SILK ROAD ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY 9
Jonathan Lee and Nicholas Sims-Williams
The antiquities and inscription of Tang-i Safedak
2003
Journal of the Institute of Silk Road Studies The Hirayama Ikuo Silk Road Museum Foundation The antiquities and inscription of Tang-i Sa(edak
Jonathan Lee and Nicholas Sims-Williams
Part I: The site of Tang-i Safeclak and the disccrvery of the inscription
Jonathan Lt:e
In October l 996 the Society for the Preservation of Afghanistan's Cultural Heritagt: 1 SPACH, received information from Peter Schwittek, a German working for the World Food Programme. that a farmer in the Yakaolang district of Bamiyan province, Afghanistan {Fig. 1-2) had come across a subterranean chamber on his land. Having broken through the roof of tilt: cha111hn. the farmer had discovered a series of coins, an ancient book, an inscription and other itt:lll, Soon afterwards, Brigitte Neubacher, then secretary of SPACH, passed through tht: area and took several photographs of the exterior wall of the chamber showing a Bactrian inscription in cursive script still in situ in the wall. One of these photographs was published in the SPACH Newsletter, Issue 3, July 1997, p. 7 (cf. Fig. 3), accompanied by a brief description uf the ~itt:. which was referred to as "Pan-e-Kera". In April I 998, I was engaged by a Japanese television crew working for NHK who wished to visit Bamiyan to film the Buddhas for a documentary on the spread of Buddhism. By thi, time. tht: Hazarajat was under siege by the Taliban and access to the region was severely n.:\lncteJ .-\ le,\ weeks before, Taliban jets had bombed the airfield at Bamiyan whilst an aeroplant: hehll1grng tu the International Committee of the Red Cross was on the runway. This action haltnl direct flight, to Bamiyan by all but local military planes. Instead we were obliged to fly into Y:1bola11g. ,0111e I 00 km west of Bamiyan. Having been informed of the discovery of an inscription by Dr Nancy Duprt:t:. "e planned ti, visit the site if it was not too far away from Yakaolang,;proper. The discovery Wa\ \\di knmrn in the Yakaolang area and since the site in question at Tang-i Safedak was only some 25 km to the west, we decided to try and visit the site. Due to pressure of time, we only spent a coupk of hour, in the village, but we were able to visit the site of the discovery, which by this time had been filled in again in order to preserve it from further looting. as well as to take film and still image, uf the inscription, which had been removed to the house of Haji Ahmadi, the local representati,e of Hizb i Wahdat. A number of monumental fragments had also been removed from the -;itc h~ the villagers (Fig. 4). Unfortunately, in the process of removal the top two lines of the 1n,,:ript1on had 160 S.R.A.A .. IX (200.3J been badly damaged and many letters were missing or illegible. , Two day~ later, when I reached Bamiyan. Ustad Khalili. the leadt.:r lil H11.h-1\\ahdat ,rnd commander of Bamiyan province, allowed me to photograph the coin\ ( Fig. 5-7 1 and gold nng (Fig. 8) from the Tang-i Safedak site which he had placed in the charge of one of hi\ a\soc1ate\. I also saw and photographed a number of other antiquities said to have been 1m111d111 tht.: \'iL·init) ot the Bamiyan valley. These included a Hebrew manuscript. a miniature ~ihn chariot \\1th min and
horses, a g I ass phi a I which must origin a 11y have contained pert u 111t.: an J ,1 L( ,\ kc t I u 11 ( ,t miscellaneous Islamic and Indian coins. On·enquiry. I was informed that the lmul--from Tang-1 Safedak had turned to dust when exposed to the air.
The NHK video footage of the Tang-i Sakdak inscription appear\ lll'.\L'It,i h,1,,· hL·L·11,h,,,\11 \(> any scholar of Bactrian and the few images I had taken under ,·n: d,tr,Lult \1gl1t11,_c:<.:<>11d1t1u11, proved to be of inadequate quality. As a consequence, only a few word~ ut tlw 111~L-r1pt1t,11\\ t.:rt.:
legible from the photographs. though what cou Id be read indicated that the 111~cript 1u11",1~ \\Ti tten around the time of the Arab-Muslim conquest. All hope of a quick return to the area was dashed in September \ lJlJ11. "lwn tht.: Ltlih,111t\iok
Bamiyan. Yakaolang and much of the rest of the Hazarajat. Over the next thrt.:t.:yt.:ar~ th.: ,ll<.:,1\\,t.~ a battlefield as the Hazaras and the Taliban fought for control of the area. Tholl\,llld~ ot f Lu,ua~ fled to the mountains to escape being massacred by the Taliban and only began to return ,titer the
overthrow of the Taliban and the return of Ustad Khalili of Hizb-i Wahdat 1r1 1':mrn1h.:r ::1.()(JI. Following the change of government, in the summer of 2002 I approached the Suut.:l) !or South Asian Studies with a proposal for a mission to ascertain the fate of the Tang-i Safedal-- inscnption and to carry out a survey of Buddhist and Ghurid sites in the upper Balkh Ah and Band-1 :'\1111r watersheds. Having received financial support from the Society. at rhe end t>t :'\ugLht ,m "1k ,mJ l flew to Afghanistan where our mission recei,·ed the full cooper\1tiu11 .uid c·11L·uu1:1g..:111.:11tuf th.: Minister for Information and Culture. Dr Makdoom Raheen, the Dirt.:L·tu1,,t thl.'.l\.,1hul \lu\eum. Mr Masoudi, and the Director of the Institute of Archaeology. Mr Firo;i The \l 1111~terpru, ideJ letters of introduction to the governor ( 11·a/i)of Bamiyan and the di\triL"l g(), .:mm llf Y,1bub11g We flew into Yakaolang on 14 September 2002 and presentt.:d Ur Ralwt.:11·, kttc:r t,, th.: i governor of Yakaolang district. He specifically requested that \\.e did lll>l , i\lt L111g-1S,tklldk immediately as he wished to consult wiJh the 1rn/i of Bamiyan about my rni\\iu11 and tu rnakt.: enquiries related to the inscription. In fact. as events subsequently unfolded. this \\,1, an attempt tu buy time.
In the interval we surveyed a number of other Buddhist and Ghurid ~11t.:~111 tlw .lJL\luf tlw upper Balkh Ab and Band-i Amir watershed and made informal enqu1rin about tilt.: late ul tht.: inscription. It appeared that the population of Tang-i Safedak had fled their home\ folllming the Taliban occupation, and it was rumoured that the inscription had eithn ht.:rn \()(1\nl ()r dt.:~troyed.
