James Anderson, ‘The ’s role in the creation and development of and Regent’s Park’, The Georgian Group Journal, Vol. xVII, 2009, pp. 107–114

text © the authors 2009 THE ’S ROLE IN THE CREATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF REGENT STREET AND REGENT’S PARK

JAMES ANDERSON

he creation of Regent Street and the reformed in the late eighteenth century by its then Tdevelopment of Regent’s Park was the largest Surveyor-General, John Fordyce, and this process single urban construction project undertaken to that was continued after his death in  by his date by the British government. It entailed the successor, Glenbervie.  Following Glenbervie’s acquisition and redevelopment of houses along a line retirement in  his position as the Office’s First from in Pall Mall to Langham Place, Commissioner was taken by William Huskisson, north of , a distance of approximately a close associate of Lord Liverpool with extensive one mile, together with the redevelopment of the business and economic expertise. In day to day  acre Park. Initial planning began as control was the Office’s Joint Secretary, Alexander early as  , and building, which got underway in Milne, an experienced and able senior civil servant.  , lasted for some ten years. The initial cost was Regent Street and Regent’s Park were followed estimated at £  , , but the final sum expended by a number of additional projects in , by the government was £ . million; this, of course, including Suffolk Street and various improvements excluded the cost of the houses and buildings along to the Charing Cross area, and these were, inter alia, the New Street and in Regent’s Park, which was the chronicled in James Elmes’s  publication, responsibility of the various individual developers. Metropolitan Improvements; or London in the The timing of the project was also interesting, Nineteenth Century . because work was delayed until the final cessation of It has long been assumed that the Prince Regent hostilities against following the victory at was a prime mover in Metropolitan Improvements, and Waterloo. The twenty odd years of war had left the that he took a personal interest in the planning and British government with huge debts and an economy design of Regent’s Park and Regent Street. Steen Eiler which was entering a serious post-war recession, Rasmussen, writing in  , identified Napoleon’s which in turn would be exacerbated by the improvements to Paris as being the inspiration for the demobilisation of hundreds of thousands of soldiers development of the Park and Street, and he assumed and seamen. With the prospect of massive the Prince Regent’s was the guiding hand: unemployment, the government was deeply When the French Emperor had the Rue de Rivoli built, concerned that serious public unrest could arise. the English Regent must needs also have a splendid The project was under the overall control of the thoroughfare. The First of England, Office of Woods, Forests and Land Revenues, a however, wanted the street to form an artery leading from government department which reported directly to Carlton House to the country house he had planned to  the Treasury.  The Office had been systematically build surrounded by the big park with its fine views.

