Political Ideologies
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Critical Theory, Authoritarianism, and the Politics of Lipstick from The
Article 0(0) 1–26 Critical theory, ! The Author(s) 2018 Article reuse guidelines: authoritarianism, and the sagepub.com/journals-permissions DOI: 10.1177/2050303218800374 politics of lipstick from journals.sagepub.com/home/crr the Weimar Republic to the contemporary Middle East Janet Afary University of California, Santa Barbara, USA Roger Friedland New York University, USA; University of California, Santa Barbara, USA Abstract In 2012–13, we signed up for Facebook in seven Muslim-majority countries and used Facebook advertisements to encourage young people to participate in our survey. Nearly 18,000 individuals responded. Some of the questions in our survey dealing with attitudes about women’s work and cosmetics were adopted from a survey conducted by the Frankfurt School in 1929 in Germany. The German survey had shown that a great number of men, irrespective of their political affiliation harbored highly authoritarian attitudes toward women and that one sign of authoritarianism was men’s attitude toward cosmetics and women’s employment. We wanted to know if the same was true of the contemporary Middle East. Our results suggest that lipstick and makeups as well as women’s employment are not just vehicles for sexual objectification of women. In the Muslim world a married woman’s desire to work outside the house, and her pursuit of the accoutrement of beauty and sexual attractiveness, are forms of gender politics, of women’s empowerment, but also of antiauthoritarianism and liberal politics. Our results also suggest that piety per se is not an indicator of authoritarianism and that there is a marked gender difference in authoritarianism. -
1 Freedom to Trade, Free Trade and Laissez-Faire
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SAS-SPACE FREEDOM TO TRADE, FREE TRADE AND LAISSEZ-FAIRE: ECONOMIC LIBERALISM IN 19TH CENTURY LATIN AMERICA Victor Bulmer-Thomas (A). INTRODUCTION Liberalism in Europe had many dimensions, one of which – especially in the United Kingdom – was the degree to which the market should guide all economic decisions. In Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations, the ‘hidden hand’ of the market was seen as leading to a big improvement in welfare when compared with the myriad rules and regulations imposed by central governments on their citizens. When David Ricardo developed the Law of Comparative Advantage in his Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, it became a rallying cry for liberals of all persuasions. The end of the tariff on basic grains in 1846, better known as the abolition of the Corn Laws, was considered a major achievement of liberalism in Great Britain and a model for liberals elsewhere. It might have been expected therefore that liberalism in Latin America would have paid equal attention to trade policy, the end of state monopolies and the promotion of competition. Smith and Ricardo were well known in Latin America and their works were widely read. However, liberalism in 19th century Latin America focused primarily on relations between Church and State, the degree of personal freedom from state interference and the constitutional arrangements between central and local governments. The arguments for economic liberalism were much less compelling in Latin America. Indeed, Liberals in power were often less ‘liberal’ than their Conservative opponents. -
INTRODUCTION 1. Charles Esdaile, the Wars of Napoleon (New York, 1995), Ix; Philip Dwyer, “Preface,” Napoleon and Europe, E
Notes INTRODUCTION 1. Charles Esdaile, The Wars of Napoleon (New York, 1995), ix; Philip Dwyer, “Preface,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), ix. 2. Michael Broers, Europe under Napoleon, 1799–1815 (London, 1996), 3. 3. An exception to the Franco-centric bibliography in English prior to the last decade is Owen Connelly, Napoleon’s Satellite Kingdoms (New York, 1965). Connelly discusses the developments in five satellite kingdoms: Italy, Naples, Holland, Westphalia, and Spain. Two other important works that appeared before 1990, which explore the internal developments in two countries during the Napoleonic period, are Gabriel Lovett, Napoleon and the Birth of Modern Spain (New York, 1965) and Simon Schama, Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780–1813 (London, 1977). 4. Stuart Woolf, Napoleon’s Integration of Europe (London and New York, 1991), 8–13. 5. Geoffrey Ellis, “The Nature of Napoleonic Imperialism,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), 102–5; Broers, Europe under Napoleon, passim. 1 THE FORMATION OF THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE 1. Geoffrey Ellis, “The Nature of Napoleonic Imperialism,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), 105. 2. Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (New York, 1994), 43. 3. Ellis, “The Nature,” 104–5. 4. On the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars and international relations, see Tim Blanning, The French Revolutionary Wars, 1787–1802 (London, 1996); David Chandler, The Campaigns of Napoleon: the Mind and Method of History’s Greatest Soldier (London, 1966); Owen Connelly, Blundering to Glory: Napoleon’s Military 212 Notes 213 Campaigns (Wilmington, DE, 1987); J. -
INTL 407/507 Development and Social Change in Europe