However, it emerged that the guardian of the inscription. Haji Ahmadi. \\a\ ,till ,il1,t.:,md lirn1g 111
the area. Eventually we met with Haji Ahmadi. who confirmed th,11 he hc1J 1--t.:J•tthe· 11N.T1pt1<>11 Lee I Sims-Williams: Tang-i Safedak I (i I safe. as I had requested on my first visit. He also informed me that that book. which was said tu
J have fallen apart in 1995, was in fact recovered from the site intact and was also in the possession of Ustad Khalili or one of his associates. It also emerged that Haji Ahmadi had been offered considerable amounts of money, both by the Taliban and by itinerant antiquities dealers. to ~ell the inscription, but he had refused to do so on the grounds that he had earlier promised to protect it until such time as I was able to return and make arrangements for the inscription to be handed over to the National Museum. Subsequently we found that the governor of Bamiyai:i and the district governor of Yakaolang had forced Haji Ahmadi to surrender the inscription under duress. Having been privately informed of these events, I spent three days trying to persuade the governor to allow me access to the inscription. He, however, refused to admit that he, or any other official. had taken pussess1on of tht: inscription, even though I had seen the official receipt given to Haji Ahmadi with his signature u11 it. Having failed to make any headway, I returned to Kabul and reported the matter to the Minister of Information and Culture. who took the issue to the Afghan cabinet. At the same time a number of influential Afghans and United Nations and diplomatic staff also made private representatiom to Hizb-i Wahdat officials in Kabul, Bamiyan and Yakaolang. A series of inten·iews were alsu arranged with the national press during which Mir Ahmad Joyenda, former Director or the Institute of Archaeology and Haji Ahmadi, who had come to Kabul, made a public appeal for the return of the inscription. Finally, as a result of this pressure, the governor of Bamiyan was ordered by his superiors in Hizb-i Wahdat to surrender the inscription and a formal handing-over ceremony was held in the Ministry of Information and Culture. The inscription was then placed in the safe keeping of the Kabul Museum where I was at last able to make a comprehensive photographic record of it.
* * * * *
The building where the inscription was originally found. which the inscriptio11 identities as a Buddhist stupa, is located approximately one km south of the village of Tang-i Safedak. Tang-i Safedak itself is a small settlement at the north-eastern end of a dry river. nestling under the 1cm foothills to the south-west of the Band-i Amir river valley.' The stupa is located on a terraced platform (Fig. 9) approximately half way up the northern face of a hill or mound located in the fork of two dry river valleys (34° 44' 16" N: 66c -ff 50" EJ. {All latitude and longitude readings are from GPS readings taken on site.) To the north-west and west of this hill (34° 44' 25" N; 66° 45' 50" E), there is a long ridge running from SW to NE which local people refer to as the "Shahristan", i.e. the (ancient) town or settlement. According to local information, the east face of this ridge formerly had a number of interlinked caves, most of which had now collapsed. There were also traces of dwelling'> and some -,tune 162 S.R.A.A .. IX (2003 l walls. A number of recently-dug pits have exposed sections of these ancient c;1\c,. which appear tu have niches. Traces of white plaster were also found on some of the interior \\ alls. A number of ceramic and polished stone beads and a bronze or copper bell are said to ha\e been found in these caves. In a field in the valley on the east side of the Shahristan ridge (34" 4-r 20·· N: 66 45 · so·· E), due north of the stupa site. a stone post hole or a pillar base had recent!\' been di,co\cred during ploughing. Given that the inscription is clearly Buddhist, it would seem that the eastern face of the Shahristan contained a number of Buddhist meditation chambers. There is a strong likelihood that there is also a monastery or vihara located either in the fields in the valley below the Shahri,tan or in the area of the stupa proper. The stupa itself remains buried under a low depression in the terrace. Fragments of dressed limestone and of fired but unornamented pottery were found in the immediate vicinity. According to Brigitte Neubacher, who saw at least one of the exposed walls of the stupa. the bui !ding measured 9 x 9 feet (2.75 x 2.75 m) (SPACH Newsletter, Issue 3. July 1997. p. 7J Peter Sell\\ ittck.
the first westerner to see the stupa, de.scribed the structure as approximately 3 111 square and 1.5 m high, and states that it was found about half a metre below the surface. The Bactrian inscription was originally situated in· the exterior east wall of the stupa ( sec Fig. 3). When the villagers broke through the roof, they found inside the charnher a ,tlrne Ol>Xof dressed limestone. The four slabs used as the sides of the container appear tu have been louse-laid without mortar. Two other slabs were used as the base and lid of the container. One of the limestone slabs (32 cm square), a corner section of cornice carved with a lotus design ( 15 x 14 x 9 cm) (Fig. 4) and four other masonry fragments are current_ly in possession of the \illagtr., of Tang-i Safedak. According to Peter Schwittek's report a "small blue v,1se" was found placed un thi~ ~tone container, but this "fell victim to the pick axe of one digger': and ·'burst with a loud bang". He continues: "On the remaining splinters one could still see that the outside of the \ase wa, decorated
with the depiction of four human bodies". Inside the stone receptacle \\ trl'. a gold ring I Fig. 8). a
bluish-purple gemstone which local people called an emerald (:11111uiriid). a11LlthL' hl>uJ.... \\h1ch \\ih found with the coins (Fig. 5-7) placed carefully between the ipdividual lea\es. The \illager, we interviewed in September 2003 stated categorically that' the book had nut disintegratl'.d un cuntact with the air, as had at first been reported. Rather, it was re~oved to Bamiyan. \\herl'. it is ~aid to remain in the possession of Hizb-i Wahdat officials. Efforts continue to ubtain :1cctss to this important document, which has not yet been examined by scholars.
Acknowledgements Many organisations and individuals played an important part in the Yakaolang expedition and the recovery of the inscription. Particular thanks are due to the following: the Societ\ for South Asian Studies, which funded the expedition; Kathy, my wife and assistant. who accompanied me on my search for "old stones and bones"; Haji Ahmadi of Tang-i Safcdak. for presen·ing the Lee I Sims-Williams: Tang-i Safedak 163 inscription and for his willingness to speak publicly about its fate: also to Dr Raheen. l\l111istcr()f Information and Culture. and his Deputy. Mr Yusufzai: the Director of the Kabul ,\lmeum. M1 Masoudi; the Director of the Institute of Archaeology, Mr Firozi; Engineer Akhtar Yunus and the staff of Alghochak magazine; Mr Jolyon Leslie of the Agha Khan Trust for Culture: l\lir Ahmad Joyenda of Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit: Mr Michael Semple of l'NAJ\IA. fa1stern Region: Mr Alberto Fernandez of the US Embassy. Kabul: and Ms Ana Rodrige,1 ut SPACH. all ()f whom worked hard in various ways in order to save the Tang-i Safedak inscription fur the nation.
