Proceedings of the 37Th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: Special Session on Languages of the Caucasus (2013), Pp
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Ingredients of Reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua
Accepted for publication in the Journal of Semantics, pre-final version, February 2007. 1 The ingredients of reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua Martina Faller The University of Manchester Abstract In Cuzco Quechua reciprocity is marked by means of two verbal suffixes, one of which is a marker of reflexivity, the other of which is a marker of pluractionality. The paper develops an analysis that composes reciprocity from these more basic notions. Two further ingredients that are needed will be argued to derive from independent principles: universal quantifi- cation over parts of the reciprocal plural agent derives from plural pred- ication, as has been argued by other researchers for English reciprocity; distinctness of the participants in the reciprocal subevents derives from a semantic version of Condition B. This way of composing reciprocity is not universal, other languages have dedicated reciprocal markers or make other reciprocal ingredients overt. The compositional derivation of reciprocity is therefore a clear candidate for cross-linguistic semantic variation. 1 Introduction This paper develops a compositional analysis of reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua (CQ) with the aim of elucidating the question of how languages may differ in the compositional derivation of this complex semantic notion. In a wider sense, it is a contribution to the growing literature on the possible space of cross-linguistic semantic variation. Consider the following Quechua reciprocal sentence and its English translation. (1) Hayt’a-na-ku-n-ku. kick-pa-refl-3-pl ‘They kick each other.’ Both entail that there are at least two kicking events, that the agent and the theme of each kicking event are distinct but drawn from the same group con- sisting of at least two members (namely the group denoted by they, which serves as the antecedent for the pronominal each other), and that each of the members of this group is an agent of at least one of these events and a theme of at least another one. -
The Syntax of the Malagasy Reciprocal Construction: an Lfg Account
THE SYNTAX OF THE MALAGASY RECIPROCAL CONSTRUCTION: AN LFG ACCOUNT Peter Hurst University of Melbourne Proceedings of the LFG06 Conference Universität Konstanz Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2006 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ ABSTRACT The verbal reciprocal construction in Malagasy is formed by a reciprocal morpheme prefixing on the main verb with a corresponding loss of an overt argument in c-structure. Analyses of similar constructions in Chichewa and Catalan both treat the reciprocalized verb's argument structure as undergoing an alteration whereby one of its thematic roles is either suppressed or two thematic arguments are mapped to one grammatical function. In this paper I propose that the reciprocal morpheme in Malagasy creates a reciprocal pronoun in f-structure - thus maintaining its valency and leaving the argument structure of the verb unchanged, while at the same time losing an argument at the level of c-structure. 1. INTRODUCTION Malagasy is an Austronesian language and is the dominant language of Madagascar. The Malagasy sentences used in the analysis below are from the literature - in particular from a paper by Keenan and Razafimamonjy (2001) titled “Reciprocals in Malagasy” whose examples are based on the official dialect of Malagasy as spoken in and around the capital city Antananarivo. The Malagasy reciprocal construction is formed by the addition of a prefix -if- or -ifamp- to the stem of the verb accompanied by the loss of an overt argument in object position. Compare sentence (1a) below with its reciprocated equivalent (1b): (1) Malagasy a. N-an-daka an-dRabe Rakoto pst-act-kick acc.Rabe Rakoto V O S 'Rakoto kicked Rabe' b. -
The Subject of the Estonian Des-Converb1
Helen Plado The Subject of the Estonian des-converb1 Abstract The Estonian des-construction is used as both an implicit-subject and an explicit-subject converb. This article concentrates on the subjects of both and also compares them. In the case of implicit-subject converbs, it is argued that not only the (semantic) subject of the superordinate clause can control the implicit subject of the des-converb, but also the most salient participant (which can sometimes even be the undergoer) of the superordinate clause. The article also discusses under which conditions the undergoer of the superordinate clause can control the implicit subject of the converb. In the case of explicit-subject converbs it is demonstrated which subjects tend to be explicitly present in the des-converb and which are the main properties of the structure and usage of explicit-subject des-converbs. 1. Background A converb is described as a “verb form which depends syntactically on another verb form, but is not its syntactic actant” (Nedjalkov 1995: 97) and as “a nonfinite verb form whose main function is to mark adverbial subordination” (Haspelmath 1995: 3). The Estonian des-form is a non- finite verb form that cannot be the main verb of a sentence. It acts as an adjunct and delivers some adverbial meaning. Hence, the Estonian des- form is a typical converb. One of the main questions in the discussion about converbs is the subject of the converb, consisting of two issues: whether the subject is explicitly present in the converb and if not, then what controls the (implicit) 1 I thank Marja-Liisa Helasvuo, Liina Lindström, and two anonymous reviewers for their highly valuable comments and suggestions. -
