Verhandeling voorgelegd aan de Faculteit Letteren en Wijsbegeerte Voor het behalen van de graad van: Master in de Oosterse Talen en Culturen door:
LIESELOT VANDORPE
Academiejaar 2009-2010
Universiteit Gent
Thy name is slave?
The slave onomasticon of Old Babylonian Sippar.
Promotor: Dr. K. De Graef
2 TABLE OF CONTENT
List of Abbreviations 5
I. Introduction 6 A. Purpose 12 B. Status Quaestionis 13 C. Cultural Historical perspective 14
II. Slave documents 16 A. Inheritance and will documents 18 B. Purchase papers and silver loans 18 C. Donation 20 D. Litigation 20 E. Hire 20 F. Adoption/manumission 21 G. Dowry and wedding certificates 21 H. Others 22
III. Slave names unraveled 23 A. Slaves and their personal names 23 a. Male slave names 24 b. Female slave names 35 B. Ethnography and uniqueness of the slave name 50 C. Thy name is slave? 51
IV. Construction of slave names 53 A. Slave names according to Stamm 53 B. Sub-categories among Sipparian slaves 54 a. Wishes and prayers towards the master 54 b. Questions formulated to the master 55 c. Statements of trust towards the master 56 d. Praise for the master 56 e. Small categories of slave PN’s 57 1. Expression of Tenderness 57 2. Praise for physical defaults 57 3. Reference to the character and intellect of slaves 58 4. References to animals and plants 58 5. Names with geographical elements 58 6. Signs of imprisonment 58 C. Male names for female slaves 58 D. Theophoric elements in slave PN’s 59 E. Slaves and nadītu priestesses 61 F. Conclusion 63
V. On the meaning of mu.ni.im 65 A. What does the term mu.ni.im imply? 65 B. Slave names and the appearance of mu.ni.im 66 C. The corpus 67
3 a. Adoption-manumission 68 b. Donation 69 c. Dowry 69 d. Exchange 69 e. Inheritance 69 f. Hire 70 g. List 70 h. Litigation 70 i. Purchase 70 j. Silver loan 71 k. Wedding 71 D. Mu.ni.im versus name: the acceptance of a new name? 71 E. Mu.ni.im and other objects 72 F. Conclusion 72
VI. Conclusion 73
VII. Bibliography 75
VIII. Appendix 81 A. List of used slave tablets 81 B. Chronological overview of the slaves by gender and the appearance of mu.ni.im and Nadītu 87 C. List of the tablets by genre and the appearance of mu.ni.im and nadītu 100 D. Slaves in the Codex Ḥammurabi 104 E. The sign of a slave 108 F. The abbuttu and maškannu 109
4 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Absol. Absolute/absolutes Nom. Nominative Abstr. Abstract OB Old Babylonian Acc. Accusative Obj. Object Adj. Adjective, adjectival Perf. Perfectum AHW Akkadisches Pl. Plural Handworterbuch PN Personal name CAD Chicago Assyrian Poss. Possessive Dictionary Prec. Precative Caus. Causative Pred. predicate, predicative Cf. Comparer Prep. Preposition CDA Concise Dictionary of Praet. Preterite Akkadian Proh. Prohibitive Cohort. Cohortative Pron. Pronoun, pronominal Conj. Conjunction Ptc. Participle Dat. Dative Sg. Singular Denom. Denominative Sta. Abs. Status Absolutus Det. Determinative Stat. Stative Dir. Direct Stat. Contr. Status Constructus DN Divine name Subj. Subject Eg. Exempli gratia Subjunct. Subjunctive Epith. Epithet Subst. Substantive Esp. Especially Vent. Ventive Etc. et cetera Voc. Vocative f. Feminine > goes to Hypocor. Hypocoristic < comes from Imp. Imperative Incl. including Indic. Indicative Indir. Indirect Inf. Infinitive M. Masculine
5 Slavery: ‘the state of being a slave’ A slave: ‘(especially in the past) a person who is the legal property of another and is forced to obey them1’.