Part 11:The Bactrian inscription of Tang-i Safedak
Nicholas Sims-Willia,m
The inscription is written on a rectangular block of neatly dressed limestone ca. :n.5x 25 cm. The maximum thickness of the block is ca. 15 cm. Originally the inscribed surface was lJUite smooth, but much of it is now encrusted with what appear to be limescale deposits. These deposits tend to cling to the incised letters in particular, sometimes giving the impression that the writing is in relief rather than incised. My reading is primarily based on a personal inspection of the inscription in the Kabul National Museum in May 2003. Unfortunately, however, the first two lines were badly damaged when the block was removed from the wall of the stupa, so that many words and letters. including the numerals indicating the date in the first line, are now lost. The missing letters are partly ,isibk in two photographs taken by Brigitte Neubacher which show the inscription in situ in the wall of the stupa (Fig. 10-11). However, neither photo shows the whole of line 1, the top and end of the line being hidden and the rest of the line being in shadow. I would like to express my gratitude to the Committee for Central and Inner Asia. the Societ;, for the Preservation of Afghanistan's Cultural Heritage (SPACH) and the Leverhulme Trust tor defraying the expenses of my visit to Kabul; to Ana Rodriguez of SPACH and Dr Jonathan Lee for organizing my trip; to Mr Omara Khan Masoudi, the General Director of Museums. and his staff. who did everything in their power to facilitate my vlork in the Kabul Museum: aml tu Brigitte Neubacher for allowing us to reproduce her photographs. I am grateful too tu my cullc,1gues Philip Denwood (SOAS). Marcel Erda! (Frankfurt) and Yutaka Yoshida (Kobe) fur st1111ulat111g discussions of some of the historical and linguistic problems raised by this inscription; netdless to say, none of them should be held responsible for the views expressed below. 164 S.R.A.A .. IX (2003J
•Text axpo110 \!, ?' f3' µa\JO a/3wAo ~aA~o warnor?f l 2 {3oyyo lfLO UT07TQµa110 aAxwo xopaaob 7TQPO 3 ya,a110' xoOOTJQOa/30 payo,aµaya110 KaAoo 4 OopKo" xapo Oo Ta,lyo xapo UTaOo TaOoµo Kl- 5 pOOlyO OOTJ/30apµoa/3arn110 OplyOowoo' 6 oooµo °'.7W01 lfLO ,waAaKog ~OTJ/30apµo KlpOo 7 moo aAayaµayyo 7TTJVPOaal~oµo af3o.{3oooo
·' Lines 1-2 now damaged, mainly read from Brigitte Neubacher's photm ( Fig. I 0- I I ). whnt: tlw top and end of line 1 are hidden and the rest of the line is jn shadow. Nt:vt:rthekss tht: rt:ad111gas a whole, including the numerals, is almost beyond doubt. The line as read may be complete ( with a blank at the end of the line as in lines 3, 6 and 9), though there is room for up to two additional letters. 0 0r xooaao? But a likely trace of the tail of -p- is visible in Fig. 10-11. The left side of
the first letter is broken away, but aa,a110 is less likely than :m(111 u. 'Triangular initial 8-. 17T- is completely broken away but strongly implied by the ,pace a,ailable
0 and by the shape of the following -l-. iLess likely -KaKo. · aa(·i, added abO\e a. 'Less likeh y-. 1The first letter of the line is probably y- rather than a-: the SNcing seems to rule out r3-or,-. 1 'Less likely lwaoTo. Added above -11110in slightly smaller letters. ';Less likt:ly -,;u. 'r, added above o. "The first two letters are close together, but one is not obliged tu read ,1,\,,. Addt:d above the line. The individual letters are uncertain but the outline of the word as a whole is rather clear. qThere is a blank space at the end of this line and the next. 'Followed by a curlicue like a I large Roman S.
Translation "(It was) the year 492, the month Sbol, when I, Alkhis son of Khuras. lord of Gazan. established
this stupa (as) a (pious) foundation(?) in Ragzamagan(?). (At that time) when H·J there \\'as a
Turkish(?) ruler and an Arab ruler, the deyadhanna (meritorious gifts) made by me \\l'.l"l'. kept .
[6] and afterwards I made this Zinalaka-deyadharma [7] in the \\ii ling( '1 belief which I had
towards the huddha-.f{[strn and in great faith (fraddha) and in ... Whatever merit (p1111_rn) may
arise hereby, now and (in) the future, may I, Alkhis, and my parents [ 11J and \\ ife and brothers 8
Lee I Sims-Williams: Tang-i Safedak
(and) sons and (other) relatives too-may each (and) every one (of us) attain (hi~J m\11 dt:~1re. Homage to the buddhas."
