Dartmouth Model United Nations 2021 Fifteenth Annual Conference ​∙ ​April 9 - 11, 2021 Dartmouth College · Rockefeller Center · Hanover, NH 03755 E-mail: [email protected] ​ Website: https://sites.dartmouth.edu/modelun/ ​

April 9, 2021

Dear Delegates:

On behalf of the entire Dartmouth Model United Nations staff, we would like to welcome and thank you for registering for the fifteenth annual Dartmouth Model United Nations conference this April 2021. Even in these unprecedented times, we have been working relentlessly since last April to provide a worthwhile virtual Model UN experience for this spring’s delegates. DartMUN is a unique conference. We pair world-class delegations and dais staff members in smaller, more-interactive environments to facilitate an enriching experience for delegates of all skill levels. We believe DartMUN’s active, small committees ensure delegates feel comfortable immersing themselves in a competitive but supportive environment that encourages trial by error and participation. Furthermore, DartMUN’s well-trained staff is excited to work with your delegates this winter in committee to equip the next generation of college students with the skills to tackle complex global problems.

This year’s slate of committees includes a wide variety of interests, from the United Nations Environmental Programme to the Afghan Peace Deals crisis committee. Our goal this year is to create an educational and exciting environment for all delegates regardless of whether it is your first or final conference. If this is your first conference, we encourage you to be brave, voice your thoughts through speeches, and forge alliances with your fellow delegates. If you are an experienced Model UN participant, we encourage you to support your fellow delegates and challenge yourself outside of your comfort zone.

If at any point throughout the conference you have any questions or concerns. Please do not hesitate to reach out to any staff or secretariat member. We look forward to meeting you.

Sincerely,

Mila Escajadillo Alec Rossi Secretary-General, DartMUN 2021 Director-General, DartMUN 2021

DartMUN 2021 Current Crisis 1 1

Position Paper Guidelines The background guide provides you with a framework and structure to continue doing research on your topic and investigating your country’s stance. We encourage delegates to further explore the intricacies of the topics and develop creative solutions beyond the background guide.

Position papers are an opportunity for delegates to summarize their research in preparation for the conference. Delegates are strongly encouraged to write position papers for each topic. Below is the general structure for papers that can be adapted depending on your country and committee:

I. Topic Background: Include a brief summary of the topic and outline your country’s past involvement and experience with the issue. II. Country Stance: Explain your country’s policies and position on the issue, including relevant statistics and research. III. Proposed Solutions: Propose and provide further details on possible solutions and identify and analyze potential benefits and drawbacks. Remember that your solutions should reflect your country’s policies.

Delegates should write one position paper per topic, with each paper a maximum of one page long (excluding the works cited page). No cover pages. All papers should be single-spaced with standard margins in Times New Roman 12 pt. Font. Place the following in the top left-hand corner of both your position papers: committee, country, delegate’s name, school, and topic. All sources should be appropriately cited.

Position papers should be submitted online via the form at http://sites.dartmouth.edu/modelun/conferenceinfo/ ​ position-paper-submission/ either as a Word document or PDF before March 25, 2020. Please title the file with ​ your committee name and country. Delegates who do not submit position papers will be ineligible for awards. Questions regarding position papers should be directed to the DartMUN email ([email protected]). ​ ​

DartMUN 2021 Current Crisis 1 2 The , 1917 Background The year is 1917. Revolution and conflict have been brewing for more than half a century. The late had the largest standing army of any European power. Its imperialist power was a source of national pride that bolstered the aristocracy and mitigated the effects of the social and political unrest brewing in the lower classes. However, in the past 50 years, had launched and suffered a series of humiliating war defeats, causing a rapid decline in patriotism. Coupled with a multitude of domestic issues including famines, failed reform, and the assassination of Emperor Alexander II in 1881, trust in the aristocratic ruling class quickly changed to tension between the bureaucracy and commoners (Medvedkov). One of the failed reforms in 1880 led to the rise of Marxism, a socialist philosophy that argues that an oppressed working class should incite revolution to overthrow capitalism and install communism. Communism grew popular due to its classlessness and tenets of common ownership over production, which appealed to working class living in poor conditions. By 1898, those who supported Marxist ideas had solidified into the Socialist Democratic Labor Party, and in 1903, they split into two factions: the , who felt that Russia was not prepared for rapid reform, and the , led by , who believed Russia needed a radical revolution (Cavendish). The political unrest gave rise to a liberal, democratic movement to replace the incompetent autocracy, and in 1904, the liberal elites started a campaign to support constitutional reform. The campaign’s activities started as peaceful demonstrations, but as the liberals grew in popularity, the autocracy went on the defensive, escalating conflicts without having any real power to defend themselves while a majority of soldiers were away fighting in Japan (Medvedkov). Tensions eased slightly when Nicholas II wrote “The Manifesto on the Improvement of the State Order" in October promising to abdicate in favor of a constitutional body referred to as a Duma. This pacified some liberals and fractured the liberal group into the Octobrists and the Kadets: those who were satisfied with the declaration and those who wanted more drastic reform, respectively (Medvedkov). However, the October Manifesto did not completely resolve the political unrest. Marxist workers formed soviets, which served as ​ ​ political forums consisting of councils of workers to debate the differing ideas until they were dispersed by police forces in December 1906. The 1906 disbanding of these councils led to uprisings in both rural and