I. INTRODUCTION
In many societies around the world, slavery was present in one or several forms. Unfortunately, in some countries, it still is. In the contemporary Western world, there are only few human practices that inspire us to feelings of profound outrage. Slavery is one of them. However, we have to realize that this is a modern opinion. Looking at the institution of slavery in history, and its position in ancient civilizations in particular, we can almost say that slavery predicates civilization itself. As an institution, it was accepted in the ancient cultures of Greece and Rome and played a central role in their economic systems. Therefore, these societies were defined as ‘slave societies’ by M.I. Finley (SHAW 1998: 77). In contrary to the classical cultures, which are richly documented regarding this time, we are poorly informed about this phenomenon in Mesopotamia.
We do know that slavery was an accepted institution in all major civilizations emerging in Mesopotamia, and that a slave population was always present (JOANNÈS 2001: 306). However, the communis opinio is that, compared to the freeborn, they only made up a small and insignificant population group (HARRIS 1975: 332). Therefore, this society can almost certainly 2 be designated as ‘a society of slaves’, as M.I Finley describes it (SHAW 1998: 77). The small number of slaves might be explained by the absence of any interest in industrial production on the home level, according to Oppenheim (OPPENHEIM 1964: 116). Another reason might simply be the lack of preserved and/or written documents about slavery.
The earliest known written references come from the city states of Sumer in the form of legal codes, dated to the 4th millennium BCE. The Sumerian cuneiform signs for a slave are ‘níta.kur’ (m) and ‘munus.kur’ (f)3:
Níta.kur
< nita.kur
1 Definition by the Oxford English Dictionary. 2 This pronouncement is made on the usually dated information we have concerning slaves and slavery in Mesopotamia. A new study dealing with this topic can lead to new insights about the role of slaves in the economy. 3 The emesal terminology of this word and the several stages of the development of the individual sign are documented on the lexical lists MSL 14: 205-218a, 719, 789-790 and MSL 2: 14-16.Especially interesting is MSL 14 line 215, where the word ‘Subaru’ is equalized with the word for slave. This would lead to the assumption that the word ‘slave’ was derived from the ethnic designation to the Subarians. This is a discussion intensively worked out by Gelb (1973, 23-31). 6 Munus.kur < nu-nus.kur Particularly interesting is the appearance of the sign ‘kur4’, which can be translated5 as “underworld”, “mountainous land”, “East(ener)” and “East wind”6. The interpretation of the components of the signs, male/female + “mountainous land” can clearly be derived from the signs themselves. Since the discussion of the sign by Thureau-Dangin, it has been generally assumed that the sign “kur” stood for “mountain” as well as for “foreign country” (Thureau- Dangin 1929: 272). Based on this assumption, Mendelsohn, among others, concludes that the ancient Sumerians derived their slaves from foreign, mountainous areas7. ‘These were the first ‘human chattels’, to be followed later by imported foreigners and finally by natives who were reduced to the status of slavery because of debt’ (Mendelsohn 1949: 1). Although the number of sources and documents which can be used for the study of slavery in Mesopotamia is relatively small, the material is still too comprehensive to be studied completely. Therefore, we decided geographically narrow the topic down to the city of Sippar and chronologically to one major and well documented period of Mesopotamia: the Old Babylonian (or OB) period (cf. cultural – historical perspective), dated according to the New Chronology from 1911 up to 1499 BCE (Gasche et alii: 1998). The ancient city of Sippar8 is located in Iraq, more or less in the middle of an ancient watercourse connecting the two rivers defining Mesopotamia: the Tigris and Euphrates. It is situated approximately 30 km South-East of Iraq’s modern capital Baghdad (CHARPIN, D; SAUVAGE, M. 2001: 783, cf. figure 1). The city was known as the main cult centre of the sun deity Šamaš and his partner Aja, worshipped at the Ebabbar temple, which probably was the cities’ eye-catching landmark during OB times (HARRIS 1975: 142). Another institution, highly influencing its economic and social life, was the gagûm9: the place where the nadītu10 priestesses lived (HARRIS 1975: 188-189). Together with the few existing wealthy families, they represented the main actors in the recorded city activities. 4 The sign ‘kur’ has been interpreted by Lambert as a nobler term more noble as ‘sal’ or at least referring to a privileged status (Lambert 1953: 200). Compared with later research, I consider this interpretation as not acceptable. 