Commenta,y
1 axf>ovo is a later form of xf>ovo "(calendar) year". This word is almost always written with initial a- in documents from the Bactrian year 295 (= 527 C.E.) onwards. \!' ?' (3' "492" = 724 C.E.(?). On the Bactrian era, which probably began in 233 C.E., and on the shapes of the numeral letters see Sims-Williams 1999. In_the present case only the lower parts of the numerals are visible (see figs. l 0-11 ), but enough can be seen of?' "90" and {:!' .. 2 .. to place tht: readings beyond doubt. The preceding hundred is less clear, since the lower parts of ?-- ,' "300''
and S- v' "400" are almost identical, but v' seems more likely. In any case. the reference to tht: Arabs in line 4 would rule out a date of 392 = 624 C.E. (= 2/3 A.H.'). Several linguistic detail,
a(m·o ). /fopo.6arn I tend to confirm an eighth century date, cf. the notes below on lines 3 (1 I I ( and 12 (KLKo, wyat\ayo). The month name a{3wt\o is a variant of au/30110 (BD I, 221-2), sf~I'! in Arabic script. which wa., probably the third month in the Bactrian calendar (see Sims-Williams and de Blois forthcoming). lf. [ ]{3oyyo: since there is room for up to two letters in the lacuna at the end of line I. it would be possible to restore [Ka}{3oyyo "old", the only attested Bactrian word ending in °{3oyyo. But it is hard to believe that this word could be used adverbially ("of old, long ago, in former times") which seems to be the only meaning it could have in this context: "(It was) the year 492 ... when I ... formerly established this stupa". Moreover, even if the text deals with the restoration or re establishment of an earlier foundation, which does indeed seem to be case. it would be quite exceptional for it to begin with a date other than the date of writing. It therefore seems preferable
to seek an alternative solution, even if this is necessarily speculative. My proposal is to take {3oyy(J [bul)g] as a complete word and to interpret it as "(pious) foundation", a derivative formed with tht: common *-ka- suffix from {3ovo [bun] "(agricultural) land, landed property". originally ..ground. base, foundation" like Pahlavi bun etc. At first sight this interpretation seems to be contradicted by the occurrence of {3ovayo as a variant of {3ovo in the expression {3ov( ay )o ;rioorJLfirn .. ancestral estate" (BD I, 187). However, the normal outcome of *-nakah is certainly 0 yyo [0 IJg] {with syncope of the penultimate syllable, cf. Henning 1956, 367, ahd 1965, 83-4, on f3ayoAayyu .. sanctuary"< *baga-danaka-, etc.), so that it is in fact {3ovayo rather than f3oyyo which is in need of explanation. (Perhaps {3ovayo is to be read [bunag]; or it may contain a suffix -ag secondarily added to {3ovo. The
only other Bactrian words ending in °vayo are a few personal names such as {3a(omm1yo, 1wyi·ay(), Kavayo. In ak, line 3, published in BD I, 161, there are many alternatives to the restoration xoTJvq.y[o} suggested ibid., 233.) 2 aTo7To is the expected spelling for "stupa" (not attested elsewhere in Bactrian). Its occurrence provides the definitive proof, if any be needed, that the Tang-i Safedak monument is indeed a 166 S.R.A.A., IX (2003J stupa. Alkhis (aAxwo), the author of the inscription. is named again 111line I 0. The name i'.'., reminiscent of the so-called "Alkhon" Huns-more correctly a,\xa1·,, etc ... Alkhan··. with Da,ary 1982, 154-whom Gobi (1967) regarded as the second wave of .. Iranian Huns ... displacing the Kidarites in the region of Kabul and Kapisa at the end of the fourth century. If this connection is valid, the ending -is may be a hypocoristic suffix equivalent to Sogd -c < *-ifo-: cf. the Kushan royal name Kao
Lee I Sims-Williams : Tang-i Safedak 167 line of succession. However, it seems almost certain that Shiyu is not in fact a personal name but a variant of Xieyu ~WIN!,Late Middle Chinese shiaj'-yt, one of the many Chinese forms of the name of Zabul (for which cf. Yoshida in Kuwayama 1992, 135-6), and I suspect that the same may apply to Shiquer.
Regarding xo80170( o) as a late spelling of xoao170 "lord" see BD I, 23. af3o payo,aµ.ayavo "in Ragzamagan(?)". This phrase, which identifies the location of the inscription, can equally well be read as three words: a{3o payo ,aµ.ayavo. Bactrian puyo. older prryu in the Rabatak inscription, has so far been translate9 as "plain" on the basis of etymological considerations (Sims-Williams and Cribb 1996, 94; BD I, 220), but neither the site of Tang-i Safedak nor that of Rabatak can reasonably be described as lying in a "plain'" (cf. Fussman I 998. 582-3). A solution is provided by Persian ray ·'slope, hillside" (as well as ··plain .. J. Pa~hto ,ay,J "skirt of a mountain", Ossetic ray "ridge", all of which show that the word does not refer exclusively to level ground but also (or even especially) to the lower slopes of a hill or mountain.
The following ,aµ.ayavo is problematic. The suffixes -a,·o. -ya\"O and -/.:m·o commonly form patronymics and family names (see BD I, 180), some of which are also used a~ names of family estates (e.g. f3op,01u(v)pavo, ya{3aAlwvo, ,waoaauyuvo, vwyocpupvuvo, arruvi:>uyn1,o, VUJfJlY'Ll'fJ, pa{3opavo ). This suggests that Zamagan might be a place-name derived from a personal name *Zam or *Zamag. However, a translation "on the *slopes (of?) Zamagan" is unsatisfactory. since one would expect the place-name, possibly in the form of an adjectival derivative. tu precede the nuun payo; cf. the phrase a{3o waKwayyo payo "on the *slopes of Askin" (BD I. 126-9 r similar!) rr/:5u pw{3ayyo papa "in the city of Rob", a{3o wvoapo woayo "in the district of Andar ... etc. I therefore prefer to take payo-,aµ.ayavo as a compound place-name, whose second element may be connected with the common noun ,aµ.lyo "land" < *zwnl-ka-. Formally, payo,aµ.uyuvo \\'ould be a deri,ati,·e
in -yavo from *payo-~aµ.o "hill-country, uplands", in which, as is to be expected in a compound. the element *-zaml- lacks its secondary *-ka-suffix. A close parallel is Old Persian 111·arn-::,mi "Choresmia", an older formation with the zero-grade variant of *-zami-. Yet another variant may survive in Waziri Pashto rayzay "stony plain" (known to me from Morgenstierne forthcoming). If this is a derivative in -ay < *-aka- from a compound ending in *-zah (= Avestan :ci. Vedic ksc7hJ. nominative of the underlying root-noun zam-, it is a close cognate of puyo-,uµ.uy,u-,,. 4 oopKo xapo oo rn'lyo xapo "a Turkish(?) raler and an Arab ruler". If the author of our inscription was the "Rutbil", the lord of Ghazna, the "Arab ruler" who chiefly impinged on him would be either the governor of Khorasan or his subordinate, the governor of Siqan: the latter had his easternmost base in Bust, just to the west of the Rutbil's dominion~ in Zarnlnda\\'ar and Zabulistan. The Arabs claimed suzerainty over the Rutbil and had intermittently succeeded in forcing him to pay tribute. most recently in 711 under Qutayba b. Muslim ( Bus worth 1968. 68-9 ). Accounts in Baladhuri and the Ta 'rikh-i Sistan indicate that Yazid b. al-Ghurayf. the governor of Sistan in 725-6, failed ignominiously in attempts to collect taxes from the Rutbil (ibid .. 72-3) and it ) I