A Backwards Binding Construction in Zapotec
Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session Volume 40 Article 1 1996 A backwards binding construction in Zapotec Cheryl A. Black SIL-UND Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers Part of the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Black, Cheryl A. (1996) "A backwards binding construction in Zapotec," Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session: Vol. 40 , Article 1. DOI: 10.31356/silwp.vol40.01 Available at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers/vol40/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UND Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session by an authorized editor of UND Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Backwards Binding Construction in Zapotec* Cheryl A. Black Many of the Zapotecan languages have a unique way of signalling coreference between the subject and the possessor of the object: the subject is null. Such a construction is upsidedown or backwards from commonly described anaphora con structions and its analysis is therefore problematic to current theories. This paper describes the construction and underlines the theoretical problem by arguing against any obvious alternative analyses. An analysis is proposed where it is the tail {rather than the head) of the chain of coreferent elements that is identified, suggesting that this is another place where parameterization is needed. 1. Introduction One part of Binding Theory deals with simple refl.exive constructions, such as (1) (where coindexing indicates coreference). -
Further Remarks on Reciprocal Constructions (To Appear In: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P
1 Further remarks on reciprocal constructions (to appear in: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. (ed.) 2007. Reciprocal constructions. Amsterdam: Benjamins.) MARTIN HASPELMATH In view of the breathtaking scope of the comparative research enterprise led by Vladimir P. Nedjalkov whose results are published in these volumes, I have no choice but to select and highlight a few topics that I find particularly interesting and worthy of further comment and further study. I will focus here on conceptual and terminological issues and on some phenomena that have been discussed in the literature but are not so well represented in this work. I will also try to summarize some of the major known generalizations about reciprocals, as discussed in this work and elsewhere, in the form of twenty-six Greenberg-style numbered universals. 1. Reciprocal, mutual, symmetric Let us begin with a terminological discussion of the most basic term, reciprocal. In the present volumes, this term is used both for meanings (e.g. reciprocal situation, reciprocal event) and for forms (e.g. reciprocal construction, reciprocal marker, reciprocal predicate). In most cases, the context will disambiguate, but it seems to be a good idea to have two different terms for meanings and for forms, analogous to similar contrasts such as proposition/sentence, question/interrogative, participant/argument, time/tense, multiple/plural. Since all reciprocals express a situation with a mutual relation, I propose the term mutual for the semantic plane, reserving the term reciprocal for specialized expression patterns that code a mutual situation. A similar terminological distinction is made by König & Kokutani (2006), Evans (2007), Dimitriadis (2007), but these authors propose the term symmetric for meanings, reserving reciprocal for forms. -
On the Reciprocal in Ndebele Langa KHUMALO 1 University of Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa
Nordic Journal of African Studies 23(3): 140–161 (2014) On the Reciprocal in Ndebele Langa KHUMALO 1 University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of the reciprocal extension in the Ndebele language (S.44, ISO 639-3 nde; not to be confused with South African Ndebele, S.407, ISO 639-3nbl) using the apparatus of the Lexical Functional Grammar’s Lexical Mapping Theory. The reciprocal in Ndebele, like in most Bantu languages, is clearly marked by the verbal suffix an-. Its typical properties are that the subject NP must be plural or alternatively must be a coordinate structure and that it is an argument changing verbal extension. This article will demonstrate that in Ndebele the reciprocal verb can take the direct object. It will further show that the reciprocal in Ndebele can co-occur with the passive and finally the paper will show that the notion of transitivity is not so straightforward both at syntactic and semantic levels when viewed in the context of certain reciprocal constructions. Keywords : reciprocal, argument structure, LMT, dyadic and monadic reciprocal. 1. INTRODUCTION This article discusses the Ndebele reciprocal derivation using the Lexical Mapping Theory (henceforth LMT), which is a sub-theory of Lexical Functional Grammar (henceforth LFG). It is important to note that LFG owes its origins from the dissatisfaction with Chomsky’s early framework of linguistic analysis as espoused in the Principles and Parameter framework and Government and Binding Theory. LFG has been described as the non-transformational successor to the transformational generative forerunners of Government and Binding. -
