Reciprocal Markers in Adyghe, Their Relations and Interactions
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The Syntax of the Malagasy Reciprocal Construction: an Lfg Account
THE SYNTAX OF THE MALAGASY RECIPROCAL CONSTRUCTION: AN LFG ACCOUNT Peter Hurst University of Melbourne Proceedings of the LFG06 Conference Universität Konstanz Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2006 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ ABSTRACT The verbal reciprocal construction in Malagasy is formed by a reciprocal morpheme prefixing on the main verb with a corresponding loss of an overt argument in c-structure. Analyses of similar constructions in Chichewa and Catalan both treat the reciprocalized verb's argument structure as undergoing an alteration whereby one of its thematic roles is either suppressed or two thematic arguments are mapped to one grammatical function. In this paper I propose that the reciprocal morpheme in Malagasy creates a reciprocal pronoun in f-structure - thus maintaining its valency and leaving the argument structure of the verb unchanged, while at the same time losing an argument at the level of c-structure. 1. INTRODUCTION Malagasy is an Austronesian language and is the dominant language of Madagascar. The Malagasy sentences used in the analysis below are from the literature - in particular from a paper by Keenan and Razafimamonjy (2001) titled “Reciprocals in Malagasy” whose examples are based on the official dialect of Malagasy as spoken in and around the capital city Antananarivo. The Malagasy reciprocal construction is formed by the addition of a prefix -if- or -ifamp- to the stem of the verb accompanied by the loss of an overt argument in object position. Compare sentence (1a) below with its reciprocated equivalent (1b): (1) Malagasy a. N-an-daka an-dRabe Rakoto pst-act-kick acc.Rabe Rakoto V O S 'Rakoto kicked Rabe' b. -
Headedness, Again
UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, Theories of Everything Volume 17, Article 40: 348-359, 2012 Headedness, again Maria Polinsky Introduction* Headedness is an intriguing feature of language design. On the one hand, headedness manifests itself very clearly; preposed relative clauses are visibly different from postposed ones, and postpositions are easily distinguished from prepositions. More generally, structural heads (the constituents which determine the category of their phrase) either precede or follow their dependents. On the other hand, there is room for disagreement and variation. For instance, the ordering of determiners or nouns can be assessed differently depending on what counts as the head, causing disagreements over the headedness of nominal constituents. Furthermore, even if all linguists agree on what counts as the head and what counts as a dependent, there is no required consistency within the same language in the way dependents and heads are ordered across different phrases. An otherwise dependably head-final or head-initial language may exhibit exceptions; the results are messy, and linguists get discouraged. There is, as of yet, no good explanation for headedness. It is visible; it is rather robust; it seems easy to learn (Lupyan and Christiansen 2002; van Everbroeck 2006), but what is it? This question has puzzled many researchers and we still do not know its answer. When dealing with something that is unfamiliar it is often tempting to just toss it out as unnecessary or superficial. Researchers now and again have suggested that headedness is no more than a a trivial pattern-recognition device without much deep meaning and with no value in linguistic theory, yet it is hard to dismiss a device that is so pervasive. -
Further Remarks on Reciprocal Constructions (To Appear In: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P