168 S.R.A.A., IX (2003J seems that no further tribute was exacted until 769, when Ma'n b. Zaida al-Shaybani defeated the Rutbil in a battle near Ghazna (ibid., 82-3); nevertheless, the Arabs in Sistan were an e,er-present threat. A significant Arab force was also present to the north of the Hindukush. During the years 724- 7 this was under the command of Asad b. 'Abdallah, who invaded the adjacent lands of Ghor and Gharchistan more than once during this period (see Jabari tr. Blankinship 1989. 25-7 and 34. on the campaigns of 725/6 and 727/8 respectively); not long afterwards a Bactrian document of 757 C.E. (BD I, 126-35) attests the payment of the jizya and other taxes to the Arabs in the realm of Rob (modern Roi) in the northern Hindukush. It is less obvious who the "Turkish ruler" may be. In theory, the writer could be referring to himself. In the Muslim sources, the followers of the Rutbil are described as "Turks··. This has been discounted as inexact (Bosworth 1973, 269); but Huichao too states that the king of Zabulistan and his soldiers were Turks while the natives were Hu i'ijj (Fuchs 1938, 448). ''Rutbil'" itself is a form of the Turkish title iltabir (cf. Sims-Williams 2002, 235). which, in its Chinese form xiel1fu MHHi. is attested as the title of the ruler of Zabulistan in 720 C.E. (Chavannes 1903. 161 with n. I). In the context, however, it seems more natural to suppose that the "Turkish ruler'· is a foreigner and perhaps an enemy, like the "Arab ruler" with whom he is coupled. In that case the reference may be to the yabghu of Tukharistan, who vied with the Arabs for control of the region to the north of the Hindukush and who also claimed suzerainty over Zabul and Kapisi ( according to the letter which his younger brother, the tegin Puluo, addressed to the Chinese emperor in 718. cf. Chavannes 1903, 200). It can hardly be the king of Kapisi, since the dynasties of Kapisi and Zabulistan were closely related: some time between 710 and 720 Kapisi had conquered Zabulistan (according to Petech 1964, 290-91, correcting Chavannes 1903, 161 ), and Huichao informs us that the ruler of Zabulistan in 726/7 was a nephew of the king of Kapisi. Both kings probably belonged to the Khalach, the Turkic people which became predominant in the regions to the south of the
Hindukush (cf. Minorsky 1970, 111, 347-8). If the ruler of Ghazna refers tu d "Turkish rukr_.. as a foreigner, one must suppose that the Khalach, despite being of Turkic stock. regarded themselve~ as a nation distinct from other Turks. A fundamental distinction is indeed implied hy an anecdote I told by Mal:imud al-Kashghari (Dankoff and Kelly 1982-5, II, 363: "In origin they are 24 tribes. but the two Khalajiyya tribes ... are not counted among them"j. A Bactrian deed of gift (BD I. 98-105. dated 710 C.E.) refers to the donor both as a "Turkish' princess" and as a ·'princess of the Khalach": possibly she was Khalach by birth but a Turk by virtue of her marriage to the Turkish ruler Qutlugh Tapaghl'igh Bilga Savtig.
In the discussion so far I have been taking it for granted that 8opKo is a \'ariant of ,(JpKo "Turk" (for which see BD I, 227). This assumption receives some support from the collocation with .r1(1yo "Arab", which is paralleled in a Bactrian document of 757 C.E. (BD L 132-3): "men of Rob. or men of Bamiyan, or Turks, or Arabs, or locals". The initial 8- is surprising, but. as was pointed out by Pelliot (1914, 144 n. I; 1915, 687), there is evidence that the name Ti.irk was heard with a I 2.
Lee I Sims-Williams : Tang-i Safedak 169 voiced initial both by the Tibetans (dru-gu, drng-gu, drug) and by the Chinese ( 111j11e '~)if,):_
Ancient Chinese dw;/5-k•u/5according to the reconstruction of Pelliot, Early Middle Chinese c/11 ur kuat according to Pulieyblank 1991; cf. also Pulleyblank 1965, 121). For oo as a variant of ooo "and" cf. line 11: oo corrected to ooo. The form oo is already attested in the Surkh Kotal inscription in the numeral lwyo oo vlpao "one-and-thirty" (beside lwyo 060 vlpao and lwyo vlpao), perhaps as a clitic or compound form. That explanation does not seem likely here, where oo is more likely the result of a simple mistake (hence the correction <0>60 in line 11) or a graphic abbreviation (omission of initial o after final o). 5 0017{3oapf-lorepresents Buddhist Sanskrit devadharma- "meritorious gift". This form. which is very common, e.g. in the Brahmi inscriptions of the Upper Indus (cf. Fussman and Konig 1997. 389), is presumably a folk-etymological adaptation of the correct Sanskrit form de_rncllwrnw under the influence of deva- "god" (with von Hini.iber 1980, 54). Similarly in Gandhari one find~ (e.g.) devasame beside deyasame (both in the Senavarma-inscription, von Hini.iber 2003. 5 I J. a{3arnvo OplyOowoo:while OplyOOlVOOis the regular 3 pl. preterite of the well-attested \'erb Ar7p "to have, hold, keep, possess; preserve, keep in order, look after, treat" (BD I. 2() I J. unfortunate I) a{3arnvo is otherwise unknown, so its meaning can only be guessed from the context. An additional problem is the ambiguous construction of the sentence. Normally one would expect 6plyc3c3w!Soto be construed either as an active verb agreeing with a plural object, the agent being in the oblique (e.g. "I kept a{3arnvo the meritorious gifts (which had been) made"), or as an agentless passive agreeing with a plural subject ("the meritorious gifts made by me were kept a{3arnvo.. ). But in late Bactrian, as in other Middle Iranian languages, one finds a few examples where the transitive preterite agrees with the subject rather than the object (e.g. ,lOOlfLO."I struck", 011. wrongly translated in BD I, 80), so that one cannot categorically rule out a translation such as .. they ( = the
Turkish and Arab rulers?) kept a{3arnvo the meritorious gift made by me" or "the upw,rH•J ( plural of *a{3aTO?)kept the meritorious gift made by me".