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 3 urban peasant populations where manors and the homes of landowners were sacked and burned. No party was satisfied, and the streets were filled with chaos (Figes). The liberals, made up of a professional, relatively well-off middle class, stood aside in the conflict despite advocating change. The radical Marxists took the foreground in the fight to end the destruction of the aristocracy, but never really accomplished their goals before the police shut down their protests. The nobility were driven further away from the moderate liberals and instead towards the autocracy, which had the power to protect their interests. The Duma was weak, and Russia was still unambiguously an autocracy--a status reaffirmed by the Fundamental Laws of 1906 which declared the Tsar’s power over the Duma. The Fundamental Laws also gave the Tsar the power to dissolve the Duma at any point, gutting it of any real power. The mounting unrest led politicians to develop new values that opposed those of the aristocracy. The police force wielded absolute power, and due process was suspended (Medvedkov). In an attempt to mollify the unrest, Tsar Nicholas implemented new reforms. Mir--peasant working ​ ​ communities of small farms--were split up, encouraging peasants to own pieces of their own land. This reform was meant to promote capitalist values and fight against the growing popularity of both branches of Marxism (Medvedkov). Despite these attempts to promote capitalist ideology and increased land ownership, labor unrest continued. There were a series of strikes, and people protested both political and economic issues. Among the Socialist ​ ​ Democrats, both the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks vied for the support of the people (Cavendish). When the Great War began in 1914, Russian patriotism soared. Support for the Tsar’s decision to defend Russian land from the Germans grew. The war was initially popular among the Russian population, particularly among those who supported the “Pan-Slavic” movement--a movement concerned with advancing the unity of the Slavic peoples. However, not all Russians supported the war. The Bolshevik party considered the war ‘imperialistic’ and unconducive to Marxism. It wanted Russia to be defeated quickly so it could refocus on domestic disputes. This stance made the Bolsheviks very unpopular with the rest of the country, and many were arrested as a result (Kohn). As the war continued, Russia experienced crushing defeats at the hands of the German army. Between 1914 and 1917, German forces penetrated deep into Russian territory. The general population quickly became disenchanted with the war, as the war drained resources and led to many more casualties than any other nation endured. Tsar Nicholas thus appointed himself Commander-in-Chief, spending much of late 1915 to early 1917 fighting and away from (Medvedkov).

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 4 With Nicholas gone, his wife--German-born Empress Alexandra--was placed in charge. She quickly became even more unpopular and continued to lose the trust of her people. Rumors about Rasputin, a mystic and trusted friend of Nicholas, and his influence on the empress made Nicholas appear weak and untrustworthy. The people saw Nicholas and his cabinet as incompetent. The fragile bureaucracy and divided society made Russia weak, and by February 1917, the autocracy was on its last legs despite its desperate struggle to retain power (History.com Editors). In February, Petrograd was gripped by strikes and protests over the wartime rationing of bread. Tsar Nicholas ordered the Petrograd Garrison to disperse the protests with rifle fire, but the soldiers mutinied. Petrograd quickly fell into chaos. As the situation worsened, Nicholas abdicated in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Michael, who refused to take over. Nicholas was then placed under house arrest. The 300 years of the Romanov Dynasty rule came to an end (Medvedkov). After the fall of the Romanovs, a Provisional Government was formed by the Duma consisting of Duma members, the parliament, and the noble aristocracy. The goal was to create a temporary committee to run the country until a more permanent form of government could be formed (Medvedkov). The , originally a worker’s union, developed as a rival authority to the Provisional Government. As the revolution progressed, the Petrograd Soviet became more political in nature, consisting of many more soldiers and socialists. While it was initially composed of more moderate socialists, this would change throughout 1917 (Medvedkov).