5 Translation is bases on the ePSD: Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary. (cf.: http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/ , search under KUR.) 6 In Akkadian, it can be translated with the words: erṣetu, mātu and šadû. 7 In the earliest periods, attestations where found for female slaves only, leading to the theory that captured male slaves were slaughtered (Gelb 1973: 5). But Vaiman proved by using Uruk texts that the word for the male counterparts of the SAL.KUR, was the sign KUR only. (Vaiman 1976: 24-26; summarized by Uchitel 1984: 361-362). 8 The name of the city, Sippar, by some authors interpreted as Sippir, is a reference to its etymology: the Sumerian sign ‘zimbir’. This can be translated as ‘bird city’ (Edzard 1970: 18-22). 9 For a brief explanation and reference to the texts concerning the institution/living quarter: see CAD G sub gagû). 10 A nadītu priestess is a woman of the upper class who is dedicated to a god and who is forbidden to have children. As a woman she is allowed to fulfill what is seen as strictly ‘male activities’ by the Mesopotamian society. She plays an important role in trade and is a very active business woman. She tries to enlarge the fortune of her family and herself. Her inheritance is usually given to a family member, a niece, who is educated to continue her role (cf. CAD N1 sub nadītu; HARRIS 1975: 305-311, 315-323). 7 Figure 1: Territorial states in the early second millennium (Van De Mieroop 2004:106) The choice to exclusively research this city is first of all based on the abundant number of clay tablets dealing with the phenomenon of slavery. This enables the development of an in-depth view on the topic, which can be checked with other OB centers in the future. Another important reason is the availability of data for this city, built up during years of study of the Assyriological department of the University of Ghent. For this dissertation, prof. M. Tanret allowed me to use the database. The data in the used version had last been updated 5th of April 2010. Chronologically, this research is limited to the Old Babylonian period. An important question towards slavery in this period is how one can become enslaved. This question is closely related to the problem of slaveholders acquiring slaves. In this dissertation I cannot extensively deal with this question, but I will sketch a generalized pattern based on the little available studies. ‘The means by which persons were enslaved are legion and include many that were peculiar to certain societies’ (Patterson 1982: 105). In his study of worldwide slavery among different world cultures, Patterson defined eight types of ways to get into enslavement: 1. Capture in warfare 2. Kidnapping 3. Tribute and tax payment 4. Debt 5. Punishment for crimes 6. Abandonment and sale of children 7. Self-enslavement 8. Birth 8 The first seven groups involve people who were born free and subsequently were reduced to the lowest status in the society, that of slavery. Since in most cases, marriage is allowed between slaves and in certain circumstances even between slaves and free people (Patterson 1982: 131, 166, 187), the children of those slaves were in most situations given the social status of their parents. This phenomenon definitely existed in Mesopotamia during the Old Babylonian period, leading to a special group of slaves: the wilid bītim or house born slaves11. Despite the fact that the Sippar texts don’t tell us exactly how people were enslaved, we do learn that slaves were obtained from numerous sources. If we apply the eight groups of Patterson to slavery during the OB period, we can distinguish only five of his groups. Besides the above mentioned wilid bītim, the slave population existed of prisoners of war, but only for a minor part. Another reason people could end up with having the lowest social status, was by being sold as a child, in many occasions out of economical necessity, sometimes leading to self-enslavement of their parents. But the basic supply source of slavery is debts, which functioned as a direct cause (SIEGEL 1947: 11-12, MENDELSOHN 1949: 23). The insolvency could be the result of many causes where the individual was powerless: war, draught, pestilence, etc. But one of the main factors was ‘unquestionably the exorbitant interest rate charged on loans’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 24). The importation of foreign slaves12 was a phenomenon that began during the reign of king Abi- Ešu , in the latter half of the Old-Babylonian period. There was a general preference for slaves from Subartu: meaning ‘north’ or ‘upland’, referring to, according to Finkelstein, an area spreadingḥ from the borders of Elam to the Amanus in Northwest Syria (FINKELSTEIN 1962: 77). Slaves have a complete absence of freedom and are regarded as ‘owned property’. Thus, they are equally treated as a field or a house, although they do possess some legal rights to protect themselves from their master (OPPENHEIM 1964: 116). If persons were enslaved, was manumission possible under certain circumstances? Looking at the way slaves were legally