INTL 407/507 Development and Social Change in Europe Course Instructor: Dr. Geoff Kennedy Office: PLC 371 Office Hours: Email: [email protected] Phone: (541) 346-8976 Course Description Europe has rarely been the subject of ‘development’ studies. At best, Europe serves as a model of normality against which processes of socio-economic development in the so- called ‘Third World’ are assessed. It is on this basis that countries of the Global South are encouraged to replicate the European path of modernization. While it has become increasingly common to question the appropriateness of the policy prescriptions that have resulted from the dominant interpretations of European development given the significant differences between the historical contexts in which development is occurring between the European ‘core’ and the ‘periphery’ in the Global South, this course seeks to problematize the conceptual and historical limitations embedded in prevailing interpretations of European development and social change. The course is divided into three sections. The first section looks at an array of conceptual approaches to the study of European development and social change, and examines European development between the French Revolution and World War II. The second section examines the diversity of developmental processes underway in the various regions of Europe over the course of the post-war period: liberal capitalism in the West, dictatorship and underdevelopment in the South, and socialism in the East. The third section looks at the processes of neoliberal convergence and crisis in the context of European integration. International Studies The unique character and focus of the Department of International Studies (IS) is distinctly captured in the phrase ‘Culture and Development’. -
Political Concepts Committee on Concepts and Methods Working Paper Series
Political Concepts Committee on Concepts and Methods Working Paper Series 54 December 2011 The Concept of Nature in Libertarianism Marcel Wissenburg Radboud University Nijmegen ([email protected]) C&M The Committee on Concepts and Methods www.concepts-methods.org IPSA International Political Science Association www.ipsa.org CIDE Research and Teaching in the Social Sciences www.cide.edu Editor The C&M working paper series are published by the Committee on Concepts and Methods Andreas Schedler (CIDE, Mexico City) (C&M), the Research Committee No. 1 of the International Political Science Association (IPSA), hosted at CIDE in Mexico City. C&M Editorial Board working papers are meant to share work in progress in a timely way before formal José Antonio Cheibub, University of Illinois at publication. Authors bear full responsibility for Urbana-Champaign the content of their contributions. All rights reserved. David Collier, University of California, Berkeley The Committee on Concepts and Methods Michael Coppedge, University of Notre Dame (C&M) promotes conceptual and methodological discussion in political science. It provides a forum of debate between John Gerring, Boston University methodological schools who otherwise tend to conduct their deliberations at separate tables. It Russell Hardin, New York University publishes two series of working papers: “Political Concepts” and “Political Methodology.” Evelyne Huber, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Political Concepts contains work of excellence on political concepts and political language. It James Johnson, University of Rochester seeks to include innovative contributions to concept analysis, language usage, concept operationalization, and measurement. Gary King, Harvard University Political Methodology contains work of Bernhard Kittel, University of Oldenburg excellence on methods and methodology in the study of politics. -
Resilient Liberalism in Europe's Political Economy
Resilient Liberalism in Europe’s Political Economy Why have neo-liberal economic ideas been so resilient since the 1980s, despite major intellectual challenges, crippling financial and political crises, and failure to deliver on their promises? Why do they repeatedly return, not only to survive but to thrive? This groundbreaking book pro- poses five lines of analysis to explain the dynamics of both continuity and change in neo-liberal ideas: the flexibility of neo-liberalism’s core prin- ciples; the gaps between neo-liberal rhetoric and reality; the strength of neo-liberal discourse in debates; the power of interests in the strategic use of ideas; and the force of institutions in the embedding of neo-liberal ideas. The book’s highly distinguished group of authors shows how these possible explanations apply across the most important domains: fiscal policy; the role of the state; welfare and labour markets; regulation of competition and financial markets; management of the euro; and corporate governance – in the European Union and across European countries. vivien a. schmidt is Jean Monnet Professor of European Integration and Professor of International Relations and Political Science at Boston University, and Founding Director of Boston University’s Center for the Study of Europe. mark thatcher is Professor in Comparative and International Politics in the Department of Government at the London School of Economics and Political Science. contemporary european politics Consulting Editor: Andreas Føllesdal, University of Oslo Contemporary European Politics presents the latest scholarship on the most important subjects in European politics. The world’s leading scholars provide accessible, state-of-the-art surveys of the major issues that face Europe now and in the future. -