Current Situation Russia’s Participation in the War The first task of the Provisional Government will be deciding how, and if, Russia should continue participating in a war that has claimed the lives of millions of Russians. As of the summer of last year, Russia had made substantial gains on the western front. Fighting a tired and battered Austro-Hungarian army, the newly appointed general of the Southwestern front, Aleksei Brusilov, opted to launch a massive offensive meant to coincide with a similar offense by his Italian allies in the South. This offensive allowed Russia to regain nearly all of the territory lost on Russia’s southwestern front the previous year. However, this victory did not come without a price: Russia lost nearly 2 million men in the offensive. When Russia’s ally Romania entered the war, only for its capital to be quickly occupied by December, it became obvious that Russia would lack the necessary support to carry on without risk.

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 5 As the United States ramps up efforts to protect their merchant ships, there are rumors that they may soon enter the war, but nothing has manifested yet. Currently, Russia’s western front is quiet. The military is biding its time as they wait for the opportunity to launch a new offensive in the summer. Germany, on the other hand, has turned its attention to its western front, moving generals Hindenburg and Ludendorff to their command quarters in the West. While there is currently no present danger from Germany or Austria-Hungary, it is entirely possible that this will change this coming summer. As Germany plans to consolidate its warfronts, the land gained by General Brusilov may be taken back, and casualty counts could continue to steadily rise. The bulk of the Provisional Government is made up of moderates from the former Duma. Both the liberal Kadet party and the Menshevik party are in favor of the prosecution of the war. It is apparent that the Austro-Hungarian empire is weakening, and with the instability of the power change following the death of Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria, it may collapse at any moment. Additionally, the Kadets and Mensheviks believe that Russia has a duty to remain faithful to its international allies, as the closing of Germany’s eastern front may prove to be a disaster to and England. Pulling out of the war would result in one less front for Germany to fight against, allowing it to focus its entire military power west. Additionally, backing out of the Great War may hurt Russia’s international standing and call into question its reliability as an ally. However, the more radical members of the Provisional Government believe it imperative that Russia withdraws from the war. They argue that Russia should not be fighting wars abroad when it lacks the resources to deal with widespread famine and malnutrition (Tunstall, 35-40). Current estimates from 1916 suggest that there have been roughly 5.5 million Russian casualties, with an additional 500,000 men reported missing (Sazanov 161, 163). They point out that soldiers headed to the frontlines are often woefully under equipped for battle, leading to greater losses. Lower-level soldiers feel disillusioned with a government that is willing to allow millions to be sent into battle for just a few miles of land. The massive number of casualties have left civilians feeling as though Russia has not prioritized its people, leading to widespread anti-war sentiments. Prior to the revolution, the war was seen as the Tsar’s war--a tool of autocracy and oppression. The Provisional Government must weigh the costs and benefits of Russia’s continued involvement in the war. There is no clear and obvious answer; each member must decide for themselves the best course of action for Russia and her citizens. The longer Russia remains in the war, the more civil unrest there will be. This would be especially problematic considering massive protests would call into question the legitimacy of the new government, jeopardizing the power of the Provisional Government and therefore the prospect of peace. This could result in the rise of the radical anti-war Bolsheviks, who claim to be the voice of the working class, and the destruction of the ​ ​ Provisional Government. However, staying in the Great War would also cement foreign relations with their

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 6 allies which is crucial in legitimizing the authority of the new government, and it may even broaden Russia’s own western border (Pelz, 115). If the Provisional Government decides that the war is a fruitless cause, this would be the first step in winning the favor and support of the people. If the Provisional Government is unable to secure the will of the people, it will be incredibly difficult for it to claim just authority, carry out mandates, and prevent another popular revolt. However, leaving the Great War could come at the expense of completely restructuring the balance of power in Europe. With Russia out of the picture, Germany could reach for favorable peace deals, redrawing the borders of Western Europe, and weakening Russia’s allies. The situation that this government has inherited is precarious and will require artful negotiations and compromises, but even this may still not be enough. If the Provisional Government hopes to escape this situation in one piece, it must first decide on the future of its involvement in the Great War.

Economic and Social Situation Aside from Russia’s political troubles, there has also been economic turmoil since the start of the war. In order to finance the war, the government printed millions of ruble notes in 1914 which caused inflation. By early 1917, prices of manufactured goods were up four times as much as in 1914 (McLean). The higher cost of living led farmers to revert to subsistence farming and keep the grain they produced rather than sell it to markets, leaving market shelves empty and cities without enough food. Between 1909 to 1913, 12.4% of all grain and fodder was sold on the market, but by 1915, there was only 7.4% available to purchase, leaving many to starve (Harrison). Although the Tsar’s government attempted to solve this through the creation of a Special Council for Food in 1915, this proved to be ineffective due to the insurmountable problem of a lack of resources. Following the revolution, the responsibility for alleviating the situation and supporting the civilian population has fallen to the Provisional Government. In addition, rising food prices have led to demands for higher wages in factories (“The Crisis of 1917: Bread.”). Strikes have erupted everywhere and are being exacerbated by ​ ​ revolutionary propaganda. Due to conscription, there is a general labor shortage which is adding to the chaos. The strikes and unrest are fueling criticism of the government, causing many people to turn to revolutionary parties for change (McClean). There are also numerous challenges to address in terms of urban industrial life. Overcrowded housing, poor sanitary and safety conditions, long work hours, and harsh discipline are causing hardship to people working in cities. Rapid industrialization and urbanization has caused overcrowding in cities today. Between 1890 and 1910, the population of Saint Petersburg rose from 1,033,600 to 1,905,600 people (McClean). In a survey from