and socio-economically defined, ‘there was no obvious way in which they could have been released from their condition’ (Patterson 1982: 209). Was there a specific group of slaves that was privileged when it comes to manumission? This question also involves the anthropological theory of gift exchange. It would lead us too far to discuss this topic in debt, but a summary can be found in the work of Patterson (1982: 210-214). As there are various ways of enslavement, various modes of release were possible and most societies employed several of them. Patterson remarks that ‘manumission was not itself a constant: in a given society what a slave achieved through manumission varied. Some slaves achieved full manumission at once, other attained it over time, still others remained for the rest of their lives in a twilight state of semi-manumission’ (PATTERSON 1982: 219). The possibilities of release depended on the motivation and on how close the slave and master wanted to stay together after the release. According to Patterson, there were basically seven modes of release throughout the slaveholding world (PATTERSON 1982: 219): 1. Postmortem 2. Cohabitation 3. Adoption 4. Political 5. Collusive litigation 6. Sacral 7. Purely contractual 11 These group of slaves was usually regarded as a special status and in many cases, these children were set free at later age, in many cases by adoption (STOL 2004: 811). 12 Details concerning the traffic and sources of foreign slaves are largely discussed by Leemans (LEEMANS: 1960 and 1968). 9 According to Mendelsohn, the only option for Near Eastern slaves to regain freedom was by ‘adoption, unconditional manumission or by buying himself free with his peculium 13 ’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 42, 46). It is highly remarkable that manumission is indicated as the one way to release slaves beside adoption. Based on the studied tablets, we found out that these two genres are so closely linked that it’s hard to distinguish them. Another way to release slaves, according to Mendelsohn, is the dedication to a temple (Mendelsohn 1949: 46). In his point of view, the slaves who are eligible for manumission are mostly house slaves or slaves that were purchased at a tender age and stood in close contact with their masters. The Codex ammurabi mentions three legal means for a slave to become manumitted in § 117, 171 and 280 (cf. supplement D). The first paragraph deals with women and children who are sold or handedḤ over as pledges to creditors when the loan no longer can be paid. These people are freed after three years of service, regardless of the amount of the debt14. The next law deals with the manumission of a slave concubine and her children as soon as her master passes away. The last reference mentions a native Babylonian slave, bought in a foreign country, who later returned to Babylon. At the moment of his re-arrival at Babylon, he was unconditionally freed. Slaves can be owned by an official institution, for example the temple or the gagûm. The nadiātu, the priestesses dedicated to a god, play an important role in slavery. They appear in many documents related to slaves. In general, slaves seem to have fulfilled many tasks in the temple15. Slaves where a popular gift among families (usually the father) when a girl entered the gagûm (HARRIS 1975: 335). They also formed the regular income for the nadītu, as she would rent her slaves to others on an annual or a monthly basis (cf. hire contracts). In many other cases they are owned by private individuals who don’t belong to a religious or official institution. It may be assumed that slaves were largely employed in the various menial household tasks, although occasionally they may have had a specific occupation. Certain families concentrated their wealth in purchasing slaves as an investment. A normal family would have one up to four slaves, while rich ones could have up to 10 (STOL 2004: 810). Adults form the largest group of slaves, both male (= sag.ìr or wardu) and female (= sag.géme or amtu. Cf. overview of the signs for slave given below). Sometimes a baby or a child is mentioned. At times, humane treatment is demonstrated by allowing a slave girl, when sold, to keep her children with her. If the slaves were not married, the private slave-owner might marry them off and receive, in the case of a female slave, the tirḥatu or the dowry, from her husband. 13 According the Mendelsohn, ‘the privilege of accumulating a peculium was granted to the Babylonian slave from early times’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 66). Some documents of the Old Babylonian period show evidence of slaves who bought themselves free. The money of these slaves need not, however, have been their own, but could have been given them by their family for redemption. According to the CH (§ 176), the money given to a slave was a ‘concession grated by the master to his slave, who could enjoy it during his lifetime, but legally and ultimately it belonged to his master (MENDELSOHN 1949: 67). We know from later period that slaves played an active part in the economic life and that they are engaged in eg. business transactions, mainly by property given or rented out by their master. 