Further Remarks on Reciprocal Constructions (To Appear In: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P
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The Ingredients of Reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua
Accepted for publication in the Journal of Semantics, pre-final version, February 2007. 1 The ingredients of reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua Martina Faller The University of Manchester Abstract In Cuzco Quechua reciprocity is marked by means of two verbal suffixes, one of which is a marker of reflexivity, the other of which is a marker of pluractionality. The paper develops an analysis that composes reciprocity from these more basic notions. Two further ingredients that are needed will be argued to derive from independent principles: universal quantifi- cation over parts of the reciprocal plural agent derives from plural pred- ication, as has been argued by other researchers for English reciprocity; distinctness of the participants in the reciprocal subevents derives from a semantic version of Condition B. This way of composing reciprocity is not universal, other languages have dedicated reciprocal markers or make other reciprocal ingredients overt. The compositional derivation of reciprocity is therefore a clear candidate for cross-linguistic semantic variation. 1 Introduction This paper develops a compositional analysis of reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua (CQ) with the aim of elucidating the question of how languages may differ in the compositional derivation of this complex semantic notion. In a wider sense, it is a contribution to the growing literature on the possible space of cross-linguistic semantic variation. Consider the following Quechua reciprocal sentence and its English translation. (1) Hayt’a-na-ku-n-ku. kick-pa-refl-3-pl ‘They kick each other.’ Both entail that there are at least two kicking events, that the agent and the theme of each kicking event are distinct but drawn from the same group con- sisting of at least two members (namely the group denoted by they, which serves as the antecedent for the pronominal each other), and that each of the members of this group is an agent of at least one of these events and a theme of at least another one. -
The Syntax of the Malagasy Reciprocal Construction: an Lfg Account
THE SYNTAX OF THE MALAGASY RECIPROCAL CONSTRUCTION: AN LFG ACCOUNT Peter Hurst University of Melbourne Proceedings of the LFG06 Conference Universität Konstanz Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2006 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ ABSTRACT The verbal reciprocal construction in Malagasy is formed by a reciprocal morpheme prefixing on the main verb with a corresponding loss of an overt argument in c-structure. Analyses of similar constructions in Chichewa and Catalan both treat the reciprocalized verb's argument structure as undergoing an alteration whereby one of its thematic roles is either suppressed or two thematic arguments are mapped to one grammatical function. In this paper I propose that the reciprocal morpheme in Malagasy creates a reciprocal pronoun in f-structure - thus maintaining its valency and leaving the argument structure of the verb unchanged, while at the same time losing an argument at the level of c-structure. 1. INTRODUCTION Malagasy is an Austronesian language and is the dominant language of Madagascar. The Malagasy sentences used in the analysis below are from the literature - in particular from a paper by Keenan and Razafimamonjy (2001) titled “Reciprocals in Malagasy” whose examples are based on the official dialect of Malagasy as spoken in and around the capital city Antananarivo. The Malagasy reciprocal construction is formed by the addition of a prefix -if- or -ifamp- to the stem of the verb accompanied by the loss of an overt argument in object position. Compare sentence (1a) below with its reciprocated equivalent (1b): (1) Malagasy a. N-an-daka an-dRabe Rakoto pst-act-kick acc.Rabe Rakoto V O S 'Rakoto kicked Rabe' b. -
A Backwards Binding Construction in Zapotec
Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session Volume 40 Article 1 1996 A backwards binding construction in Zapotec Cheryl A. Black SIL-UND Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers Part of the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Black, Cheryl A. (1996) "A backwards binding construction in Zapotec," Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session: Vol. 40 , Article 1. DOI: 10.31356/silwp.vol40.01 Available at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers/vol40/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UND Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session by an authorized editor of UND Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Backwards Binding Construction in Zapotec* Cheryl A. Black Many of the Zapotecan languages have a unique way of signalling coreference between the subject and the possessor of the object: the subject is null. Such a construction is upsidedown or backwards from commonly described anaphora con structions and its analysis is therefore problematic to current theories. This paper describes the construction and underlines the theoretical problem by arguing against any obvious alternative analyses. An analysis is proposed where it is the tail {rather than the head) of the chain of coreferent elements that is identified, suggesting that this is another place where parameterization is needed. 1. Introduction One part of Binding Theory deals with simple refl.exive constructions, such as (1) (where coindexing indicates coreference). -
