Dartmouth Model United Nations 2021 Fifteenth Annual Conference ​∙ ​April 9 - 11, 2021 Dartmouth College · Rockefeller Center · Hanover, NH 03755 E-mail: [email protected] ​ Website: https://sites.dartmouth.edu/modelun/ ​ April 9, 2021 Dear Delegates: On behalf of the entire Dartmouth Model United Nations staff, we would like to welcome and thank you for registering for the fifteenth annual Dartmouth Model United Nations conference this April 2021. Even in these unprecedented times, we have been working relentlessly since last April to provide a worthwhile virtual Model UN experience for this spring’s delegates. DartMUN is a unique conference. We pair world-class delegations and dais staff members in smaller, more-interactive environments to facilitate an enriching experience for delegates of all skill levels. We believe DartMUN’s active, small committees ensure delegates feel comfortable immersing themselves in a competitive but supportive environment that encourages trial by error and participation. Furthermore, DartMUN’s well-trained staff is excited to work with your delegates this winter in committee to equip the next generation of college students with the skills to tackle complex global problems. This year’s slate of committees includes a wide variety of interests, from the United Nations Environmental Programme to the Afghan Peace Deals crisis committee. Our goal this year is to create an educational and exciting environment for all delegates regardless of whether it is your first or final conference. If this is your first conference, we encourage you to be brave, voice your thoughts through speeches, and forge alliances with your fellow delegates. If you are an experienced Model UN participant, we encourage you to support your fellow delegates and challenge yourself outside of your comfort zone. If at any point throughout the conference you have any questions or concerns. Please do not hesitate to reach out to any staff or secretariat member. We look forward to meeting you. Sincerely, Mila Escajadillo Alec Rossi Secretary-General, DartMUN 2021 Director-General, DartMUN 2021 DartMUN 2021 Current Crisis 1 1 Position Paper Guidelines The background guide provides you with a framework and structure to continue doing research on your topic and investigating your country’s stance. We encourage delegates to further explore the intricacies of the topics and develop creative solutions beyond the background guide. Position papers are an opportunity for delegates to summarize their research in preparation for the conference. Delegates are strongly encouraged to write position papers for each topic. Below is the general structure for papers that can be adapted depending on your country and committee: I. Topic Background: Include a brief summary of the topic and outline your country’s past involvement and experience with the issue. II. Country Stance: Explain your country’s policies and position on the issue, including relevant statistics and research. III. Proposed Solutions: Propose and provide further details on possible solutions and identify and analyze potential benefits and drawbacks. Remember that your solutions should reflect your country’s policies. Delegates should write one position paper per topic, with each paper a maximum of one page long (excluding the works cited page). No cover pages. All papers should be single-spaced with standard margins in Times New Roman 12 pt. Font. Place the following in the top left-hand corner of both your position papers: committee, country, delegate’s name, school, and topic. All sources should be appropriately cited. Position papers should be submitted online via the form at http://sites.dartmouth.edu/modelun/conferenceinfo/ ​ position-paper-submission/ either as a Word document or PDF before March 25, 2020. Please title the file with ​ your committee name and country. Delegates who do not submit position papers will be ineligible for awards. Questions regarding position papers should be directed to the DartMUN email ([email protected]). ​ ​ DartMUN 2021 Current Crisis 1 2 The February Revolution, 1917 Background The year is 1917. Revolution and conflict have been brewing for more than half a century. The late Russian Empire had the largest standing army of any European power. Its imperialist power was a source of national pride that bolstered the aristocracy and mitigated the effects of the social and political unrest brewing in the lower classes. However, in the past 50 years, Russia had launched and suffered a series of humiliating war defeats, causing a rapid decline in patriotism. Coupled with a multitude of domestic issues including famines, failed reform, and the assassination of Emperor Alexander II in 1881, trust in the aristocratic ruling class quickly changed to tension between the bureaucracy and commoners (Medvedkov). One of the failed reforms in 1880 led to the rise of Marxism, a socialist philosophy that argues that an oppressed working class should incite revolution to overthrow capitalism and install communism. Communism grew popular due to its classlessness and tenets of common ownership over production, which appealed to working class Russians living in poor conditions. By 1898, those who supported Marxist ideas had solidified into the Socialist Democratic Labor Party, and in 1903, they split into two factions: the Mensheviks, who felt that Russia was not prepared for rapid reform, and the Bolsheviks, led by revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, who believed Russia needed a radical revolution (Cavendish). The political unrest gave rise to a liberal, democratic movement to replace the incompetent autocracy, and in 1904, the liberal elites started a campaign to support constitutional reform. The campaign’s activities started as peaceful demonstrations, but as the liberals grew in popularity, the autocracy went on the defensive, escalating conflicts without having any real power to defend themselves while a majority of soldiers were away fighting in Japan (Medvedkov). Tensions eased slightly when Tsar Nicholas II wrote “The Manifesto on the Improvement of the State Order" in October promising to abdicate in favor of a constitutional body referred to as a Duma. This pacified some liberals and fractured the liberal group into the Octobrists and the Kadets: those who were satisfied with the declaration and those who wanted more drastic reform, respectively (Medvedkov). However, the October Manifesto did not completely resolve the political unrest. Marxist workers formed soviets, which served as ​ ​ political forums consisting of councils of workers to debate the differing ideas until they were dispersed by police forces in December 1906. The 1906 disbanding of these councils led to soviet uprisings in both rural and DartMUN 2021 Historical Crisis Committee 3 urban peasant populations where manors and the homes of landowners were sacked and burned. No party was satisfied, and the streets were filled with chaos (Figes). The liberals, made up of a professional, relatively well-off middle class, stood aside in the conflict despite advocating change. The radical Marxists took the foreground in the fight to end the destruction of the aristocracy, but never really accomplished their goals before the police shut down their protests. The nobility were driven further away from the moderate liberals and instead towards the autocracy, which had the power to protect their interests. The Duma was weak, and Russia was still unambiguously an autocracy--a status reaffirmed by the Fundamental Laws of 1906 which declared the Tsar’s power over the Duma. The Fundamental Laws also gave the Tsar the power to dissolve the Duma at any point, gutting it of any real power. The mounting unrest led politicians to develop new values that opposed those of the aristocracy. The police force wielded absolute power, and due process was suspended (Medvedkov). In an attempt to mollify the unrest, Tsar Nicholas implemented new reforms. Mir--peasant working ​ ​ communities of small farms--were split up, encouraging peasants to own pieces of their own land. This reform was meant to promote capitalist values and fight against the growing popularity of both branches of Marxism (Medvedkov). Despite these attempts to promote capitalist ideology and increased land ownership, labor unrest continued. There were a series of strikes, and people protested both political and economic issues. Among the Socialist ​ ​ Democrats, both the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks vied for the support of the people (Cavendish). When the Great War began in 1914, Russian patriotism soared. Support for the Tsar’s decision to defend Russian land from the Germans grew. The war was initially popular among the Russian population, particularly among those who supported the “Pan-Slavic” movement--a movement concerned with advancing the unity of the Slavic peoples. However, not all Russians supported the war. The Bolshevik party considered the war ‘imperialistic’ and unconducive to Marxism. It wanted Russia to be defeated quickly so it could refocus on domestic disputes. This stance made the Bolsheviks very unpopular with the rest of the country, and many were arrested as a result (Kohn). As the war continued, Russia experienced crushing defeats at the hands of the German army. Between 1914 and 1917, German forces penetrated deep into Russian territory. The general population quickly became disenchanted with the war, as the war drained resources and led to many more casualties than any other nation endured. Tsar Nicholas thus appointed himself