on the ideas stemming from the Enlightenment and liberalism. Yet, such a view obscures the fact that these “pillars” are embedded in European colonialism. Thus, as a European ideology, fascism cannot be easily divorced from other ideological traditions, such as liberalism, which were important for the perpetuation of colonialism and imperialism. While historical fascism is often seen as being alien because of its indescribable crimes against humanity, it was not only novel also but familiar to its contemporaries. It acted on a continuity of a colonial understanding, not only of the world but of Europe as well. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first introduces the theoretical framework by exploring the concepts of continuity and periodization and their use in historical representations and narratives. The second analyzes the diverse scholarly interpretations of fascism and shows how reevaluations of historical periodizations have influenced new critical understandings of fascism.
    [Show full text]
  • European Fascism Since 1919
    PAPER 20. EUROPEAN FASCISM SINCE 1919 Introduction Fascism was the most consequential political invention of the twentieth century. Its challenge to the liberal, capitalist order of Europe was more momentous – and murderous – than that of communism. The terror and destruction unleashed by the major fascist regimes have left an indelible mark on the course of modern history and our collective memory. The symbols and imagery of fascism remain instantly recognizable, while its ideas have seen a remarkable renaissance in the past twenty years. Despite this enormous impact, fascism has proved strangely elusive as an object of historical analysis. Since 1945, it has been frequently explained away as a political pathology: a horrific, but fleeting deviation from Europe‟s path to modernity. Marxist commentators in particular have downplayed its significance by reducing it to a mere reflection of the „disintegrating bourgeois state‟. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, German (as well as Italian) historians insisted that „their‟ brand of fascism was so much more (or less) extreme than other variants that comparative interpretations were morally reprehensible (or lacking in heuristic value). Today, after a decade of renewed academic interest in „generic fascism‟, prompted by the works of Roger Griffin, Stanley Payne and Zeev Sternhell, there is still considerable scholarly hostility to the notion that fascism represented a serious alternative to parliamentary democracy and the free market on the one hand and communism on the other. Paper 20 takes fascism seriously. It provides a sober, scrupulous recharting of the fascist „third way‟, beyond the ira et studium of the anti-fascists and the pieties of the Sonderweg theorists.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism and Collective Memory; Comparing Fascist Legacies In
    Populism and Collective Memory Right-wing populism is a global phenomenon that challenges several pillars of liberal democracy, and it is often described as a dangerous political ideology because it resonates with the fascist idea of power in terms of anti-pluralism and lack of minorities’ protection. In Western Europe, many political actors are exploiting the fears and insecurities linked to globalization, economic crisis, and mass migrations to attract voters. However, while right-wing populist discourses are mainstream in certain countries, they are almost completely taboo in others. Why is right-wing populism so successful in Italy, Austria, and France while in Germany it is marginal and socially unacceptable? It is because each country developed a certain collective memory of the fascist past, which stigmatizes that past to different levels. For this reason, right-wing populism can find favorable conditions to thrive in certain countries, while in others it is considered as an illegitimate and dangerous idea of power. Through a comparative study of eight European countries, this book shows that short-term factors linked to levels of corruption, economic situation, and quality of democracy interact with long-term cultural elements and collective memories in determining the social acceptability of right-wing populist discourses. Luca Manucci is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Lisbon, Portugal. He obtained his PhD at the University of Zurich, where he worked at the Department of Political Science. Routledge Studies in Extremism and Democracy Series Editors: Roger Eatwell, University of Bath, and Matthew Goodwin, University of Kent. Founding Series Editors: Roger Eatwell, University of Bath and Cas Mudde, University of Antwerp-UFSIA.