Europe (In Theory)
EUROPE (IN THEORY) ∫ 2007 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper $ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Minion with Univers display by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. There is a damaging and self-defeating assumption that theory is necessarily the elite language of the socially and culturally privileged. It is said that the place of the academic critic is inevitably within the Eurocentric archives of an imperialist or neo-colonial West. —HOMI K. BHABHA, The Location of Culture Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction: A pigs Eye View of Europe 1 1 The Discovery of Europe: Some Critical Points 11 2 Montesquieu’s North and South: History as a Theory of Europe 52 3 Republics of Letters: What Is European Literature? 87 4 Mme de Staël to Hegel: The End of French Europe 134 5 Orientalism, Mediterranean Style: The Limits of History at the Margins of Europe 172 Notes 219 Works Cited 239 Index 267 Acknowledgments I want to thank for their suggestions, time, and support all the people who have heard, read, and commented on parts of this book: Albert Ascoli, David Bell, Joe Buttigieg, miriam cooke, Sergio Ferrarese, Ro- berto Ferrera, Mia Fuller, Edna Goldstaub, Margaret Greer, Michele Longino, Walter Mignolo, Marc Scachter, Helen Solterer, Barbara Spack- man, Philip Stewart, Carlotta Surini, Eric Zakim, and Robert Zimmer- man. Also invaluable has been the help o√ered by the Ethical Cosmopol- itanism group and the Franklin Humanities Seminar at Duke University; by the Program in Comparative Literature at Notre Dame; by the Khan Institute Colloquium at Smith College; by the Mediterranean Studies groups of both Duke and New York University; and by European studies and the Italian studies program at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. -
Defining and Perceiving Peoples in the Chronicles of Norman Italy" (2011)
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 6-2011 "Videbantur Gens Effera": Defining and erP ceiving Peoples in the Chronicles of Norman Italy Jesse Hysell Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Hysell, Jesse, ""Videbantur Gens Effera": Defining and Perceiving Peoples in the Chronicles of Norman Italy" (2011). Master's Theses. 394. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/394 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "VIDEBANTUR GENS EFFERA": DEFINING AND PERCEIVING PEOPLES IN THE CHRONICLES OF NORMAN ITALY by Jesse Hysell A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty ofThe Graduate College in partial fulfillment ofthe requirements for the Degree of Master ofArts Department of History Advisor: Luigi Andrea Berto, Ph.D. Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan June 2011 "VIDEBANTUR GENS EFFERA": DEFINING AND PERCEIVING PEOPLES IN THE CHRONICLES OF NORMAN ITALY Jesse Hysell, M. A. Western Michigan University, 2011 The goal ofthis project is to analyze the ways different cultural groups in Sicily and southern Italy were depicted in a set ofhistorical texts associated with the Norman takeover ofthose regions in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. To achieve that aim, I consider social vocabulary applied to three distinct peoples (native Italians, Greeks, and Muslims) in five sources written by Amatus ofMontecassino, Geoffrey Malaterra, William ofApulia, Alexander ofTelese, and Hugo Falcandus. -
The Concept of a Liberal Society If-) J\MF...N.)~P
CHAPTER ONE "\ Fllol"\: LOLl)s 'M~1L'1.., It)[ \..'~tllf\)_ 1'Ilfll>f1\ON The Concept of a Liberal Society If-) J\MF...n.)~P. (l'?fJ,I'lCl.I). I 1. America and Europe The analysis which this book contains is based on what might be called the storybook truth about American his tory: that America was settled by men who Hed hom the feudal and clerical oppressio:qs 'of the Old World. If there is anything in this view, as, old as the national folklore itself, then the outstanding thing about the American community in Western history ought to be the non existence of those oppreSsions, or since the reaction against them was in the. broadest sense liberal, that the American community is a liberal community. We are confronted, as it were, with a kind of inverted Trotskyite law of combined development, America skipping the feudal stage of liistory as Russia presumably skipped the liberal stage. I know that I am using broad terms broadly here. "Feudalism" refers technically to the institutions of the medieval era, and it is well known that aspects of the decadent feudalism of the later period, such as p.!l!t!o- J geniture, entail, and quitrents, were present in America even "in the eighteenth century. • "Liberalism" is an even • There is no precise term for feudal institutions and feudal ideas as they persisted into the modern period amid the national ,states and 000- I nomic movements which progressively undermined them. The phrases 3 \ 1 THE CONCEPT OF A LIBERAL SOCIETY " FEUDALISM AND THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE vaguer term, clouded as it is by all sorts of modem social approach. -
01.01.13 Green Liberalism