6 77wo: rather than the usual preposition meaning "before, in the presence of' ( which would give a translation "I made a meritorious gift in the presence of this ,waAaKo"). this may be an adverb meaning "afterwards" (= Avestan pasca, Middle Persian ps, Parthian ps). Although ,;iuo "afterwards" is not otherwise attested, its existence is implied by malbo "id." (BD I. 219 J Like all compounds with -oo, 7TWlOooccurs only at the beginniqg of a clause; if an equivalent word was required in non-initial position, as here, the expected form would be mao. The relationship between mao and 7TWlOois thus the same as that between fLWo "more" and fLWlOo'·moreover··. rn and rnoo "then", ooo and oTo "and" (see Sims-Williams 1985, 111-14). lf-lo ,wa0aKo 9017{3oapf-lo"this Zinalaka-deyadharma" evidently refers to the stupa. The name ,lva0aKo may be a diminutive in *-[aka- (Khotanese -[aka-, Degener 1989, 305-7: cf. also the personal name Saf!1galaka-, Skj.rrv9l 2002, 100, Or. 11252/32, line 14). In view of the ambiguity uf Bactrian s(= [z], [dzJ, [3]), there ar_emany possible derivations for the base word. the must ob,iou~ . #'"!-
170 S.R.r\.A., IX <2003)
• beingjina- "conqueror" (as epithet or a Buddha). 7 moo aAayaµayyo 7T1)vpo "in willing('/) belie!". In view of the cognates listed in B!J I, 217. 7TTJvpo"belief' must be a pseudo-historical spelling of 7TTJpo.The sequence -vp- is also attested in vaµoywvptyq.vQ (lines 11-12), where it is etymologically justified but probably equally artificial. since vp [hr] < *8r had been reduced to [r] long bdore the time of thi~ inscription. The adjective
aAayaµayyo may be a compound containing -µayyo "-minded" as in waoyrSu- 1.1rqyo "pure-minded .. (Surkh Kotal). The prior element may be *aAayaµo "willing", itself a compound of aAo. aAa "with" and *Kaµo "wish", with intervocalic V(_)icingas in xoyaµo beside older xor.1Ka/L'J "acting willingly". Possessive adjectives in 8- < */Jada- are common in Choresmian and ,1,\uxfw,\,J. aAof>xaAo "merciful" (Surkh Kotal) shows that this type also existed in Bactrian. The apparently simpler solution of deriving aAayaµayyo from *aAayaµo + the suffix -ayyo seems to be ruled out by the fact that this suffix is only used to form adjectives "from nouns and pronouns referring to ·persons or places" (BD I, 177). {3ooOo
"-spoken") and the following word a noun. The latter may or may not contain the article t- (cf. t a{3pao and t-ayaAayo in the following lines); it is also uncertain whether the final -rn is part of this word or whether it is a separate word belonging to the next septence ( To as an otherwise unattested variant of oTo "and", cf. above, end of the note to line 4, regarding oo as a ,ariant of orSo).Thus we have four possibilities to consider: twyo, twyoTo, wyo or wyoT~. The common word itoyo ··one'' makes no sense here, but twyo could be equivalent to Sogdian ywk "teaching .. < *rnuku- or a loanword from Sanskrit yoga- "practice, spiritual discipline". In theory wy" cuukl be ··.\lrength .. < *augah-, cf. w'o "force, compulsion"< *aujah- (BD I, 234). These two stems or1g1nall:, tormecl a single paradigm (Gathic Aves tan cwgah-!cwjoh-, Hoffmann 1958, I 5 ), but both sun·,,e in Parth1an 1 prywg beside prywj "victory"; cf. also the name of Pari.owk, a Bactrian notable of the time of Khosro II (Justi 1895, 243, from the Armen~n writer Sebeos), which e, idently has the same
meaning as Middle Persian Peroz "Victor". An interpretation of the sequence ttu;m,,1 as ,- + cu1 o,o has the advantage of giving a word which is actually attested, though its meaning 1s uncertain. An
unpublished letter (DOC. 76 of the collection of Dr N. D. Khalili) ends with the words ,,160 wyorn {3t,ayo µa Ktpo "then do not do wyoTo evil!", while the Manichaean Bactrian fragment M 122-L \ -+- 5, has the phrase wys(p) f-3yig wyr(w )g cydy pyd 'wywt wyr'd "all the evil *choices which he has *chosen in \vywt". If wyoTo designates a specific sin, e.g. disobedience or pride. as the presence of {3t,ayo/{3yig "evil" in both passages tends to s~ggest, it will not suit our inscription. On the other
\. 14
Lee I Sims-Williams : Tang-i Safedak 171 hand a neutral meaning such as "purpose. intention" could be appropriate to all three passages: ..do not do deliberate evil!", "the evil *choices which he has deliberately *ch~sen··. ··with *pious intent".
9f. aatoaao µapQ 77011110 ... aaTaOo "whatever merit (p1111ya)may arise hereby .. : the almost identical formula atoaao µapo ... 1To11aoooccurs several times in the Bactrian Buddhist 111anuscnpt published in Sims-Williams 2000a. The double -w- of 1Towo presumably implies a Middle Indian form with assimilation of -ny-, cf. Pali puFii'ia, Prakrit p111111a( von Hini.iber 1986. 121-2 J. wf3pao "(in) the future", cf. aao µa{3pwo "id." (BD I.. 32-3, lines 14 and 17: ihid .. 173 s.\. 2a{3apo ). 10 µaoomooty
wya>.ayo = article t- + aya:\ayo "wish, desire". The older form of the latter word is nynt\yo. but the insertion of a svarablwkti vowel to break up the cluster ->.y- is also attested by /3(jp8o-yn,\n 1 ,, "fulfilling wishes" in documents of 739 and 757 C.E. (BD I. 176). 13 The verb 1Tp17a-"to attain"(= Sogdian pr'ys "to arrive. come (to). reach'"< *pora-l.1a-) wa~ not previously attested in Bactrian. The form 1Tp17at110017tocan be either 1 pl. or 3 pl. optative. either of which would be comprehensible here in an ad sens11'nconstruction.
A note on the coinsji·onuhe Tang-i Sqfedok stupo The coins from the Tang-i Safedak stupa deserve to be properly studied by a lJUalitied numismatist. For the moment the coins themselves are not accessible, so this preliminary note is based only on the photographs published below (Fig. 5-7). Unfortunately. no photo uf the ob\'erse of 15 of the 17 coins is available. The coins are reported to be made of gold. which would be highly unusual for this area and I ,,,•..