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 7 1904, an average of 16 people shared one apartment in Saint Petersburg, and the situation has only worsened since then. Despite these problems, there are benefits to working in the cities as well. People can acquire new skills, giving them more self-respect, confidence, and ambitions. They have access to new material goods not available to people in the countryside. New social and political ideas are spread throughout these urban centers. While these factors may improve the livelihood of urban workers, they also may cause trouble for the government (McClean). The Provisional Government needs to figure out how they want to control, or foster, these growing ideas, as they could be either harmful or beneficial to the progress of the nation. The Provisional Government also needs to find a solution to this overcrowding, as poor urban conditions are a main source of discontent among the people. One thing that would certainly benefit from improvement is the inadequate railway system which is creating a supply bottleneck. This bottleneck specifically prevents food, which is already severely limited, from reaching civilians (Golubinov). Between 1914 to 1917, the government spent less than 5% (about 2.1 million rubles) of the annual military budget for constructing new lines, extending lines, or improving the rolling stock (Siegelbaum). The public believes the state of the railway is a result of disorganization, but in reality, it is due to a lack of equipment and shortage of track capacity. Currently, there is a small dispute between the front and the rear railway systems. The soldiers at the front are not receiving enough goods and supplies and are blaming the leadership in the rear, while the citizens in the rear feel excluded from the special trains supplying the troops at the front. Essentially, both sides are unhappy, which, in addition to the lack of resources, is stalling progress (Cvetkovski). Another reason the railroads and their workers should be of interest to the Provisional Government is that they serve as a hub for communication and social activity. Word of the coup in the capital was spread through the railroad system. The railroads serve as “an agent of revolution in a double sense”; they not only created unrest, but were also communication points for this unrest (Cvetkovski). Thus the railroads serve as both a political and economic concern for the Provisional Government. Russia is also suffering from a fuel crisis, exacerbating the issue of poor railroad transportation. Oil production is falling, and because the railroads require large amounts of oil, the rest of the country is deprived of sufficient fuel for iron and steel production (Cvetkovski). Despite the high amounts of oil required to run the railroads, the importance of improving infrastructure cannot be overstated. In order to provide Russian troops with supplies and ensure citizens have the food they require, the Provisional Government will need to improve the railroad system. While the economic and social problems may seem insurmountable, this is far from the case. Russia stands at a difficult yet important moment in history that will inevitably define its future as a communist state.

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 8 The members of the Provisional Government have the power to address these issues and gain favor amongst the civilian population.

Competing Ideas for the Future of Russia With the revolution fresh, many groups compete for power within the new Russian government. The Provisional Government will have to navigate the demands of the revolution’s various factions.

Liberals/Kadets Russia’s liberals share many ideas in common with liberals in Western countries like the United Kingdom and France. Generally, liberals seek , individual rights, and constitutional democratic government. Most liberals come from the upper and middle classes, who have been educated and exposed to liberal ideas. Because of this, the appeal of the liberals is mostly limited to elites in the cities. The liberals are very influential within the Provisional Government. They are open to working with more moderate socialists.

Socialists/Communists Russia’s leftist movements have grown in strength, particularly since the failed 1905 Revolution. Russia’s left focuses on wealth inequality, seeking wealth redistribution and better living standards for workers and peasants. The dominant ideology among Russia’s leftists is Marxism. Many members of the movement come from the urban working class and urban intellectuals. However, Marxism is becoming more popular among rural peasants due to promises of land reform. The main political body of the socialists is the Petrograd Soviet, which has declared allegiance with the workers of Russia. In addition to urban workers, the Petrograd Soviet also includes many soldiers (who are a key part of the revolution). The Petrograd Soviet seeks greater influence over the running of the country, particularly where workers are concerned. Russia’s Socialists and Communists are themselves split into factions, with the biggest divisor revolving around support of the Provisional Government. A growing minority of leftists--particularly the Bolshvik faction--see the Provisional Government as illegitimate. The committee will need to find a way to accommodate the demands of this newly-powerful group.