On the Reciprocal in Ndebele Langa KHUMALO 1 University of Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa
Nordic Journal of African Studies 23(3): 140–161 (2014) On the Reciprocal in Ndebele Langa KHUMALO 1 University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of the reciprocal extension in the Ndebele language (S.44, ISO 639-3 nde; not to be confused with South African Ndebele, S.407, ISO 639-3nbl) using the apparatus of the Lexical Functional Grammar’s Lexical Mapping Theory. The reciprocal in Ndebele, like in most Bantu languages, is clearly marked by the verbal suffix an-. Its typical properties are that the subject NP must be plural or alternatively must be a coordinate structure and that it is an argument changing verbal extension. This article will demonstrate that in Ndebele the reciprocal verb can take the direct object. It will further show that the reciprocal in Ndebele can co-occur with the passive and finally the paper will show that the notion of transitivity is not so straightforward both at syntactic and semantic levels when viewed in the context of certain reciprocal constructions. Keywords : reciprocal, argument structure, LMT, dyadic and monadic reciprocal. 1. INTRODUCTION This article discusses the Ndebele reciprocal derivation using the Lexical Mapping Theory (henceforth LMT), which is a sub-theory of Lexical Functional Grammar (henceforth LFG). It is important to note that LFG owes its origins from the dissatisfaction with Chomsky’s early framework of linguistic analysis as espoused in the Principles and Parameter framework and Government and Binding Theory. LFG has been described as the non-transformational successor to the transformational generative forerunners of Government and Binding. -
Even (Malchukov).Pdf
Even Andrei L. Malchukov LANGUAGES OF TilE WORLD/Malerials \2 1995 LINCOM EUROPA Miinchen - Newcastle Published by LlNCOM EUROPA. Munchen. Newcaslle. 1995. All correspondence concerning LANGUAGES OF THE WORLD/Materials should be addressed to: LlNCOM EUROPA. P.O. Box 1316. D-85703 Unterschleissheim/Munchen. Germany. All rights reserved . including the righlS of translation into any foreign language. No part of this book may be reproduced in any way without the permission of the publisher. Printed in Nurnberg. Germany Edited by U.J. Uiders Scientific Advisory Board of L1NGUAGES OF THE WORLD/Materials (LW/M); W. Bisang, M. Brenzi nger , F. Corricmc, R.M.W. Dixon. W.Foley, J. Goddard. N. Himmelmann, A.E. Kibrik. L. Johanson. A.S. Kaye, M. Mithun, U. Mosel, J. Owens. G. Sommer, H.E. Wolff. Die DeUlsche BibliOlhek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Malchukov, Andrej L.: Even I Andrej L. Malchukov. - MOnchen (i.e. ) Unterschleissheim; Newcastle : LlNCOM EUROPA, 1995 . (Languages of the world: Materials; 12) ISBN 3-929075-13-X British Library Cataloguing in PublicaJion Dala A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Printed on ch lorine·free paper CU lltellls O. Foreword. .......................... .... ...................... ................ .. ............. 3 PART I: Essemials of Even grammar ..... ........................... .. ............................. 3 I. Gener.tl data on Even ..... .............. ....................... .................... .............. 3 1. 1. General socio- and geo·linguistic infonnation ........... -
Russian Peripheral Reciprocal Markers and Unaccusativity
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 8 O. Bonami & P.Cabredo Hofherr (eds.) 2011, pp. 313–332 http://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss8 Russian peripheral reciprocal markers and unaccusativity Alexander Letuchiy∗ Introduction In the last few decades, the unaccusativity hypothesis and notion of unaccusativity has been widely discussed in linguistics. The hypothesis, as formulated by Perlmut- ter (1976), Rosen (1984), Mithun (1991), and others, says that the class of intransitive verbs is not homogenous. Different syntactic criteria show that in many languages one observes two classes of intransitives: unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs. The for- mer are, roughly speaking, ‘patientive’ verbs which denote a situation which the sub- ject does not control – in other words, the subject is a patient rather than an agent, since the absence of control, according to Dowty (1991) and Ackerman & Moore (2001) characterizes prototypical patients, and not prototypical agents. Structurally, accord- ing to Perlmutter (1976), the subject of unaccusatives at some level of representation occupies the same place as the object of transitive verbs. In contrast, the core of the unergative class includes situations controlled by the subject (thoughother verbs join the unergativeclass as well). In the syntactic structure, the subject occupies the same place as the subject (agent) of transitive verbs. In this paper, I discuss ‘peripheral’ reciprocal markers in Russian1. First, I analyze the grammatical properties of the prefix vzaimo- ‘mutually’. Surprisingly, this prefix, which cannot be the sole reciprocal marker in the verb form, can serve as the sole marker in nouns and even in participles. I am trying to explain this difference between verbs vs. -
UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics
UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics Title Runyambo Verb Extensions and Constructions on Predicate Structure Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1xp5453s Author Rugemalira, Josephat Publication Date 1993 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Runyambo Verb Extensions and Constraints on Predicate Structure by Josephat Muhozi Rugemalira B .A. (University of Dar es Salaam) 1984 M.A. (University of Lancaster) 1986 M.A. (University of California at Berkeley) 1991 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY Of CALIFORNIA at BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Charles J. Fillmore, Chair Professor Sam A. Mchombo Professor Johanna B. Nichols Professor Larry M. Hyman 1993 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The dissertation of Josephat Muhozi Rugemalira is approved: /iW ^ tqq \ Date __________ a/st; % /f fj v' ;---- Dat'e s---- L ---- _ \ / ) FvV <Lr.X--°1 KiCv . A- , 199 5 J . Date (A t!M fC^I* lyt^SL IjVOUJLo / U o o ■ / f i V S University of California at Berkeley 1993 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT RUNYAMBO VERB EXTENSIONS AND CONSTRAINTS ON PREDICATE STRUCTURE by Josephat Muhozi Rugemalira Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California at Berkeley Professor Charles J. Fillmore, Chair This study presents a description of the productive verb extensions in Runyambo, a Bantu language of Tanzania. It challenges the common view that the extensions are potentially a resource for increasing the number of a verb's arguments indefinitely, and shows instead that the extensions form part of a set of interrelated mechanisms, within the Bantu languages, which ensure that the arguments of a verb remain distinguishable from each other. -
Looking Into Reduplication in Indonesian
Double Double, Morphology and Trouble: Looking into Reduplication in Indonesian Meladel Mistica, Avery Andrews, I Wayan Arka Timothy Baldwin The Australian National University The University of Melbourne {meladel.mistica,avery.andrews, [email protected] wayan.arka}@anu.edu.au Abstract tronic grammar for Indonesian within the framework of Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG). Our project This paper investigates reduplication in In- forms part of a group of researchers, PARGRAM1 donesian. In particular, we focus on verb redu- whose aim is to also produce wide-coverage gram- plication that has the agentive voice affix meN, exhibiting a homorganic nasal. We outline the mars built on a collaboratively agreed upon set of recent changes we have made to the imple- grammatical features (Butt et al., 1999). In order mentation of our Indonesian grammar, and the to ensure comparability we use the same linguistic motivation for such changes. tools for implementation.2 There are two main issues that we deal with One of the issues we address is how to adequately in our implementation: how we account for account for morphophonemic facts, as schematised the morphophonemic facts relating to sound in Examples (1), (2) and (3): changes in the morpheme; and how we con- ∧ struct word formation (i.e. sublexical) rules in (1) [meN+tarik] 2 creating these derived words exhibiting redu- ↔ meN+tarik+hyphen+meN+tarik plication. ↔ menarik-menarik “pulling (iteratively)” 1 Introduction ∧ (2) meN+[tarik] 2 This study looks at full reduplication in Indone- ↔ meN+tarik+hyphen+tarik sian verbs, which is a morphological operation that ↔ menarik-narik (*menarik-tarik) involves the doubling of a lexical stem. -
3 Types of Anaphors
3 Types of anaphors Moving from the definition and characteristics of anaphors to the types of ana- phors, this chapter will detail the nomenclature of anaphor types established for this book. In general, anaphors can be categorised according to: their form; the type of relationship to their antecedent; the form of their antecedents; the position of anaphors and antecedents, i.e. intrasentential or intersentential; and other features (cf. Mitkov 2002: 8-17). The procedure adopted here is to catego- rise anaphors according to their form. It should be stressed that the types dis- tinguished in this book are not universal categories, so the proposed classifica- tion is not the only possible solution. For instance, personal, possessive and re- flexive pronouns can be seen as three types or as one type. With the latter, the three pronoun classes are subsumed under the term “central pronouns”, as it is adopted here. Linguistic classifications of anaphors can be found in two established gram- mar books, namely in Quirk et al.’s A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language (2012: 865) and in The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language (Stirling & Huddleston 2010: 1449-1564). Quirk et al. include a chapter of pro- forms and here distinguish between coreference and substitution. However, they do not take anaphors as their starting point of categorisation. Additionally, Stirling & Huddleston do not consider anaphors on their own but together with deixis. As a result, anaphoric noun phrases with a definite article, for example, are not included in both categorisations. Furthermore, Schubert (2012: 31-55) presents a text-linguistic view, of which anaphors are part, but his classification is similarly unsuitable because it does not focus on the anaphoric items specifi- cally. -