    [Show full text]
  • Centre for Fascist, Anti-Fascist and Post-Fascist Studies
    CENTRE FOR FASCIST, ANTI-FASCIST AND POST-FASCIST STUDIES Taken at a Birmingham bus shelter on 5 May 2015, and reported to Tell MAMA online at http://tellmamauk.org. NEWSLETTER ISSUE 2 SUMMER 2015 2 CFAPS Newsletter, Volume 2 3 Contents The Jewish Defence Archive: A valuable new source on 4 British fascist, anti-fascist and Jewish history Introduction Dr Daniel Tilles ‘Dark and Sinister Powers’: Conspiracy Theory and the 6 Interwar British Extreme Right Paul Stocker I am delighted to introduce the second edition A Pragmatist Root for Fascism? Hulme, James, 8 of the newsletter of Teesside University’s Papini, and the Florentine School Centre for Fascist, Anti-Fascist and Post- Dr Henry Mead Fascist Studies (CFAPS). In this second issue Filibusters and Fascists: 10 we have included contributions from two of the Re-Thinking Imperial Agency and the Origins of Fascism Centre’s doctoral students, Alex Carter and Professor Dominic Alessio Paul Stocker (a third, Lewis Young, is soon to Understanding the ‘Fascist New Man’ 12 have his viva – best of luck!). Dr Jorge Dagnino As a regular feature, we also bring together contributions Between-Movement Competition Over Social Bases: 13 from the numerous researchers associated with the Centre. A Mechanism of ‘Coupling’ As you will see, articles cover a broad canvas, ranging from Alex Carter archival commentary through to topical reflections on the Getting the Labels Right: 15 contemporary far right, not just in Britain but also further Are the Sweden Democrats a ‘Neo-Fascist’ Party? afield. Do read our newsletter from start to finish. I am sure Dr Andreas Önnefors & Henrik Arnstad that you will find it really engaging.
    [Show full text]
  • Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time. by James A. Gregor (New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers, 1999) 204 Pp
    REVIEWS | 107 Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time. By James A. Gregor (New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers, 1999) 204 pp. $32.95 Certain aspects of the debate about fascism die hard. Gregor, who has written extensively on Italian fascism and the interpretations of general fascism, has revived the moribund debate about whether fascism is revo- lutionary or reactionary. He comes down squarely on the revolutionary side, identifying the source of the fascist revolutionary philosophical tra- dition in the Italian syndicalists. Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jinh/article-pdf/32/1/107/1695016/jinh.2001.32.1.107.pdf by guest on 29 September 2021 Gregor argues for the existence of a paradigmatic fascism that emerged in Italy from a synthesis of Italy’s late-blooming nationalism and revolutionary syndicalism. In his words, “Mussolini’s Fascism was a form of reactive, antidemocratic, developmental nationalism that serves as a paradigmatic instance of revolution in the twentieth century” (20). Fascist ideology catered to the need of a humiliated or disadvantaged people for redemption. The key intellectuals who created this revolu- tionary fascism were the revolutionary syndicalist Roberto Michels and the liberal Giovanni Gentile, who harnessed the revolutionary impulse of syndicalism to the idea of a national redemption of proletarian Italy in an attack on the political and social status quo of post-Risorgimento It- aly. Indeed, Gregor’s historical examination of how the ideas of Michels and Gentile fed into Mussolini’s version of fascism is the strongest part of the book. As Gregor trenchantly observes, contradictory deªnitions of fascism have proliferated. Most of these deªnitions have at their root a norma- tive impulse to identify fascism with a particular bête noire.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Towards a Definition of Fascism David Artemiw Fourth Year Paper
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science (York University) Towards a Definition of Fascism David Artemiw Fourth Year Paper Chicago Style Citation Fascism, we are told, is a tool of the capitalist class, a reaction against socialism and communism, a Marxist deviation, a psychotic fever that eventually passed after taking a terrible toll on European civilization. The debate is lengthy and complicated and despite claims of an emerging consensus, the question is still unsettled.1 Generally speaking, definitions of fascism have left something to be desired, for they are generally too vague, too specific, or too tortured, to be of much use. It is no wonder then that some scholars seek to bury the word, and the concept, declaring it “precisely dated and meaningless.”2 Was fascism really born on March 23, 1919, in Milan, Italy? Did it really die in a bunker in Berlin on April 30, 1945? Or was fascism something more, something that might appear again? The answer to these questions is more than an idle curiosity. Establishing a definition that allows us to understand Fascism’s nature and what it sought to achieve will allow those of us living in the early part of the twenty-first century to know whether fascism is something about which we must continue to be concerned or something that is truly dead and buried. This paper will argue that fascism is an ideology in its own right, that it sought to solve the problem of modernity, thereby ending man’s alienation from the universe and other men, making him whole again and offering an opportunity to transcend his earthly existence.
    [Show full text]