1 Further remarks on reciprocal constructions (to appear in: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. (ed.) 2007. Reciprocal constructions. Amsterdam: Benjamins.) MARTIN HASPELMATH In view of the breathtaking scope of the comparative research enterprise led by Vladimir P. Nedjalkov whose results are published in these volumes, I have no choice but to select and highlight a few topics that I find particularly interesting and worthy of further comment and further study. I will focus here on conceptual and terminological issues and on some phenomena that have been discussed in the literature but are not so well represented in this work. I will also try to summarize some of the major known generalizations about reciprocals, as discussed in this work and elsewhere, in the form of twenty-six Greenberg-style numbered universals. 1. Reciprocal, mutual, symmetric Let us begin with a terminological discussion of the most basic term, reciprocal. In the present volumes, this term is used both for meanings (e.g. reciprocal situation, reciprocal event) and for forms (e.g. reciprocal construction, reciprocal marker, reciprocal predicate). In most cases, the context will disambiguate, but it seems to be a good idea to have two different terms for meanings and for forms, analogous to similar contrasts such as proposition/sentence, question/interrogative, participant/argument, time/tense, multiple/plural. Since all reciprocals express a situation with a mutual relation, I propose the term mutual for the semantic plane, reserving the term reciprocal for specialized expression patterns that code a mutual situation. A similar terminological distinction is made by König & Kokutani (2006), Evans (2007), Dimitriadis (2007), but these authors propose the term symmetric for meanings, reserving reciprocal for forms. -
Lara Mantovan Nominal Modification in Italian Sign Language Sign Languages and Deaf Communities
Lara Mantovan Nominal Modification in Italian Sign Language Sign Languages and Deaf Communities Editors Annika Herrmann, Markus Steinbach, Ulrike Zeshan Editorial board Carlo Geraci, Rachel McKee, Victoria Nyst, Sibaji Panda, Marianne Rossi Stumpf, Felix Sze, Sandra Wood Volume 8 Lara Mantovan Nominal Modification in Italian Sign Language ISHARA PRESS ISBN 978-1-5015-1343-5 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-5015-0485-3 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0481-5 ISSN 2192-516X e-ISSN 2192-5178 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2017 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin and Ishara Press, Preston, UK Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com E Pluribus Unum (uncertain origin, attributed to Virgilio, Moretum, v. 103) Acknowledgements This book is a revised version of my 2015 dissertation which was approved for the PhD degree in Linguistics at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice. When I first plunged into the world of academic research, almost five years ago, I would never have imagined it was possible to achieve such an important milestone. Being so close to finalizing this book, I would like to look back briefly and remember and thank all the people who showed me the way, supported me, and encouraged me to grow both academically and personally. -
Russian Peripheral Reciprocal Markers and Unaccusativity
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 8 O. Bonami & P.Cabredo Hofherr (eds.) 2011, pp. 313–332 http://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss8 Russian peripheral reciprocal markers and unaccusativity Alexander Letuchiy∗ Introduction In the last few decades, the unaccusativity hypothesis and notion of unaccusativity has been widely discussed in linguistics. The hypothesis, as formulated by Perlmut- ter (1976), Rosen (1984), Mithun (1991), and others, says that the class of intransitive verbs is not homogenous. Different syntactic criteria show that in many languages one observes two classes of intransitives: unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs. The for- mer are, roughly speaking, ‘patientive’ verbs which denote a situation which the sub- ject does not control – in other words, the subject is a patient rather than an agent, since the absence of control, according to Dowty (1991) and Ackerman & Moore (2001) characterizes prototypical patients, and not prototypical agents. Structurally, accord- ing to Perlmutter (1976), the subject of unaccusatives at some level of representation occupies the same place as the object of transitive verbs. In contrast, the core of the unergative class includes situations controlled by the subject (thoughother verbs join the unergativeclass as well). In the syntactic structure, the subject occupies the same place as the subject (agent) of transitive verbs. In this paper, I discuss ‘peripheral’ reciprocal markers in Russian1. First, I analyze the grammatical properties of the prefix vzaimo- ‘mutually’. Surprisingly, this prefix, which cannot be the sole reciprocal marker in the verb form, can serve as the sole marker in nouns and even in participles. I am trying to explain this difference between verbs vs. -