Reflexive and Reciprocal Encoding in the Australian Mixed
languages Article Reflexive and Reciprocal Encoding in the Australian Mixed Language, Light Warlpiri Carmel O’Shannessy 1,* and Connor Brown 2 1 School of Literature, Languages and Linguistics, College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 2600, Australia 2 School of Social Sciences, The University of Western Australia, Perth, WA 6009, Australia; [email protected] * Correspondence: Carmel.O’[email protected] Abstract: Mixed languages combine significant amounts of grammatical and lexical material from more than one source language in systematic ways. The Australian mixed language, Light Warlpiri, combines nominal morphology from Warlpiri with verbal morphology from Kriol (an English-lexified Creole) and English, with innovations. The source languages of Light Warlpiri differ in how they encode reflexives and reciprocals—Warlpiri uses an auxiliary clitic for both reflexive and reciprocal expression, while English and Kriol both use pronominal forms, and largely have separate forms for reflexives and reciprocals. English distinguishes person and number in reflexives, but not in reciprocals; the other source languages do not distinguish person or number. This study draws on naturalistic and elicited production data to examine how reflexive and reciprocal events are encoded in Light Warlpiri. The study finds that Light Warlpiri combines near-maximal distinctions from the source languages, but in a way that is not a mirror of any. It retains the person and number distinctions of English reflexives and extends them to reciprocals, using the same forms for Citation: O’Shannessy, Carmel, and reflexives and reciprocals (like Warlpiri). Reflexives and reciprocals occur within a verbal structure Connor Brown. -
Groups in the Semantics of Reciprocal Verbs∗ Aynat Rubinstein
Groups in the Semantics of Reciprocal Verbs∗ Aynat Rubinstein University of Massachusetts Amherst 1. Introduction One recurring question in studies of reciprocalization (the process that creates reciprocal verbs) concerns the difference between verbal reciprocals and their well-studied pronomi- nal counterparts (Faller to appear, Siloni 2001 et seq.). In this paper I offer a novel answer to this question. I propose that reciprocal verbs involve collective predication that is absent from other expressions of reciprocity. In particular, I explore Artstein’s (1997) hypothesis that the domain of events is similar to the domain of individuals in containing elements which are groups. I propose that reciprocal verbs are predicates of group events and derive their essential properties from this assumption. Reciprocalization under this view reduces to collective event conjunction, an operation that is independently motivated for predicate conjunction in the syntax (Artstein 1997). 2. Reciprocal Verbs and How They Differ from Reciprocal Pronouns and Related Transitives I use the term reciprocal verbs to refer to intransitive verbs with so-called reflexive mor- phology as in (1a) and (2a). Reciprocal verbs take plural subjects and express reciprocity without the aid of a reciprocal pronoun. They are compatible with reciprocal pronouns, but do not require them. Typically, a reciprocal verb is morphologically and semantically related to a non-reciprocal transitive predicate, as shown in (1b) and (2b). (1) a. yosi ve-Ãager hitXabk-u (Hebrew) Yossi and-Jagger RCP.embraced-PL ‘Yossi and Jagger embraced’ ∗I would like to express special thanks to Fred Landman for encouragement and discussions in the early stages of this project, and to Tali Siloni for guiding me through the syntax of reciprocals. -
An Introduction to Dena'ina Grammar
AN INTRODUCTION TO DENA’INA GRAMMAR: THE KENAI (OUTER INLET) DIALECT by Alan Boraas, Ph.D. Professor of Anthropology Kenai Peninsula College Based on reference material by: Peter Kalifornsky James Kari, Ph.D. and Joan Tenenbaum, Ph.D. June 30, 2009 revisions May 22, 2010 Page ii Dedication This grammar guide is dedicated to the 20th century children who had their mouth’s washed out with soap or were beaten in the Kenai Territorial School for speaking Dena’ina. And to Peter Kalifornsky, one of those children, who gave his time, knowledge, and friendship so others might learn. Acknowledgement The information in this introductory grammar is based on the sources cited in the “References” section but particularly on James Kari’s draft of Dena’ina Verb Dictionary and Joan Tenenbaum’s 1978 Morphology and Semantics of the Tanaina Verb. Many of the examples are taken directly from these documents but modified to fit the Kenai or Outer Inlet dialect. All of the stem set and verb theme information is from James Kari’s electronic Dena’ina verb dictionary draft. Students should consult the originals for more in-depth descriptions or to resolve difficult constructions. In addition much of the material in this document was initially developed in various language learning documents developed by me, many in collaboration with Peter Kalifornsky or Donita Peter for classes taught at Kenai Peninsula College or the Kenaitze Indian Tribe between 1988 and 2006, and this document represents a recent installment of a progressively more complete grammar. Anyone interested in Dena’ina language and culture owes a huge debt of gratitude to Dr.