172 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) period. Moreover, as Michael Alram has pointed out to me, the fact that some or them have apparently cracked during the process of striking suggests that they are made of a harder metal than gold. It therefore seems likely that their golden colour may be due to gilding. All 17 coins are closely related in type, though minor differences can be observed. especially in the choice of astral (sun, moon and star) symbols above the altar on the re,erse. No precisely identical coins seem to have been published previously, but a close analogy 1s to be found in NumH 241-3 (Gobi 1967, I, 165-6; lll, Taf. 66), a group of silver coins which share many specific details including the design of the sovereign's crown and the Bactrian legend ai1pu on the ob\'erse. This word (correctly read by Gobi) is apparently a title rather th,m a personal name: it occurs several times in Bactrian documents of the eighth century and seems always to be associated with the Turks (cf. BD I, 223, where the title aYJpoTopKo "ser of the Turks" in a document of 702 C.E. should be noted in particular). So far as one can see from the photographs. the new coins all bear identical legends on the reverse: to the left Pahlavi -----.Jo» f!D "I". presumably a regnal year. and to the right Bactrian paµ.wo "Ramin"; to judge from the coins to be mentioned below. one would expect the latter to be a name of a mint (obviously a different place from the Ramin south-east of Hamadan, Le Strange 1905, 199). The design and layout of the reverse as a whole-the altar flanked by two standing figures, the astral symbols above, the numeral on the left ,llld the name o! the mint(?) on the right-is paralleled by two copper coins in the Moscow Historical Museum published by Nikitin (1984) and subsequently studied by Humbach ( l 998J. Both coins wert struck in Arachosia, as is indicated by the Pahlavi legend l?1wt, one in the first year (Pahlavi nd/ "1 ··) and the other in the fourth year (Pahlavi 1RB 1 "4") of a ruler whose name Humbach reads as Pangul. At least one other coin of the same ruler (with a quite distinct rnnst lks1gn1 \\a, issued in Zabulistan, Pahlavi Z'wlst'n (NumH 246, see Nikitin 1984. 2~6: Humbach 1998. 2-+9-50). Se,·eral coins of "Fromo Kesaro". NumH 247-25 I according to Gobi's classification. are also typologically close to those of Tang-i Safedak, both in their obverse and their re,·erse designs. Of these at least NumH 247 was struck in Zabul (:twl). These analogies with coins stemming from Zabulistan and Arachosia clear!) indicate that the I Tang-i Safedak coins should also be attributed to the region to the south of the Hindukush. Since all 17 coins found in the stupa are similar in type, they cannot be considered an arbitrary assemblage but must surely represent a local coinage contemporary with the stupa and inscription. They therefore help to confirm what we' have already deduced from the inscription itself: that the stupa was erected by a ruler of Ghazna, the capital of Zabulistan, and that the area around Tang-i Safedak formed part of his realm. [Addendum. NumH243A (Gobi 1981, 181 ), 245A (Gobi 1987, 207-8. Taf. 30. Abb. 14 J and 312 (Gobi 1993, 237-8, Taf. II, Abb.12; a variant of NumH242) should ha\'e betn included amongst the parallels mentioned in the note above. For these references 1 am grateful to Thomas K. Mallon McCorgray, who has also drawn my attention to the fact that two copper coins of the same type as Lee I Sims-Williams: Tang-i Safedak 17:l the coins from the Tang-i Safedak stupa were sold by Classical Numismatic Group 111 200 l (Mail bid sale 54, lot no. 896, 2.72 gm; and Mail bid sale 57, lot no. 70 I, 2.99 gm). Photos of these coins. as well as those from Tang-i Safedak, may be seen on his web-site:
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Barthold, W. 1984 An historical geographv of Iran (ed. C. E. Bosworth). Princeton. BO I = Si111s-Williams 2000. Bosworth. C. E. 1968 Sistan under the Arahs,ji'om the Islamic conquest to the rise of the Saffo rids I 30-250!65 ! -86./ J. Ro111e 1973 "'Ubaidallah b. Abi Bakra and the "Army of destruction" in Zabulistan (79/698)". Der Islam 50. 268-8:1 Chavannes, E. 1903 Documents .mr /es To11-ki11e(Tures) occide11ta11x.St Petersburg. Dankoff, R., and Kelly, J. 1982-85 Mah1110d al-Kns•1arl. Co1111,encli11111of the Turkic clwlccts 1-111,Cambridge. Mass Davary, G.D. 1982 Baktrisch: ei11Wifrterbuclz, Heidelberg. Degener, A. 1989 Klzotanische S11Jjixe.Stuttgart. Fuchs. W. 1938 "Huei-ch ·ao's ~.MlPilgerreise durch Nordwest-lndien und Zentral-Asien um 726". SPAW 1938. 426-69. Fussman, G. 1998 "L'inscription de Rabatak et l'origine de !'ere Saka", Joumal Asiatique 286. 571-651. Fussman, G., and Konig, D. 1997 Die Felsbildstatio11 Sharia/ (Materialien zur Archaologie der Nordgebiete Pakistans. Band 2. ed. H. Hauptmann 1. Mainz. Gobi, R. 1967 D0k111ne11tez,,r Geschichte der iranischen H111111e11in Baktrie11 1111d /11die11. 4 \'Ols .. Wiesbaden. 1981 "lranisch-Hunnische MUnzen, I. Nachtrag··. lrw,ica A11tiq11a16. 173-82. 1987 "Supplementa Orientalia II". Li11erae N11111ismatirne\li11dobo11enses 3. 203-16. 1993 "Supplementa Orientalia Ill". N11111ismatirne a111ichit,ic/assiche 22. 229-42. Henning. W. B. 1956 "Surkh Kotal''. BSOAS 18, 366-7. 1965 "Surkh-Kotal und Kani~ka". ZDMG 115. 75-87. von HinUber, 0. 1980 "Die Kolophone der Gilgit-Handschriften··. S111die11ztir /11dologie 1111dlranistik 5-6. 49-82. 1986 Das iiltere Mi11e/i11dischim Oberblick (Sitzungsberichte der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Kl.. 467). Vienna. 2003 Beitrage ;:ur Erklarw,g der Senavar111a-/11schrift(Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. \t.,n,. Abhandlungen der Geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse. 2003/1 ). Stuttgart. Hoffmann. G. 1880 Auszfige aus syrische11Akte11 persischer Miirtyrer, Leipzig. Hoffmann. K. 1958 "Altira11isch". lfwullmch der Orie11talistik (etl. B. Spuler). 1/1VII. Leiden-Cologne. 1-19. S.R.A.A .. IX (2003J
Humbach. H.