Split-Intransitive Languages and the Unaccusative Hypothesis
31 DEFINING TRANSITIVITY AND INTRANSITIVITY: SPLIT-INTRANSITIVE LANGUAGES AND THE UNACCUSATIVE HYPOTHESIS ASIER ALCÁZAR University of Southern California, Los Angeles 0. Proposals 0.1 Basque is not an ergative language; it is split-intransitive. * Against the standard typological claim (contra Comrie 1981, Dixon 1994, Primus 1999) 0.2 Unergative verbs are not always intransitive (they can be transitive: e.g. Basque). * Against the claim in the Unaccusative Hypothesis (contra Perlmutter 1978, Burzio 1986) 0.3 Split-intransitivity signals that unergatives are transitive. * Novel claim: split-intransitivity has been otherwise considered an anomalous pattern. 1. INTRODUCTION: INTRANSITIVE VERBS WITH TRANSITIVE LOOKS (I.E. 1A). Basque is often presented as a splendid example of ergativity (Comrie 1981, Dixon 1994, Primus 1999 among many). Tradi- tionally, ergative languages differ from accusative languages in the verbal argument they mark. Erga- tive languages mark the subject of transitives (compare the girl in 2 with 1b) and accusative lan- guages mark the object of transitives (e.g. Latin/Romance; see the feminine singular pronoun in 4). However, the axioms in the typological classification of languages would by definition declare Basque to be of type split-intransitive (e.g. like Guarani, Gregorez and Suarez 1967 cfr. Primus 1999; or Slave, Rice 1991). For Basque has a class of intransitive verbs (1a) whose argument is marked exactly as the subject of transitives (2). Basque intransitives: (1) a. Neskatil-ak dei-tu du b. Neskatil-a ailega-tu da girl-Erg.Sg call-Per have.3Sg_3Sg girl-Abs.Sg arrive-Per be.3Sg ‘The girl called’ ‘The girl arrived’ Basque transitives: (2) Neskatil-ak izozki-a amai-tu du girl-Erg.Sg ice-cream-Abs.Sg finish-Per have.3Sg_3Sg ‘The girl finished her ice-cream’ Spanish intransitives: (3) a. -
Proceedings of the LFG13 Conference
Proceedings of LFG13 Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2013 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ Contents 1 Dedication 4 2 Editors’ Note 5 3 Yasir Alotaibi, Muhammad Alzaidi, Maris Camilleri, Shaimaa ElSadek and Louisa Sadler: Psychological Predicates and Verbal Complemen- tation in Arabic 6 4 I Wayan Arka: Nominal Aspect in Marori 27 5 Doug Arnold and Louisa Sadler: Displaced Dependent Constructions 48 6 Daniele Artoni and Marco Magnani: LFG Contributions in Second Language Acquisition Research: The Development of Case in Russian L2 69 7 Oleg Belyaev: Optimal Agreement at M-structure: Person in Dargwa 90 8 Ansu Berg, Rigardt Pretorius and Laurette Pretorius: The Represen- tation of Setswana Double Objects in LFG 111 9 Tina Bögel: A Prosodic Resolution of German Case Ambiguities 131 10 Kersti Börjars and John Payne: Dimensions of Variation in the Ex- pression of Functional Features: Modelling Definiteness in LFG 152 11 George Aaron Broadwell: An Emphatic Auxiliary Construction for Emotions in Copala Triqui 171 12 Özlem Çetinoglu,˘ Sina Zarrieß and Jonas Kuhn: Dependency-based Sentence Simplification for Increasing Deep LFG Parsing Coverage 191 13 Elizabeth Christie: Result XPs and the Argument-Adjunct Distinction212 14 Cheikh Bamba Dione: Valency Change and Complex Predicates in Wolof: An LFG Account 232 15 Lachlan Duncan: Non-verbal Predicates in K’ichee’ Mayan: An LFG Approach 253 16 Dag Haug: Partial Control and the Semantics of Anaphoric Control in LFG 274 17 Annette Hautli-Janisz: Moving Right Along: -
Semantics of Complementation in Adyghe Natalia Serdobolskaya