The Green liberalism project is part of a wider Green Alliance programme which looks at the relationship between the values and priorities of the UK’s three main political traditions – conservatism, liberalism and social democracy – and their support for the development of a greener economy. Green Alliance is non-partisan and supports a politically pluralist approach to greening the economy and restoring natural systems. Many political scientists consider the environment to be an issue similar to health and education where voters judge the likely competence of a party if it were in power, and where most voters want similar outcomes. In such issues parties tend to avoid taking sharply contrasting ‘pro’ or ‘anti’ positions.1 Nevertheless the way environmental outcomes are achieved, and even understood, will differ depending on how individual parties view the confluence of their values with environmental solutions. There is also a risk that as environmental policy beings to impinge on significant economic decisions, such as the transformation of transport and energy infrastructure, there will be less common ground between parties. The two-year Green Roots programme will work with advisory groups made up of independent experts and supporters of each political tradition, including parliamentarians, policy experts and academics, to explore how the UK’s main political traditions can address environmental risks and develop distinct responses which align with their values. Liberalism is founded on a supreme belief in the importance of the individual.2 This belief naturally extends to a commitment to individual freedom, supported by the argument that “human beings are rational, thinking creatures… capable of defining and pursuing their own best interests.”3 However, “liberals do not believe that a balanced and tolerant society will develop naturally out of the free actions of individuals.. -
Giuseppe Mazzini's International Political Thought
Copyrighted Material INTRODUCTION Giuseppe Mazzini’s International Political Thought Giuseppe Mazzini (1805–72) is today largely remembered as the chief inspirer and leading political agitator of the Italian Risorgimento. Yet Mazzini was not merely an Italian patriot, and his influence reached far beyond his native country and his century. In his time, he ranked among the leading European intellectual figures, competing for public atten tion with Mikhail Bakunin and Karl Marx, John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville. According to his friend Alexander Herzen, the Russian political activist and writer, Mazzini was the “shining star” of the dem ocratic revolutions of 1848. In those days Mazzini’s reputation soared so high that even the revolution’s ensuing defeat left most of his Euro pean followers with a virtually unshakeable belief in the eventual tri umph of their cause.1 Mazzini was an original, if not very systematic, political thinker. He put forward principled arguments in support of various progressive causes, from universal suffrage and social justice to women’s enfran chisement. Perhaps most fundamentally, he argued for a reshaping of the European political order on the basis of two seminal principles: de mocracy and national selfdetermination. These claims were extremely radical in his time, when most of continental Europe was still under the rule of hereditary kingships and multinational empires such as the Habs burgs and the ottomans. Mazzini worked primarily on people’s minds and opinions, in the belief that radical political change first requires cultural and ideological transformations on which to take root. He was one of the first political agitators and public intellectuals in the contemporary sense of the term: not a solitary thinker or soldier but rather a political leader who sought popular support and participa tion. -
Selling Empowerment: a Critical Analysis of Femvertising
Selling Empowerment: A Critical Analysis of Femvertising Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107483 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. : , 2017 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Selling Empowerment: A Critical Analysis of Femvertising Alexandra Rae Hunt Boston College Senior Communication Honors Thesis Dr. Michael Serazio Spring 2017 ii Abstract This thesis explores the impact of femvertising on representations of women, its relation to and conversation with third wave feminism as a growing social movement, and its extension of a brand’s dedication to corporate social responsibility. Feminist critical discourse analysis from a third wave perspective was used to conduct qualitative visual and textual analysis of three different femvertising campaigns: Dove’s “Campaign for Real Beauty,” Always’ “Like a Girl” campaign, and Pantene’s “Shine Strong” campaign. Although femvertising diversifies the representation of women and girls in the media by challenging restrictive beauty standards and damaging rhetoric, it fails to accurately represent or reference the third wave movement by shying away from the feminist label and omitting mentions of intersectionality, sexuality, and storytelling. In addition, in order for femvertising to seem genuine rather than manipulative, the campaign must reflect a sustained effort on behalf of the brand to empower women and girls through philanthropic efforts and organizational partnerships. Terms: Brand Identity, Brand Personality, Corporate Social Responsibility, Brand Loyalty, Gender Roles, Hegemonic Masculinity, Second Wave Feminism, Third Wave Feminism, Body Cropping, Male Gaze, Scopophilia, Incorporation, Commodity Feminism, Commodification, Neoliberalism, Capitalism, Femvertising iii Acknowledgements I would like to extend my gratitude to my advisor, Dr.