l 998 "Pangul, a Turco-Bactrian ruler". B11//e1i11uf the Am, l11.1rir11reIO I Sn.idie, 111 11<"" ,1 , ,t \' IC1dlll111..\ I .1\ ,h1h ,. 1996 [1998], 247-51 Justi. F 1895 /ranisches Na111en!JL1ch,Marburg. Kuwayama. S. 1992 H11iclwo's \Va11g\V11-Tia1d111g110 zl111a11, Record ufrravels i11fi,·e l11dicn·~11111,. K,«t« Le Strange. G. 1905 The Lands uf rhe Easter/\ Ca/iplwre, Cambridge. Minorsky. V. 1970 ffodiid a/-•!i./w11,2nd edition (ed. C. E. Bosworth), London. Morgenstierne. G. forthcoming A New Ery1110/ogica/Vocab11lary of Pashro. Nikitin. A. B. 1984 .. Monnaies d'Arachosie du haut Moyen-Age", Sr11dia/ra11ica 13. 233-9. Pel1.iot, P. 1914 "Notes apropos d'un catalogue du Kcmj11r".)A, 11' serie, .\, 111-50. 1915 "L'origine de T 1ou-kiue, nom chinois des Tures". T'o1111gPao 16. 687-90. Petech. L. 1964 "Note su Kapisi e Zabul", Ril'isra degli Sr11d1Onenta/i 39. 287-9.\. Pulleyblank. E.G. 1965 "The Chinese name for the Turks", JAOS 85. 121-5.
1991 Lexico11of reconsrrucred pr0111111ciario11i11Early Middle C-hi11ese.Lme .W,cld/" Chu"'"'· llllii l,,11·1\.\1u11dar111. Vancouver. Rahman (Rehman). A. 1979 The lasr two cly11asriesof the Sc,his, Islamabad. Sims-Williams, N. 1985 "A note on Bactrian phonology", BSOAS 48. I l l-16. 1985a The Chrisria11Sogdian ma1111scriprC2 (Berliner Turfantexte, Xll). Berlin. 1999 "From the Kushan-shahs to the Arabs. New Bactrian documems dated in the era of the Tochi in,criptions ... Coins. Arr a11dChro110/ogv (ed. M. Alram and D. E. Klimburg-Salter). Vienna. 2.\5-SS.
2000 Bacrria11dornmellCs fro111 Northern Afghanista11 I: Legal a11deco11omic do, 11111e1ir1. Oxford t = 13/JI J. 2000a "A Bactrian Buddhist 111anuscript". Mwwscripts i11rhe Sc/1ove11collecrin11. l 811dd/11srmu111", ri11r.1. I (ed. J. Braan·ig). Oslo. 275-7. 2002 "Ancient Afghanistan and its invaders: Linguistic evidence from the Bactnan document, and in,cript,on, .. _ /ndo-lrania11 La11g1wgesand Peoples (ed. N. Sims-Williams), Oxford. 225-.\2. Sims-Williams, N., and de Blois, F forthcoming 'The Bactrian calendar: new material and new suggestions·. u111g11u.~e.,"' lru11 l'u,r a11dhnt'11r. Memorial volw11efor David Neil Mc,cKen~ie (ed. D. WelxrJ. W,esba~cn Sims-Williams, N., and Cribb, J. 1996 "A new Bactrian inscription of Kwiishka the Great". Silk Road.·i.'rra11J Arclweulug_, .\. 75-1.\2 Skjcerv0, P. 0 2002 Klwra11ese11w1111scriprsfro111 Chinese T11rkesra11in 1he Brirish ubrun. London Tabari tr. Blankinship, Kh. Y. 1989 The Hisrory of al-Tabari XXV, Albany. N.Y. Lee I Sims-Williams : Tang-i Safedak 175
Shahr-i Sabz • Pamirs \...•Merv
,, I ( ): .'..., ( ( \. '? \. / ~ . ( ,.f'-4. I ·~ i • Dera lsma,t Khan J' ~ ~ /1 PAKISTAN
300ml. I I 500km
Fig. I. General map of Afghanistan with Yakaolang!Bamiyan indicated. 176 S.R.A.A., IX (2003)
Fig. 2. Map ofYakaolang district showing Tang-i Safedak and the ,tupa. (Scale I: 250.()(X); source: NIMA. map no. Nl42-5. 1982.) Lee I Sims-Willialll, T:mg-i Sa!'nlak 177
Fig. 3. The Tang-i SafeJak in,c-riplion i11 si111 in the" .II ul the ,tup,1. (,\11,·r a phlllo published 111
SPACH Ncwsle11er. Issue 3 . .July 1997, p. 7, ''· ll :\euhacher. <>,erL:1Jwith a tracing tor clarrt, 1
Fig. 4. CaneJ li1111.;slonerecuve1l·1'. fnJ111 cxtt.:riur u: ....tl.;)~J. (Phu10 (j) J. L. Lee.) 178 S !C\.A .. IX \2003)
Fig. 5. The 17 coins rel'll\·crc·tl from bct\\ccn the leaves of tile boo\. fountl in the Tang-i Safetlak' ,tupa !Photo(<) J. L. Lee.)
.. Lee I Si1m-Willia111s: Ltng-i Sakd:tk I 7lJ
Fig. 6-7. Two of the best preserved coins from Fig. 5. "ln,·he and re,·erse. (P:H'llls DJ. L. Lee.J 180 S.R.A.A. lX ( 21103J
Fig. 9. Tang-i Safedak. site ot"the .,1up" .::,,: Skdiri.,tan. (Pliut,, <. J. L. Lee.I V.....LI Lee I Si111s-Willia:11, Tang-i SakJak 181
Fig. 10-11. The Tang-i Sakdak i11scTi1'1iu11i11 situ. sho" ·":' pan, uf li11c, 1-c ''-hich arc"'"'. lost. (Photos© ll. Neubacher.) l82 s R.:\.A. 1x, ~om1
I J
:!'. Fig. 12. TheT,111g-iSafrd,,k in,criptiPn. tl'lt1>t,,Q;.I 1.. Lc·c.J Lee I S1ms-Wi1lia111s Tan~-i Sakdak I X.1,
Fig. 13.TheTang-i S:1kdak i11,uil'II'"'· I•>!'kl1 11'1,,1,, 'JI I. Lee) 184 S.R.r\.,\., lX i21HJ-'i
Fig. 15. The Tang-i Safedak i11,nipti,,11, b,lltum left t l'IH>lO© J. L. l.ce.)