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In , Architect to George IV , first Prince where the topic was discussed; this was on published in  , John Summerson was less  October  , the day before formal Treasury emphatic about the Prince’s role than he was later to approval was given to John Nash’s first plan.  There become, commenting that ‘[A]t this point [October is no record that the Prince had been provided with ,  ] we are frustrated by tantalising ignorance of copies of the plans before that meeting, and Nash the relations existing between Nash and the Prince of was not instructed to make any changes as a result of Wales’.  However, referring to Nash’s report, he it. The New Street Commissioners  met on a regular commented that ‘the commissioners, and after them basis throughout the course of the planning and the Treasury, and, most important of all, the Prince, building process and there is no mention of royal seem to have been completely captivated’.  involvement in their minutes during the crucial first It is quite understandable that such a link should five years of the project,  nor have I found any have been assumed; both the Park and the New allusion to the Prince’s involvement in Nash’s Street are named in his honour, the development was frequent memoranda to the Commissioners, which on Crown property and the plans were under covered all aspects of his involvement in the project.  consideration soon after his elevation to the Regency. Elmes’s Metropolitan Improvements is one of Additionally, the project architect was John Nash, the most comprehensive near-contemporary who, in early  , ‘at the personal behest of the publications to have considered Regent’s Park and Prince Regent, [was given temporary] responsibility Regent Street. His dedication to George IV is for all the royal ’.  Nash worked on Royal somewhat effusive: ‘The splendid and useful Lodge, Windsor, from  to  , and again in improvements that have been effected in this  – , and was responsible for conversion works METROPOLIS, under your ’S auspices at Carlton House and for the temporary structures […] will render the name of GEORGE THE erected in the gardens of Carlton House for the  FOURTH, as illustrious in the British annals, as that grand fête to celebrate Wellington’s victories and the of in those of Rome’.  But his ensuing centenary of the Hanoverian succession. commentary makes no mention of any personal In terms of architectural history, it is of more than involvement by the King. Although clearly not passing interest to establish whether a major building exhaustive, my review of various nineteenth-century project was undertaken at the behest of a ruling works on London has also not found any direct sovereign. Where a clear link can be established, the suggestion of his involvement.  Edward Walford in historian can seek to interpret the architecture in Old and New London ( ), mentions a proposed terms of the public approbation of the or proposed villa or guinguette for the Prince, but the . The form and location of particular certainly gives the impression that it was not a buildings could be expected to have some symbolic serious proposal: significance, and the allocation of public finance to The present park was commenced in  , from the such a project would be indicative of the perceived designs of Mr Nash, the architect, who had lately relationship of the monarch to the state. This article finished Regent Street [...] It was at first proposed to will explore this theme and will examine the build a large for the Prince Regent (after whom recorded links with the Prince Regent, suggesting the park is named) in the centre, but this plan was that his identification with the project has little not entertained, or, if entertained, it was speedily abandoned.  documented support. Lord Glenbervie, when First Commissioner of the Office of Woods, Forests and In Georgian London, first published in  , Land Revenues, records only one meeting with the Summerson somewhat reassessed his earlier view of

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XVII  THE PRINCE REGENT ’ S ROLE IN THE CREATION OF REGENT STREET the relationship between Nash and the Prince had been submitted to John Fordyce, Glenbervie’s Regent, now firmly linking the latter to the project: predecessor, and were taken into account when James Pillar, Joint Secretary to the Commissioners, From  , the Prince and Nash were clearly the moving powers in the planning scheme. The Prince drafted instructions dated  October  to the talked enthusiastically about eclipsing Napoleon’s Office’s surveyors, Thomas Leverton and Thomas Paris, while Nash designed a guinguette , or Royal Chawner, and to its architects, John Nash and James pleasaunce, for Regent’s Park and planned Regent Morgan, requesting their proposals for the Park. Street as a ‘Royal mile’ from Carlton House to the He specifically requested that a villa be provided guinguette . for ‘a Person of Rank and Fortune’, a form of This gives the impression that the subject was terminology which could refer either to the Prince of frequently discussed by the Prince, but Summerson’s Wales or to the of Portland.  This document footnote makes clear that it was in fact a reference to would certainly have been discussed with the one specific occasion, a dinner party, recorded in a Treasury before it was circulated to the two teams letter of  October  written by Thomas Moore of architects. to James Corry in which Moore reported the Prince Spencer Perceval, Prime Minister at the time of to be ‘so pleased with this magnificent plan, that he Glenbervie’s meeting with the Prince Regent, had has been heard to say “it will quite eclipse fallen out with the latter through his earlier support Napoleon ”’. It is quite understandable that the of Caroline and through his insistence on Prince had a passing interest in the scheme, and in the stringent restraints contained in the Regency Bill; the context of dinner party conversation, he may well the Prince retaliated by discussing a possible change have expressed enthusiastic support, but this in itself of government with opposition leaders, but this came cannot be construed as evidence of the Prince’s to nought. In view, therefore, of the highly sensitive active involvement. This letter, dated two days after political and personal relationship which existed Treasury approval of the plans, is the only recorded between the two men in the latter months of  , instance that I have found of the Prince Regent there is a strong circumstantial case to be made that referring to the scheme, nor have I located any the guinguette was Perceval’s idea. The Duke of correspondence on the subject in Aspinall’s edited Buckingham suggested just such a political motive: volumes of the Prince’s letters.  Summerson gives [Spencer Perceval] sought to gratify the Regent in no reason for his revision of the Prince’s role, nor, every way. Here is the first indication of that beyond the Moore letter, does he provide a source for improvement in the metropolis, by which the his fairly sweeping assertion, but his thesis appears temporary title of his Royal has been to have been accepted without further research by a perpetuated. ‘The Prince, it is said is to have a villa on number of subsequent writers on the topic. Primrose Hill, and a fine street, leading direct to it from Carlton House. This is one of the “primrose The Portland Estate was immediately to the paths of dalliance”, by which Mr Perceval is, I fear, south of Marylebone Park, as Regent’s Park had finding his way to the Prince’s heart’.  previously been known, and the third Duke of Portland had purchased the lease of the Park in  . The extent of the Prince’s enthusiasm is a matter of The original idea for building an imposing house in speculation, but there is evidence in the form of a the Park can be attributed to the Duke’s surveyor, letter of  January  from Glenbervie to an John White,  but it is more likely that he had in unnamed Treasury official, quite possibly its Joint mind a new London residence for the Duke rather Secretary, Charles Arbuthnot, that the progress in than for the Prince Regent. White’s  proposals obtaining an Act of Parliament for the New Street