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 9 Conservatives Russia’s conservatives seek to preserve the old Imperial Russia. There are three main groups that comprise the conservatives: the officers of the military, the Orthodox Church and its followers, and the traditional aristocracy. Conservatives are generally pragmatists, seeking to uphold or reinstate the traditional power structure of tsarist Russia. Conservatives also support Russia’s continued participation in the Great War and hope to protect the privileges of the aristocracy, restore the monarchy, and continue the church’s influence on the state. It is rumored that several conservatives find the Provisional Government unsuited to govern Russia, even temporarily. The committee will need to decide what parts of the old Russia to keep, what parts to revise, and how to deal with the consequences of change.

Separatists Russia is a vast, multiethnic empire and the collapse of central authority has resulted in many groups seeking self-determination and the formation of their own states. Most separatists are conservatives or liberals, although some hold leftist positions. The strongest separatist movements are in the West, including Poland, , Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, where they are supported by Germany. However, there are separatists all over the empire, including the Caucasus and Central Asia. The committee will need to decide whether to grant these groups autonomy, let them split away, or try and reintegrate them into Russia.

Foreign Troops Large swaths of Russia are occupied by troops of the Central Powers or the Entente. Due to Russia’s preoccupation with internal strife, Germany was able to occupy much of Western Russia and still does to this day. Allied troops from the United Kingdom, the United States, France, and Japan are likely to intervene in order to try and keep Russia in the war. The Czechoslovak Legion, a of soldiers from Czechoslovakia, fights to win recognition for its government-in-exile. The Provisional Government will have to navigate the competing demands of these armies as it seeks to redefine Russia’s role in international relations.

Questions to Consider 1. The issue of Russia’s participation in the war needs to be addressed. Are you in favor of staying in the war and strengthening your alliances or exiting in the interest of your people? 2. Factionalism is rife within this committee. Will this lead to civil war? How will you negotiate despite your differing beliefs?

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 10 3. Currently the Romanov family is imprisoned in the Alexander Palace. How should the committee deal with them? 4. What sort of foreign policy approach will you pursue? Will you depend on and strengthen your alliances, or will you become more isolated and independent? 5. The rival Petrograd Soviet is rising in power. How will you ensure they do not replace the Provisional Government? Is there a way to work with them?

Persons in Attendance Georgy Lvov - Minister-President and Minister of the Interior Georgy Lvov is the head of the Provisional Government. In 1905, he joined the liberal Constitutional Democratic Party. In 1906, he was elected to the First Duma: an organ of the legislative assembly of the Russian Empire. In 1915, he became a leader of the Union of . His goal is to retain power as head of the Provisional Government despite other people vying for authority. Political Affiliation: Liberal/Kadet ​ Portfolio Powers: Lvov leads the Provisional Government. Although his vote does not have more power than ​ anyone else’s in the committee, his input holds great value and he can rearrange administrative duties as he sees fit.

Pavel - Minister of Foreign Affairs is the Minister of Foreign Affairs. His primary objective is to prevent Russia from exiting WWI, as he believes strongly in Russia’s wartime alliances. In his studies, he specialized in Russian history and is very passionate about the subject. However, he often ran into trouble with educational authorities due to his liberal ideas and even spent time in jail. In 1906, he drafted the Manifesto, which called for political freedoms, reforms, and passive resistance to government policy. Before its fall, he hoped to retain the constitutional monarchy in 1917. Political Affiliation: Liberal/Kadet ​ Portfolio Powers: He can reach out to foreign nations through diplomacy and try and gain their support. This ​ support may come in the form of money, food, military assistance, etc.

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 11 - Minister of Finance Mikhail Tereschchenko is currently the Minister of Finance, but hopes to take Milyukov’s position as Minister of Foreign Affairs. He agrees with Milyukov that Russia should remain in the war. Tereshchenko comes from a wealthy, philanthropic family. In 1910 he joined the Freemasonry and became one of the five major Russian Masons. He also took part in organizing Red Cross Hospitals throughout the war. Political Affiliation: Non-Party ​ Portfolio Powers: He has control over the government’s finances and all financial decisions must go through ​ him.

Nicholas Vissarionovich Nekrasov - Minister of Transport Nicholas Nekrasov is the Minister of Transport. He graduated with an engineering degree in 1902. In late 1905, he helped found the Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets). He was a member of the 3rd and 4th Dumas and believed the Tsarist government prevented the Dumas from achieving constructive change. Nekrasov, along with others, plotted to force the Tsar to abdicate. He believes in the inclusion of moderate socialists in the government. Political Stance: Liberal/Kadet ​ Portfolio powers: He can maintain and develop transportation infrastructure within Russia, which is necessary ​ for the movement of troops and ambassadors.