Semantics of complementation in Adyghe Natalia Serdobolskaya Introduction This paper investigates the semantic distribution of complement constructions in the Adyghe language (North-West Caucasian). The complementation system of Adyghe presents many interesting issues that are not widely attested typologically. An interesting point is the possibility of unsubcategorized case marking in complementation: clausal arguments show variation in case marking with one and the same complement-taking verb, a phenomenon which is not attested with nominal arguments. Another issue is the use of the same complement construction to encode events with emotive verbs (like I like dancing) and false propositions (like he had been to China in He said he had been to China, but I know he was lying). Meanwhile there is a special “factive form” used to encode facts and manner complements. Complementation in Adyghe has previously been described in both reference grammars and the specialized literature on subordination (see Zekokh 1976, Kerasheva 1984 and others). However, these works do not focus on the semantic types of complement clauses. I consider the main complementation strategies in Adyghe in terms of semantic notions including fact vs. event vs. proposition, presupposition vs. assertion, and epistemic meaning. In particular, competition between the various complementation strategies is dealt with in detail. An overview of the relevant parameters, and the tests that help to differentiate between the semantic types of complement clauses, are given in (Serdobolskaya, this volume), which is focused on Ossetic. A list of the complement-taking predicates considered here is given in the Appendix. Most of the Adyghe data presented here were collected by elicitation and from texts recorded during fieldwork in 2004, 2005, 2006 and 2008 in the village of Khakurinokhabl, in the course of field trips carried out by the Russian State University for the Humanities (led by Jakov Testelec, Nina Sumbatova, and Svetlana Toldova). -
3 Types of Anaphors
3 Types of anaphors Moving from the definition and characteristics of anaphors to the types of ana- phors, this chapter will detail the nomenclature of anaphor types established for this book. In general, anaphors can be categorised according to: their form; the type of relationship to their antecedent; the form of their antecedents; the position of anaphors and antecedents, i.e. intrasentential or intersentential; and other features (cf. Mitkov 2002: 8-17). The procedure adopted here is to catego- rise anaphors according to their form. It should be stressed that the types dis- tinguished in this book are not universal categories, so the proposed classifica- tion is not the only possible solution. For instance, personal, possessive and re- flexive pronouns can be seen as three types or as one type. With the latter, the three pronoun classes are subsumed under the term “central pronouns”, as it is adopted here. Linguistic classifications of anaphors can be found in two established gram- mar books, namely in Quirk et al.’s A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language (2012: 865) and in The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language (Stirling & Huddleston 2010: 1449-1564). Quirk et al. include a chapter of pro- forms and here distinguish between coreference and substitution. However, they do not take anaphors as their starting point of categorisation. Additionally, Stirling & Huddleston do not consider anaphors on their own but together with deixis. As a result, anaphoric noun phrases with a definite article, for example, are not included in both categorisations. Furthermore, Schubert (2012: 31-55) presents a text-linguistic view, of which anaphors are part, but his classification is similarly unsuitable because it does not focus on the anaphoric items specifi- cally. -
Viacheslav A. Chirikba: Abkhaz
Abkhaz is one of the three languages comprising the Abkhazo Adyghean, or West Caucasian branch of North Caucasian linguistic bkhaz family (the other branch being Nakh-Daghestanian, or East Caucasian). Abkhaz is spoken by approximately 100,000 people in the former Soviet Union (mainly in the Republic of Abkhazia, Caucasus), and by at least the same number of speakers in Turkey and some Middle east countries (small Abkhaz colonies can be found also In Western Europe and the USA). Abkhaz is notorious for ist huge consonantal inventory (up to 67 consonants in the Bzyp dialect) and by its minmal vocalic system: only 2 vowels. Though Abkhaz was studied by a number of scholars (e.g. P. Uslar in XIX century, or K. Lomtatidze Viacheslav A. Chirikba in Georgia and G Hewitt in Great Britain), many aspects of Abkhaz grammar (especially its syntax) still have to be adequately described. Abkhaz is the only West Caucasian language to possess the category of grammatical classes, manifested in personal pronouns, verb conjugation, numerals and in the category of number. Abkhaz is an ergative language, the ergative construction being represented not by case endings, as in related Circasslan and Ubykh (Abkhaz does not have a case system), but by the order of actant markers. The verbal root consists usually of one consonant, preceded by a string of prefixes (class-personal, directional, temporal, negational, causatival, etc.) and followed by few suffixes. Verbs can be stative or dynamic, finite or non-finite. The grammatical sketch of Abkhaz includes Information about its phonological system, morphology, and syntax. A short text Is provided with grammatical comments. -