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XVII  THE PRINCE REGENT ’ S ROLE IN THE CREATION OF REGENT STREET was going slowly. Since Glenbervie addressed the support for the scheme: ‘Between ourselves, if a question of whether finance could be raised from certain personage is in earnest and will give his private investors, it is possible that the Treasury had political and personal weight to a project which doubts on this score at the time and was reluctant to could do credit and honour to his reign, the thing press forward and risk having to openly commit will succeed. If he will not it will fail and with it half public funds to the project. Significantly, Glenbervie’s the lustre and income of Marybone Park’.  This catalogue of supporters did not include the Prince document, written over a year after Glenbervie’s Regent: meeting with the Prince to discuss the plan, supports the argument that the Prince was only asked to back Will you give me leave to write to you in this manner the scheme in order to put pressure on the Treasury. on a subject which necessarily occupied very much of my thoughts. I mean the projected communication If this interpretation is correct, it would help to from Maribone Park ( sic ), by Portland Place to explain where the idea that the Prince was involved Westminster. I have had many opportunities for the came from, and it might also shed light on a curious last five or six months, of having that measure talked paragraph in an  publication by John White’s of, in many different societies, and by many persons of son: ‘The current remark, that the New Street is different classes and descriptions, both as to their rank in life, their political economical and financial merely an avenue from Carlton House to the opinions, or prejudices, their weight from property, of Regent’s Park is scarcely worthy of notice, as it can different sorts, territorial and commercial, and their by no means be expected that future would character for abilities and understanding [...] But choose a palace on so limited a scale for their royal depend upon it there is no such diversity of opinions residence.  with regard to our New Street – which has been in the On the assumption that the Prince Regent was contemplation and favour of the public for a great many years, but, if not adopted now, will, in all closely involved with the planning of Regent Street, probability be abandoned for ever.  a number of writers have suggested that its creation may have had an added political and symbolic Glenbervie’s final comment is of interest because it significance. Dana Arnold, for example, has argued implies that the intention of building a New Street that the New Street was part of a grand scheme had been common knowledge, at least in more conceived by the Prince Regent and his ministers influential circles, for some considerable time. The which ‘was closely connected with the desire of the most likely explanation is that early soundings had to underline its own status and authority’ been taken when the project was first mooted in and that the various Metropolitan Improvements order to gauge the reaction of property owners, ‘invited [every Londoner] to celebrate the nation’s potential investors and leading developers. If this were security, thanks to the king, through the memorials the case, it adds a new dimension to the planning and triumphal archways’.  Although governments process, and suggests that a broad consensus had have frequently used architectural symbolism to been achieved well before the two teams of architects further political objectives, there is little evidence were asked to prepare their proposals. that the Liverpool administration had such a policy I have found no reply to this letter, but it seems in mind. Indeed, in the immediate aftermath of the that the Treasury continued to prevaricate, because Napoleonic War, an over-riding objective was to on  December  Glenbervie wrote to his reduce public expenditure, particularly where there commissioner colleague, William Dacres Adams, might be any suggestion of waste or extravagance.  mentioning, for the first time, the possible At the beginning of the  Parliamentary session, involvement of the Prince Regent as a way of gaining for example, Lord Castlereagh, the leader in the