Even (Malchukov).Pdf
Even Andrei L. Malchukov LANGUAGES OF TilE WORLD/Malerials \2 1995 LINCOM EUROPA Miinchen - Newcastle Published by LlNCOM EUROPA. Munchen. Newcaslle. 1995. All correspondence concerning LANGUAGES OF THE WORLD/Materials should be addressed to: LlNCOM EUROPA. P.O. Box 1316. D-85703 Unterschleissheim/Munchen. Germany. All rights reserved . including the righlS of translation into any foreign language. No part of this book may be reproduced in any way without the permission of the publisher. Printed in Nurnberg. Germany Edited by U.J. Uiders Scientific Advisory Board of L1NGUAGES OF THE WORLD/Materials (LW/M); W. Bisang, M. Brenzi nger , F. Corricmc, R.M.W. Dixon. W.Foley, J. Goddard. N. Himmelmann, A.E. Kibrik. L. Johanson. A.S. Kaye, M. Mithun, U. Mosel, J. Owens. G. Sommer, H.E. Wolff. Die DeUlsche BibliOlhek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Malchukov, Andrej L.: Even I Andrej L. Malchukov. - MOnchen (i.e. ) Unterschleissheim; Newcastle : LlNCOM EUROPA, 1995 . (Languages of the world: Materials; 12) ISBN 3-929075-13-X British Library Cataloguing in PublicaJion Dala A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Printed on ch lorine·free paper CU lltellls O. Foreword. .......................... .... ...................... ................ .. ............. 3 PART I: Essemials of Even grammar ..... ........................... .. ............................. 3 I. Gener.tl data on Even ..... .............. ....................... .................... .............. 3 1. 1. General socio- and geo·linguistic infonnation ........... -
Russian Peripheral Reciprocal Markers and Unaccusativity
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 8 O. Bonami & P.Cabredo Hofherr (eds.) 2011, pp. 313–332 http://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss8 Russian peripheral reciprocal markers and unaccusativity Alexander Letuchiy∗ Introduction In the last few decades, the unaccusativity hypothesis and notion of unaccusativity has been widely discussed in linguistics. The hypothesis, as formulated by Perlmut- ter (1976), Rosen (1984), Mithun (1991), and others, says that the class of intransitive verbs is not homogenous. Different syntactic criteria show that in many languages one observes two classes of intransitives: unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs. The for- mer are, roughly speaking, ‘patientive’ verbs which denote a situation which the sub- ject does not control – in other words, the subject is a patient rather than an agent, since the absence of control, according to Dowty (1991) and Ackerman & Moore (2001) characterizes prototypical patients, and not prototypical agents. Structurally, accord- ing to Perlmutter (1976), the subject of unaccusatives at some level of representation occupies the same place as the object of transitive verbs. In contrast, the core of the unergative class includes situations controlled by the subject (thoughother verbs join the unergativeclass as well). In the syntactic structure, the subject occupies the same place as the subject (agent) of transitive verbs. In this paper, I discuss ‘peripheral’ reciprocal markers in Russian1. First, I analyze the grammatical properties of the prefix vzaimo- ‘mutually’. Surprisingly, this prefix, which cannot be the sole reciprocal marker in the verb form, can serve as the sole marker in nouns and even in participles. I am trying to explain this difference between verbs vs. -
UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics
UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics Title Runyambo Verb Extensions and Constructions on Predicate Structure Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1xp5453s Author Rugemalira, Josephat Publication Date 1993 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Runyambo Verb Extensions and Constraints on Predicate Structure by Josephat Muhozi Rugemalira B .A. (University of Dar es Salaam) 1984 M.A. (University of Lancaster) 1986 M.A. (University of California at Berkeley) 1991 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY Of CALIFORNIA at BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Charles J. Fillmore, Chair Professor Sam A. Mchombo Professor Johanna B. Nichols Professor Larry M. Hyman 1993 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The dissertation of Josephat Muhozi Rugemalira is approved: /iW ^ tqq \ Date __________ a/st; % /f fj v' ;---- Dat'e s---- L ---- _ \ / ) FvV <Lr.X--°1 KiCv . A- , 199 5 J . Date (A t!M fC^I* lyt^SL IjVOUJLo / U o o ■ / f i V S University of California at Berkeley 1993 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT RUNYAMBO VERB EXTENSIONS AND CONSTRAINTS ON PREDICATE STRUCTURE by Josephat Muhozi Rugemalira Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California at Berkeley Professor Charles J. Fillmore, Chair This study presents a description of the productive verb extensions in Runyambo, a Bantu language of Tanzania. It challenges the common view that the extensions are potentially a resource for increasing the number of a verb's arguments indefinitely, and shows instead that the extensions form part of a set of interrelated mechanisms, within the Bantu languages, which ensure that the arguments of a verb remain distinguishable from each other. -