Alexander Guchkov - Minister of War and Navy Alexander Guchkov is the Minister of War and Navy. He is known for his bold, risky behavior. He volunteered to fight in the Second Boer War in South Africa and also fought numerous duels. He wants military reform and a transfer of power from the Russian court to the Duma and government. In 1906, he became the head of the conservative-liberal Union of October 17, also known as the Octobrists. Guchkov was tied to the spreading of letters between Tsarina Alexandra and Rasputin; he should be careful with letters he sends in general. In August 1915, he was one of the founding members of the Progressive Bloc, and became more revolutionary and supportive of a coup. He helped persuade the Tsar to abdicate. He believes in the continuation of the Tsarist war aims that Russia should stay in the war. Political Affiliation: Liberal/Kadet ​ Portfolio powers: Guchkov can control troops and the navy. He can also communicate with the allied forces to ​ get more intel.

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 12 Irakli Tsereteli - Minister of Post and Telegraph Irakli Tsereteli is the Minister of Post and Telegraph. He was born in Georgia. Known for his oratory abilities, he is a leading figure of the Menshevik party. After entering the Duma in 1907, Tsereteli was arrested for conspiracy to overthrow the Tsarist government and exiled to Siberia. After the February Revolution, he returned and took his position in the Provisional Government. He strongly believes in exiting the war, and also is concerned about the prospects of civil war in Russia due to intense political fragmentation. Political Affiliation: Menshevik ​ Portfolio powers: Tsereteli has power over the spread of information within the government and Russia. He has ​ great sway over public opinion due to his impassioned speeches.

Victor Chernov - Minister of Agriculture Victor Chernov is the Minister of Agriculture. He was always very radical and defended Marxists against populist views. In 1894, he was arrested for political activity and was then sentenced to administrative exile in central Russia. In 1901, he joined the Socialist-Revolutionary Party and became editor of its newspaper Revolutionary Russia. In the second Duma, he became the leader of the SR faction. He believes in immediate ​ agrarian reform through legislation. Political Affiliation: Socialist-Revolutionary Party ​ Portfolio powers: He can regulate and promote agricultural activities including the distribution of land. ​

Andrei Manuilov - Minister of Education Andrei Manuilov is the Minister of Education. He has worked extensively in education, being the rector of the State University from 1908 to 1911. Besides being a senior official at the University, he was also one of the founding members of the Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets). Manuilov has an advanced understanding of the financial situation of Russia, which he can use to his benefit. His goal is to ensure the Bolsheviks do not take over. Political Affiliation: Liberal/Kadet ​ Portfolio powers: Manuilov is responsible for the development of the education system. He has control over the ​ ideologies being taught in schools.

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 13 Aleksandr Konovalov - Minister of Trade and Industry Aleksandr Konovalov is the Minister of Trade and Industry. He was a Kadet and business entrepreneur, serving as one of Russia’s biggest textile manufacturers. He became a leader of the Progressivist Party (a group of moderate Russian liberals) and was a member of the Progressive Bloc in the fourth Duma. He was vice president of Guchkov’s Military-Industrial Committee. Political Affiliation: Liberal/Kadet ​ Portfolio powers: Konovalov can regulate external trade and promote economic growth within Russia. ​

Andrei Shingarev - Minister of Agriculture Andrei Shingarev is the Minister of Finance. In 1894, he graduated with a degree in medicine, and until 1897 he was a practicing doctor. He participated in the 1905 and was elected several times to the State Duma. His goal is to ensure that the Bolsheviks do not take power and that there is a sufficient amount of food in the country. Political Affiliation: Liberal/Kadet ​ Portfolio powers: Like Chernov, Shingarev can regulate and promote agricultural activities including ​ distribution of land. Shingarev and Chernov must work together.

Pavel Pereverzev - Minister of Justice Pavel Pereverzev is the Provisional Government’s Minister of Justice. Born in 1877, he was a Russian politician and lawyer. He was a part of the Russian Trudovik Party: a socialist revolutionary party. His goal is to ensure that the Bolsheviks do not take over. Political Affiliation: Socialist-Revolutionary Party ​ Portfolio powers: As Minister of Justice, Pavel Pereverzev is in charge of ensuring laws are being faithfully ​ executed. He is the head of the judicial branch of government and should ensure that the courts are run to how he sees fit.