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House of Commons, moved to set up another Select Nicholas Vansittart, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Committee on Public Expenditure, in order to ‘sift which spelt out the extremely difficult economic [...] the financial concerns of the country to the position of the country, and concluded: bottom’, and he made a point of instructing its members to ‘go into the inquiry with candour, with Your ’s servants humbly submit that the only means by which [there] can be a prospect of the wish of emulating each other in exertions for the weathering the impending storm is by stating on the  public good’. The Liverpool administration was direct authority of your Royal Highness and by your ruthless in its search for savings, cutting back on command, if it should be necessary, that all new government establishments, reducing the Civil List, expenses for additions and alterations at Brighton or and enforcing a ten per cent decrease in official elsewhere will, under the present circumstances, be abandoned. Your Royal Highness’s servants are salaries. The total reduction achieved between perfectly convinced that Parliament will never vote one  and  was £  million, which represented shilling for defraying such expenses, if unfortunately approximately  per cent of the total  they were to be persevered in.  expenditure.  The Treasury, writing to the Commissioners of Given the general postwar climate of opinion and Woods, Forests and Land Revenues in November government austerity measures, national monuments  in connection with plans for the New Street, celebrating victory would not have been considered make quite clear their view of public edifices: ‘Any appropriate and Linda Colley has pointed out that expenditure incurred in the erection of Public successive British governments refrained from buildings will have no effect whatever except that of honouring naval and military commanders by way of trenching upon the funds and rendering an excess public monuments.  J. Mordaunt Crook has drawn beyond the original Estimation’.  Norman Gash, attention to designs for, inter alia , a Trafalgar obelisk writing about the political climate after Waterloo, by Smirke and a tower by Gandy-Wilkins to be raised the very interesting proposition that the placed at the northern end of Portland Place; they administration’s resolve to reduce government all, however, ‘remained dreams, ruled out on expenditure went beyond financial rectitude, and grounds of cost’.  Nelson Column, in Trafalgar was, at least in part, aimed to assuage public Square, was not completed until  , whilst the disillusionment with the recent war: large equestrian statue of the Duke of Wellington by Matthew Cotes Wyatt was not erected until  . It is The wars of  – , so the argument ran, had been a deliberate attempt by the British to crush also, of course, problematical whether architectural revolution and support and tyranny on the symbols of state power would have greatly impressed continent because they feared the triumph of the lower orders, and indeed they might even have liberalism and democracy at home. Heavy taxation acted as a focus for popular anger, as happened after  , therefore, was not only politically during the when, on the same objectionable but morally wrong because it was to pay day, rioters tore down the giant equestrian statue of for the consequences of a cruel and unjust war.  the king in Place Louis XV (now the Place de la The Prince Regent’s extravagance on his own Concorde), and demolished that of Louis XIV in the building projects at Carlton House and the Royal Place des Victoires.  Pavilion, Brighton, was causing the government At no stage, to the best of my knowledge, was the grave concern, and in  a joint letter was argument advanced by the government or any other sent to him by the Prime Minister, Lord Liverpool, politician that the cost of Regent Street was justified Lord Castlereagh, the Foreign Secretary, and either as a celebration of the victory in the war with