14 The question is, as mentioned in chapter 3.1, how far these law match with real-life situations. While we have numerous documents attesting the practice of selling or handing over woman and children to creditors, documents dealing with the manumission after the tree year period of servitude are absent. 15 An overview is presented by Harris (HARRIS 1975: 335). It is believed that the gagûm maintained an important labour force for slaves, who were probably largely engaged in cloister industries. However, with the information we have at the moment, we cannot prove this idea. In all the studies’ documents concerning slaves, we cannot find anyone indicated as a slave of the gagûm. 10 Sag.ìr16 < sag.ir11 Sag.géme Since we can presume that racial features didn’t play a role in the group of slaves we can wonder whether there were ways to distinguish the enslaved people from the free people. Slaves were physically distinguished from the free population by the abbutu17, a characteristic hairdo or lock of hair (cf. CAD A sub abbutu). This lock was placed upon the head (šakānum) or shaven into the hair (gullubum). When a slave was manummited, his lock was removed (CT 4 42a). Shaving the abbutu to a free person was, at the other hand, a punishment for adoptees who refused to recognize his/her parents (STOL 2004: 810). The guidelines are recorded in the Codex ammurabi § 226-§ 227 (cf. supplement D). In some cases, the slaves can be recognized by wearing a maškannu or kannu, a fetter (cf. CAD M1 sub maškannu 5; cf. CAD K sub kannu Ba). ḤStol only interprets the maškannu as a fetter made of copper and explains kannu as a ‘footblock’ made of wood (STOL 2004: 811). Another possibility for the Babylonian people to identify someone as a slave was based on his/her name. (STOL 2004: 810). Not all slaves were treated well, nor were all slaves happy with their fate. Evidently, some decided to run away18. The runaway of slaves are the only documents created in the OB period concerning ‘flight’ (SCHNELL 2001: 56). Under no circumstance, the owner of the slave could decide about the fate of his runaway slave. His/Her punishment had to be decided by the law court or the king (STOL 2004: 810) Studying the slave population in the city of Sippar, some general tendencies can be discovered. Slavery was not prominent in the pre-Samsu-Iluna (cf. supra) era. It existed only on a small scale in the private sector. According to Harris, it was the ‘institutions’ of Sippar which employed large numbers of slaves in their workshops (HARRIS 1976: 145). We have to add to this remark that it is hard to prove this remark according to the studies Sippar texts. The influx of foreign slaves during the late reign of Samsi-iluna and the following king Abi-Ešu , might reflect the changing relationships between the owners and the slaves. The contact between owners and slaves became more impersonal (HARRIS 1976: 146). This idea has beenḥ confirmed by the research of Van Koppen, who mentiones the change of phrasing in the OB slave sale contracts (Van Koppen 2004 10). 16 In supplement E some explanation is given about these signs. 17 A discussion about the interpretation of this word and the possible meanings, is included in this dissertation as supplement D. 18 This problem is one of the topics discussed in Rengers book dealing with ‘Flucht’ during the OB period (RENGER 1972). 11 A. PURPOSE The aim of this dissertation is to present a study on slavery and slaves in Mesopotamia during the Old-Babylonian period, based on the written sources of one city in particular: Sippar. Due to the large amount of information in the numerous slave documents, it seemed sensible to focus one major question and some side-problems that appeared when studying the data. Especially since the last work offering a broader scope on OB slaves and slavery dates from 1949 (MENDELSOHN; cf. Status Quaestionis). Since 1949, a large number of documents from this period have been added to the corpus, either through field excavation or museum exploration, with much new information on slaves and slavery. As a result, it is now both possible and necessary to start an encompassing research on this subject. This study, however, needs to happen on large scale; this dissertation is meant to be only a small part of it. Since Mendelsohn, some small scale research on specific aspects of this subject has been undertaken and was published in the form of articles. Among others, there is a small study on slave names (HARRIS 1977). For this dissertation, we have chosen to work out in depth one of these partly published slave topics: the onomasticon of slaves. Harris suggested that slave names are atypical compared with the names of the free population of the city of Sippar. Therefore names are a way to identify a slave, keeping