Alexander Kerensky - Minister of War and Navy is a Russian revolutionary and politician integral to the success of the Russian Revolution. Before the revolution, he was an outspoken member of the Duma, and very clearly anti-monarchical. Following the February revolution, he initially served as minister of Justice before being appointed the Minister of War and Navy. He is a member of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party’s Trudovik faction. His goal is to retain the

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 14 support of the people, which he currently has after saving Tsar supporters from being lynched. He also wishes to uphold democratic values. Political Affiliation: Socialist-Revolutionary Party ​ Portfolio Powers: As Minister of War, Kerensky is chiefly concerned with The Great War and Russia’s ​ involvement. He hopes to keep Russia in the war, and even plan new assaults. He has to overcome scarce resources and demoralized troops in order to do so. He can control the troops: where they go, how many of them to send, military tactics, etc.

Nicholas Avksentiev - Minister of Internal Affairs Nicholas Avksentiev was initially born into Russia’s aristocracy. However, in the early 20th century he was one of the co-founders, and the first chairman, of Russia’s Socialist-Revolutionary Party. He was exiled to Siberia in 1906 before escaping to Germany in 1907. Avksentiev was part of the “defencist” faction within his own party, meaning that he was generally in favor of Russia’s involvement in The Great War. His goal is to keep Russia in The Great War and to defend against the terrorism of the Left Socialist . Political Affiliation: Socialist-Revolutionary Party ​ Portfolio Powers: As Minister of Internal Affairs, Avksentiev is chiefly concerned with Russia’s domestic ​ policy. He controls Russia’s police forces and ensures laws are being followed. Additionally, he is in charge of Russia’s secret police forces.

Vladimir Lvov - Ober-Procurator of the Most Holy Synod Lvov is a Russian politician and statesman. He was a member of the III and IV Duma, and following the February Revolution joined the Provisional Government as the Ober-Procurator: the head of the Most Holy Synod. The Most Holy Synod is the highest governing body of the Russian Orthodox Church. He is known to be an especially emotional person, and commands people in an authoritative way. His personal goal is to acquire as much power as possible and to ensure that the Orthodox Church remains in power during this period of transition. Political Affiliation: Union Party ​ Portfolio Powers: As Ober-Procurator, Lvov is concerned with Orthodox Church and the role that it has with ​ this new state. He can use his religious authority to validate and support political measures.

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 15 Aleksandr Shliapnikov - Communist Revolutionary Shliapnikov was a crucial figure in labor movements within the Russian Communist Party, and he practiced as a metal worker and trade union organizer. Shliapnikov believed strongly in the idea that workers must have a say in economic policies of the Communist Party, going as far as to lead the Workers’ Opposition Party within the Russian Communist Party. Shliapnikov opposes the authoritarian use of force on workers in Soviet policy, and he appealed to authorities such as Comintern leaders to try to mend political rifts within the Russian Communist Party. Political Affiliation: Bolshevik ​ Portfolio Powers: Has the power to dictate workers' control of industry and nationalization of industry as well as ​ staff government bureaucracies.

Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev Originally named “Ovsel Gershon Aronov Radomyslsky”, Zinoviev was a revolutionary working very closely to Lenin in the Bolshevik Party before 1917. He later became a central leader of the Communist Party. A good orator, he directed Bolshevik organizations in Russia and their activities in Duma and was appointed as the chief party spokesman in the Trade Union Central Council. He fought in the War in Switzerland but was against it. He remains an important figure of the Bolshevik echelon and holds much political power. His goal is to end Russian participation in the war and further Bolshevik ideals in provisional government policy. Political Affiliation: Bolshevik ​ Portfolio Powers: Has a major influence in the media and can dictate people’s opinions with his knowledge of ​ Bolshevik plans.

Inessa Armand Armand was a notable feminist, communist politician, and close ally and friend of Lenin. A French-Russian with a rebellious past in groups such as the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, she was especially known for her devotion to the Bolshevik cause. As one of the most politically powerful women during the Russian Revolution, Armand used her influence to work toward gender equality in Soviet Trade Unions and the Communist Party. Armand is notable for her anti-war position in regards to and is crucial as an organizer of forums such as the International Conference of Socialist Women and as a director of the Zhenotdel: the women’s liberation organ of the Bolshevik movement. Political Affiliation: Bolshevik ​

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 16 Portfolio powers: Armand can influence the votes of women and utilize their support. Close ties to Lenin as a ​ confidant and political ally.

Nicholas Kishkin - Minister of Health Care Before joining the Provisional Government, Kishkin was a part of the Constitutional Democrats Party, and Deputy Chief Representative of the All Russia Union of Cities. The All Russia Union of Cities is a liberal organization created to help Russia achieve its war aims. Besides being responsible for health care, he is also in charge of public charities. His goal is to establish order. Political Affiliation: Liberal/Kadet ​ Portfolio Powers: As the Minister of Health Care, Kishkin is concerned with the health of his citizens and ​ ensuring that they receive the rights that they deserve. He can control policy related to the health of the people.