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Napoleonic France or as a mark of approbation of lavishly, as evidenced by the  celebrations at the Prince Regent. As far as Parliament and the Carlton House to mark the Treaty of Paris. The result general public were concerned, no public money was was that the government was forced on a number of to be employed. When the Commissioners presented occasions to pay off his debts, something which their report to Parliament for approval in  it hard-pressed ministers such as Lord Liverpool contained what in retrospect was a wholly inadequate found extremely irksome. He was also deeply financial evaluation by Nash; this showed that the unpopular with the public for much of his Regency New Street could be fully financed by borrowing and subsequent reign, particularly because of his from various insurance companies and that the treatment of and divorce from Princess Caroline, capital sum invested would be fully amortised over a and, whilst Prince of Wales, had been the butt of twenty five year period assuming interest at five per savage mockery by political satirists, who lampooned cent per annum.  The Commissioners subsequently his alleged gluttony and morals. asked Leverton and Chawner to review Nash’s These factors all need to be taken into account in figures, and they, despite using somewhat different assessing the role of the Prince Regent in the Regent assumptions, reached a much more realistic figure Street and Regent’s Park development. Coupled with which was surprisingly close to the eventual sum the absence of any documented direct involvement, expended. The decision to proceed, therefore, and with the admittedly circumstantial evidence set suggests that the senior government politicians out in this article, the Prince’s contribution is involved believed that the long term economic unlikely to have extended beyond a passing nod of benefits outweighed the substantial extra sums of approval. Apart from his initial meeting with public money likely to be required. Glenbervie in October 1811, he appears to have had I have argued elsewhere that a strong case can be no further discussions with any of the New Street made that the development of Regent Street and commissioners, and there is no documented Regent’s Park were part of the government’s plans evidence that he showed any interest in having a for tackling the potential unemployment of the residence in the Park. Indeed, apart from Pillar’s hundreds of thousands of soldiers and seamen instructions and the first draft plans, this idea appears demobilised after the final victory over Napoleon.  to have been abandoned by the commissioners at a This project, together with the Poor Employment very early stage.  Furthermore, the idea of creating a Act,  , and the Church Building Act,  , would ‘Royal mile’ in the Prince Regent’s honour would, in provide employment for large numbers of unskilled the political climate immediately after Waterloo, have labourers whilst effecting much needed infrastructural been unacceptable to both Parliament and the improvements in the Capital and constructing new general public. churches for the increasing urban populations of the towns and cities. George IV was extravagant with money throughout most of his adult life. He was a collector of some discernment and was constantly reordering and redecorating his various residences. He transformed Carlton House, and spent lavishly on the rebuilding of , where Nash acted as his architect, and on the modernisation and improvement of . He entertained