3 Types of Anaphors
3 Types of anaphors Moving from the definition and characteristics of anaphors to the types of ana- phors, this chapter will detail the nomenclature of anaphor types established for this book. In general, anaphors can be categorised according to: their form; the type of relationship to their antecedent; the form of their antecedents; the position of anaphors and antecedents, i.e. intrasentential or intersentential; and other features (cf. Mitkov 2002: 8-17). The procedure adopted here is to catego- rise anaphors according to their form. It should be stressed that the types dis- tinguished in this book are not universal categories, so the proposed classifica- tion is not the only possible solution. For instance, personal, possessive and re- flexive pronouns can be seen as three types or as one type. With the latter, the three pronoun classes are subsumed under the term “central pronouns”, as it is adopted here. Linguistic classifications of anaphors can be found in two established gram- mar books, namely in Quirk et al.’s A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language (2012: 865) and in The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language (Stirling & Huddleston 2010: 1449-1564). Quirk et al. include a chapter of pro- forms and here distinguish between coreference and substitution. However, they do not take anaphors as their starting point of categorisation. Additionally, Stirling & Huddleston do not consider anaphors on their own but together with deixis. As a result, anaphoric noun phrases with a definite article, for example, are not included in both categorisations. Furthermore, Schubert (2012: 31-55) presents a text-linguistic view, of which anaphors are part, but his classification is similarly unsuitable because it does not focus on the anaphoric items specifi- cally. -
Expressing Adverbial Relations in Clause Linkage with Converbs
Syntax of the World’s Languages 7, Mexico City August 20th, 2016 Workshop on Adverbial relations and clause linkages Expressing adverbial relations in clause linkage with converbs: definitional and typological considerations Daniel Ross [email protected] University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Premise of this talk • Converbs are often defined as adverbial verb forms • They should be ideal for research on adverbial clauses • From the perspective of research on adverbial clauses, however, converbs may not play a major role • Partly due to tendencies of limited semantic functions • Definitional and typological issues are also relevant Converb example • Khalkha Mongolian (Haspelmath 1995:1) Xot-od or-ž nom aw-aw town-DAT go-CONV book buy-PAST ‘Going to town I bought a book.’ Defining converbs • Non-finite verb forms • usually suffixed • usually missing other verbal inflection • Dependent on another verb • often involved in clause-chaining • often occurring before the finite verb • Definitions used by different researchers vary not only in details but also in core properties; strong disagreement Defining converbs • Terminology varies also • “Converbs” is used commonly, but often confused with similar terms: • Gerunds • Participles • Other terms sometimes overlap, depending on usage: • “Serial verbs”; “Compound verbs” • Medial verbs • etc. Defining converbs • Converbs can function in: • Clause-chaining • Nearly independent clauses except for the verb form • In some languages this strategy substitutes for finite verb coordination with an -
Unity and Diversity in Grammaticalization Scenarios
Unity and diversity in grammaticalization scenarios Edited by Walter Bisang Andrej Malchukov language Studies in Diversity Linguistics 16 science press Studies in Diversity Linguistics Chief Editor: Martin Haspelmath In this series: 1. Handschuh, Corinna. A typology of marked-S languages. 2. Rießler, Michael. Adjective attribution. 3. Klamer, Marian (ed.). The Alor-Pantar languages: History and typology. 4. Berghäll, Liisa. A grammar of Mauwake (Papua New Guinea). 5. Wilbur, Joshua. A grammar of Pite Saami. 6. Dahl, Östen. Grammaticalization in the North: Noun phrase morphosyntax in Scandinavian vernaculars. 7. Schackow, Diana. A grammar of Yakkha. 8. Liljegren, Henrik. A grammar of Palula. 9. Shimelman, Aviva. A grammar of Yauyos Quechua. 10. Rudin, Catherine & Bryan James Gordon (eds.). Advances in the study of Siouan languages and linguistics. 11. Kluge, Angela. A grammar of Papuan Malay. 12. Kieviet, Paulus. A grammar of Rapa Nui. 13. Michaud, Alexis. Tone in Yongning Na: Lexical tones and morphotonology. 14. Enfield, N. J (ed.). Dependencies in language: On the causal ontology of linguistic systems. 15. Gutman, Ariel. Attributive constructions in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic. 16. Bisang, Walter & Andrej Malchukov (eds.). Unity and diversity in grammaticalization scenarios. ISSN: 2363-5568 Unity and diversity in grammaticalization scenarios Edited by Walter Bisang Andrej Malchukov language science press Walter Bisang & Andrej Malchukov (eds.). 2017. Unity and diversity in grammaticalization scenarios (Studies in Diversity Linguistics