Peter Kropotkin is an anarcho-communist and philosopher. He attended military school and was imprisoned for activism in 1874. After escaping, he spent 41 years in exile. While exiled, he gave lectures and published literature on anarchy. He returned to Russia in 1917 and was offered the Ministry of Education position but refused, believing it would be a violation of his anarchist principles. He is in favor of a decentralized, communist society based on voluntary associations of self-governing communities. His goal is to further these anarchist ideals through provisional government policy. Political Affiliation: Anarchist ​ Portfolio Powers: He can publish literature that has the ability to sway the public. He can also work with the ​ Petrograd Soviet.

Roman von Ungern-Sternberg Roman von Ungern-Sternberg is an independent warlord. He strongly believes in the monarchy, and believes the revolution was the beginning of the end for Russia. He has always been interested in Mongolian culture, and in 1913 moved to outer Mongolia to assist them in their struggle for independence from China. He fought in the World War but was court-martialed and sent to prison. In 1917, he was released and organized a volunteer military unit of Assyrian Christians to serve as an example for Russian troops, which he continues to do. His main goal is to reinstate the monarchy. Political Affiliation: None ​

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 17 Portfolio Powers: He can rally various non-Russian troops. Since he is not officially part of the Provisional ​ Government, he has more independence and can work to gain personal power

Sir George Buchanan - British Ambassador to Russia Sir George Buchanan is the British ambassador to Russia, and has been since 1910. He had developed a strong bond with the Tsar, and encouraged him to implement constitutional reforms to prevent revolution. He met with many leading liberal reformists in Russia. Now, he supports the efforts of the Provisional Government but is increasingly worried about the Bolsheviks. Sir George Buchanan is loyal to Great Britain and supports a strong alliance between the two allied forces. Political Affiliation: None ​ Portfolio Powers: He can contact Great Britain requesting any kind of aid (though this aid is not guaranteed). ​ He can receive information from Great Britain as well.

Alexey Peshekhonov - Minister of Food Alexey Peshekhonov is the Minister of Food. He is a self-educated social activist and has been from a young age. Frequently arrested for political activity, he is very passionate about his beliefs. In 1903 he co-founded a “Union for Liberation,” (composed of Kadets) and was briefly part of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party but disliked their use of terror. In 1906 he co-founded the Popular Socialist Party. He supports cooperation of the Soviet with the Kadet Provisional Government. Political Affiliation: Popular Socialist ​ Portfolio Powers: His role is to guarantee adequate nutrition for the people of Russia. He has a monopoly on all ​ food sold in Russia (imported and local). He therefore controls rations as well.

David R. Francis - US Ambassador to Russia David Francis is the former governor of Missouri and current US ambassador to the Russian Provisional government. While not particularly experienced in international politics, Francis helped orchestrate the 1904 World’s Fair in St. Louis. Francis is a well established and self made businessman, firm in his convictions. Particularly, he has a strong dislike for Bolshevism and its members. Francis remains loyal to the United States and President Woodrow Wilson Political Affiliation: Democrat ​

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 18 Portfolio Powers: Francis has the power to contact the United States, and request aid. Additionally, the United ​ States may contact him to deliver information.

Anton Kartashev - Minister of Religion Anton Kartashev taught Church history at the St. Petersburg Spiritual Academy at the turn of the 20th century after earning degrees from Perm Seminary and the St. Petersburg Spiritual Academy. After the February Revolution, Karashev briefly served as the assistant to the Ober-procurator to the Holy Governing Synod. However, after the cancellation of this position he currently serves as the Minister of Religion. He should work closely with other members of the Orthodox Church, and ensure that the Church has a place in Russia’s future Political Affiliation: Kadet ​ Portfolio Powers: As minister of Religion, Kartashev can issue releases instructing and guiding the faithful on ​ spiritual matters, and updating them on current situations within the Provisional Government.

Lavr Kornilov - Commander of Petrograd Military District Kornilov is a conservative military commander who fought against the Austro-Hungarians before being captured. He later escaped and returned to Russia, where he was placed in command of the military district around Petrograd. Political Affiliation: White Movement, Anti-Bolshevik ​ Portfolio Powers: In this position, he is in charge of security for the capitol. In this capacity, he has the power to ​ command the local garrison and security forces. While he is constrained by the pressures of Russia’s continued involvement in the war, he hopes for the Provisional Government to succeed in its work, and to continue the war against Germany.

DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 19 Works Cited

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