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NOTES C. Knight (ed.), London (London,  ); C. Knight,  The Office of Woods, Forests and Land Revenues Knight’s Cyclopedia (London,  ); H. Wheatley, was responsible for managing Crown lands. It London Past and Present (London,  ). subsequently merged with the Office of Works and  E. Walford, Old and New London (London,  ), V, in  it became Estate. p.  .  For details of the various reforms and organizational  John Summerson, Georgian London changes made see James Anderson, ‘Urban (Harmondsworth,  ), p.  . Development as a Component of Government  A. Aspinall (ed.), The Letters of King George IV, Policy in the Aftermath of the Napoleonic War’,  – (Cambridge,  ), and The Correspondence Construction History , XV (  ), pp.  – . of George, Prince of Wales,  – , VII  S. Rasmussen, London, the Unique City (London,  ). (Harmondsworth,  ), p.  . First published  .  See James Anderson, ‘John White Senior and James  John Summerson, John Nash, Architect to King Wyatt: An Early Scheme for Marylebone Park and George IV (London,  ), p.  . the New Street to Carlton House, Architectural  Ibid , p.  . History , XLIV (  ), pp.  – .  J. M. Crook, The History of the King’s Works, VI,  NA, CRES  /, para. IX. (London,  ), p.  .  Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, Memoirs of the  W. Sichel (ed.), Glenbervie Diaries (London,  ), Court of England during the Regency,  – p.  . The relevant passage reads: ‘I had, before I (London,  ), I, p.  . The source is a letter from left London to go to the Isle of Wight, an interview Thomas Moore to Donegal, of  October,  . with the Prince Regent on the subject of Marybone  NA, T/   . The letter is actually dated  January Park.’ Sichel then notes: ‘A long discussion follows  , but since it refers to a meeting John Nash had about this now uninteresting affair in which the in August  with Spencer Perceval, this must be a Prime Minister Perceval, too, was concerned’. mistake for  . Judging by the handwriting and Summerson reports that the relevant section of the spelling of a number of Glenbervie’s personal diary is missing and my inspection of the diaries in letters, he appears to have been in the habit of the National Library of Scotland indicates that the dashing these off after having spent a convivial complete volume which would have covered this evening dining, and to mistake the year at the end of period is indeed missing. January is quite understandable.  A separate body, the New Street Commission, was  NA, PRO  / / A. set up by Act of Parliament to manage the Regent  John White Jnr., Some Account of the Proposed Street project; the commissioners were the Improvements of the Western Part of London, by the commissioners of the Office of Woods, Forests and formation of Regent’s Park, the New Street, the New Land Revenues. sewer etc., etc. (London,  ), p.  . John White  National Archives (hereafter NA), CRES  / Jnr. was the Surveyor of the Parish of St Marylebone through  / cover the period from July  to and the son of the Duke of Portland’s Surveyor, October  . John White.  NA, CRES / includes a report from Nash  Dana Arnold, ‘Rationality, Safety and Power: the dated  April  in which he refers to efforts to street planning of later Georgian London’, Georgian ‘open a treaty with Lady Berkeley all of them under Group Journal ( ), p.  . the direction or approbation of the Prince Regent.’  Immediately following Waterloo, the House of The property referred to, however, is a house in Commons voted in favour of a commemorative Berkeley Square and this was not required for the monument, but this was not proceeded with. See New Street. S. Brindle, ‘The Wellington Arch and the Western  J. Elmes, Metropolitan Improvements or London in Entrance to London’, Georgian Group Journal , XI the Nineteenth Century (London,  ), p. iv. ( ), p.  .  The following publications were reviewed: S. Leigh,  P. Harling, The Waning of ‘Old Corruption’: The New Picture of London (London, Volumes for  , Politics of Economic Reform in Britain,  –  ,  and  ; J. Britton, The Original Picture (Oxford,  ), p.  . The quote is from Hansard, of London Enlarged and Improved (London,  );  , col.  ( February  ).

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XVII  THE PRINCE REGENT ’ S ROLE IN THE CREATION OF REGENT STREET

 N. Gash, ‘After Waterloo: British Society and the from  until  . He was present at the fall of the Legacy of the Napoleonic Wars’, Transactions of the Bastille, as too was Lord Liverpool, and probably at Royal Historical Society, series , VIII (  ), p.  . the attack on the Tuileries in  . See their entries  NA, T  / , f.  . in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography .  Gash, ‘After Waterloo’, p.  . Personal experience of revolutionary violence may  Quoted in C. Hibbert, George IV (Harmondsworth, well have left a lasting impression on the minds of  ), pp.  –. the two men, both then only in their late teens.  L. Colley, ‘Whose Nation? National Consciousness  NA, CRES  /, the  Report of the in Britain,  – ’, Past and Present, CXIII Commissioners of Woods Forests and Land ( ), p.  . Revenues, p.  .  J. M. Crook, ‘Metropolitan Improvements: John  Anderson, ‘Urban development’ passim . Nash and the Picturesque’, in C Fox (ed.), London –  Nash may, however, have cherished hopes of World City (New Haven and London,  ), pp.  –. resurrecting the scheme. J. Summerson, The Life  S. Schama, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French and Work of John Nash, Architect (London,  ), Revolution (Harmondsworth,  ), p.  . William p.  , mentions a plan of  by Nash (NA, MPE Huskisson, who succeeded Lord Glenbervie as / ) showing a proposed ‘Royal Guinguette’ First Commissioner at the Office of Woods, Forests facing Cumberland Terrace. and Land Revenues in  , was resident in Paris

THE GEORGIAN GROUP JOURNAL VOLUME XVII 