Elevation As a Category of Grammar: Sanzhi Dargwa and Beyond Received May 11, 2018; Revised August 20, 2018
Linguistic Typology 2019; 23(1): 59–106 Diana Forker Elevation as a category of grammar: Sanzhi Dargwa and beyond https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2019-0001 Received May 11, 2018; revised August 20, 2018 Abstract: Nakh-Daghestanian languages have encountered growing interest from typologists and linguists from other subdiscplines, and more and more languages from the Nakh-Daghestanian language family are being studied. This paper provides a grammatical overview of the hitherto undescribed Sanzhi Dargwa language, followed by a detailed analysis of the grammaticalized expression of spatial elevation in Sanzhi. Spatial elevation, a topic that has not received substantial attention in Caucasian linguistics, manifests itself across different parts of speech in Sanzhi Dargwa and related languages. In Sanzhi, elevation is a deictic category in partial opposition with participant- oriented deixis/horizontally-oriented directional deixis. This paper treats the spatial uses of demonstratives, spatial preverbs and spatial cases that express elevation as well as the semantic extension of this spatial category into other, non-spatial domains. It further compares the Sanzhi data to other Caucasian and non-Caucasian languages and makes suggestions for investigating elevation as a subcategory within a broader category of topographical deixis. Keywords: Sanzhi Dargwa, Nakh-Daghestanian languages, elevation, deixis, demonstratives, spatial cases, spatial preverbs 1 Introduction Interest in Nakh-Daghestanian languages in typology and in other linguistic subdisciplines has grown rapidly in recent years, with an active community of linguists from Russia and other countries. The goal of the present paper is to pour more oil into this fire and perhaps to entice new generations of scholars to join the throng. -
Groups in the Semantics of Reciprocal Verbs∗ Aynat Rubinstein
Groups in the Semantics of Reciprocal Verbs∗ Aynat Rubinstein University of Massachusetts Amherst 1. Introduction One recurring question in studies of reciprocalization (the process that creates reciprocal verbs) concerns the difference between verbal reciprocals and their well-studied pronomi- nal counterparts (Faller to appear, Siloni 2001 et seq.). In this paper I offer a novel answer to this question. I propose that reciprocal verbs involve collective predication that is absent from other expressions of reciprocity. In particular, I explore Artstein’s (1997) hypothesis that the domain of events is similar to the domain of individuals in containing elements which are groups. I propose that reciprocal verbs are predicates of group events and derive their essential properties from this assumption. Reciprocalization under this view reduces to collective event conjunction, an operation that is independently motivated for predicate conjunction in the syntax (Artstein 1997). 2. Reciprocal Verbs and How They Differ from Reciprocal Pronouns and Related Transitives I use the term reciprocal verbs to refer to intransitive verbs with so-called reflexive mor- phology as in (1a) and (2a). Reciprocal verbs take plural subjects and express reciprocity without the aid of a reciprocal pronoun. They are compatible with reciprocal pronouns, but do not require them. Typically, a reciprocal verb is morphologically and semantically related to a non-reciprocal transitive predicate, as shown in (1b) and (2b). (1) a. yosi ve-Ãager hitXabk-u (Hebrew) Yossi and-Jagger RCP.embraced-PL ‘Yossi and Jagger embraced’ ∗I would like to express special thanks to Fred Landman for encouragement and discussions in the early stages of this project, and to Tali Siloni for guiding me through the syntax of reciprocals.