in mind that this theory applies more to female slaves than to male slaves. The study of this topic only occurred on a small scale. This study wants to repose this question and include all slave names attested on the OB Sippar tablets we know today. To be able to formulate a coherent answer to this main subject, all the slave names were listed and checked with the Sippar database to determine whether or not they appear frequently in the Sippar population. At the same time, names were analyzed in order to find out whether we were dealing with autochthon, Akkadian, names or foreign names. Based on this, we will give an overview of the ethnicity of the slave names and check whether the results correspond with the slaves indicated as foreign in the documents. Stamm dedicated the last chapter of his pioneering work on the Akkadian onomasticon to slave names. He identified several small groups among these names. Is this division correct and can we indeed recognize several ‘groups’ of names and typical ‘name parts’ among the slave names? Or is the remark of Stol that Stamm did his work ‘too meticulously’ and made the divisions too strict, correct? We will try to group the names to obtain a better view on how the slave names are built and to check if we can make subdivision in these names. If we do deal with typical slave names, we can put forward a very important question. What happened with the names of people once they got enslaved? Since at least some of the slaves were born as free people, we cannot expect they were born with a slave name, as a prediction of their future lot. At a certain point during the enslavement process, they received another name. Can we find an indication for this in our documents? This question is elaborately discussed in the case study of the Sumerian formula ‘mu.ni.im’. Is renaming a necessary aspect of the new social status, or was renaming purely dependent on the wish and taste of the slave owner? As mentioned in the introduction, slaves can get manumitted. Do they keep the slave name in this case or do they choose a new name, whether or not connected to the former slave owner or the adoptive parents? 12 B. STATUS QUAESTIONIS Although slaves and slavery have been the topic of research of numerous small scale side studies, only one work deals exclusively with this topic. The now obsolete work ‘Slavery in the Ancient Near-East’ was written by Mendelsohn in 1949. Mendelsohn’s study has a diachronic approach and spans many centuries, geographical and ethnic entities of the Ancient Near East, from the Pre-Sargonic times up to the Persian period. In his study, slavery of Mesopotamia is in many cases compared - and possibly mixed up - with the aspects of slavery in the biblical world. Mendelsohn does remark some peculiarities of OB slaves, but some of his points of view show an erroneous reasoning. His work is still the main reference today – there is no other option for the OB period – but this study is in urgent need of an update, e.g. expressed in the study of Veenhof (VEENHOF K.R. 1993: 136). Not only are some of the points of view out-dated, since 1949, lots of new material has become available. A both major and important work, without doubt a landmark in the worldwide study of slavery, is the book ‘Slavery and social death’, written by Orlando Patterson in 1982. The book analyses the internal dynamics of slavery in 66 societies over a long time span. Mesopotamia and the OB period are part of this study, but most of the information is based on the above mentioned work. This book is an excellent point of departure, as it offers a general insight in slavery and an overview of the interpretations towards this phenomenon by different scholars. Three other important books can be mentioned, providing general information about slavery as an institution. First we have to mention Testart’s book ‘L’esclave. La dette et le pouvoir’, published in 2001. This book mainly focuses on the problem of debt-slavery. A few years earlier/ago, in 1998, B.D. Shaw edited the book ‘Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology’, providing us with esp. anthropological scholars, points of view and questions around slavery. A recently published book (2008) which deals among other with ancient slave systems was written by E. Dal Lago and C. Katsari: ‘Slave systems. Ancient and modern’. Many Marxist socio-economic studies have dealt with the problem of slavery and have mentioned Mesopotamia, but we will not point out this list of publications in the short overview. If we only look toward the region of Mesopotamia, the few available information concerning slaves appears in numerous historical overviews of the OB period. Three works which were mainly used for this study are ‘Ancient Mesopotamia, portrait of a dead civilization’, written by A.L Oppenheim in 1964, together with the in 1997 published work of D.C. Snell ‘ Life in the ancient Near East’. The most comprehensive and recent work is written by M. Stol in the series ‘Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 160/4: ‘Mesopotamien. Die Altbabylonische Zeit’. In contrary to the one available standard work about slaves in Mesopotamia, a whole range of small scale side studies is available. Among others, there is a small study on the slave names, published by R. Harris in several articles (HARRIS 1962, 1976 and 1977). M. San Nicolo and C. Wilcke published studies dealing with purchase contracts, in which they gave special attention to slaves, esp. ‘Die schlussklaussel der altbabylonischen Kauf- und Tauschverträg’, of San Nicolo published in 1974. In 1976 and 1981, Wilckes articles ‘Zu den spat-altbabylonische kaufverträgen aus Nordbabylonien’ and ‘Noch einmal: šilip rēmim und die Adoption ina me-šu’, resp. published in Die Welt des Orients 8/2 and Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 71 needs to be mentioned here. Finkelstein’s excellent study dealing with slave trade is published in the Journal of Cuneiform studies 9 in the 1955 volume, under the title ‘Subartu and Subarians in Old-Babylonian sources’. This study has recently been updated by F. Van Koppen, presenting us with new insights into the mechanism of the trade. His study in the book ‘The Mesopotamian dark age revisited’ (2004) is titled ‘The geography of the Slave Trade and Northern Mesopotamia in the Late Old Babylonian Period’. I.J. Gelb deals with the social aspects of slavery during the OB period in his ‘Household and family in Early Mesopotamia’, published in 1979 in the book ‘State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near-East I’ (= OLA 5). Excellent work providing us with lots of new insights and information is 13 carried out by M. Stol in his work ‘The care for the elderly in Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian period’. This work pays special attention to the role of slaves in this process. A considerable amount of ink has also flown over the question of slave prices and the question whether this price curve is comparable with the general curve of price fluctuations during the OB period. An important name we have to mention in this context is the publication of R.F.G. Sweet in 1958: ‘on prices, moneys and money use in the Old Babylonian period’. ‘A price and wage study for Northern Babylonia during the Old Babylonian Period’, by H. Farber in 1978 provides a overview for this region which is representative still today. The most recent work published on this topic, ‘Old Babylonian interest rates’, was written by K. Van de Mieroop in 1995. Since this dissertation will mainly deal with the onomasticon of slaves, at this point, some extra attention needs to go out to this topic. H. Ranke was the first researcher to investigate the role of personal names (=PN’s) and the information they provide for our study of the Old Babylonian period. He collected a complete list of names of the Hammurabi dynasty and analyzed them one by one, distinguishing male from female names. His study only extended to the translation of the names and some remarks concerning name parts that appear numerous times. Even though his study has been a sign of growing interest in the topic, we can say that today, most of his translations are not accurate anymore. By means of our current knowledge of the Akkadian grammar, they can even be regarded as plainly incorrect. An example of truly pioneering work concerning the onomasticon is the work ‘Die Akkadische Namengebung’ by J.J. Stamm, published in 1968. Stamm analyses the names and divides them into, at times a little too strict, categories. He looks into the social status of the people carrying the name and aims to define general lines and patterns in the jumble of names. In the last chapter, special attention goes out to slave names. H. Stol recognizes the eminent value of this work, but remarks that today, it is impossible to keep to the strict scheme made by Stamm (STOL 1991: 191) In 1979 and 1980, Kobayashi added some new insights to OB hypocoristic names, published in Sumer 1, as well as a detailed study dealing with theophoric names in Sumer 2. A special study concerning slave names was carried out by Harris (cf. supra). Not all the names appearing in OB Sippar can be recognized as Akkadian, keeping in mind that phenomena such as trade leaded to mixed populations. Important studies dealing with foreign names are two works written by I.J. Gelb. The in 1943 published book ‘Nuzi Personal Names’ offers an important insight into Hurrite name elements and some possible grammatical constructions. A book published by the same author in 1980, ‘Computer-aided analysis of Amorite’ enables the modern researcher to recognize names as Amorite and analyze the roots upon which they were built. Another important work dealing with Amorite PN’s is the work of Streck, ‘Das amurritische Onomastikon der altbabylonischen Zeit‘, published in 2000. For the recognition of West-Semitic names, esp. names with eventually a Hurrite origin, the work of Gröndahl, who published an overview of numerous names found in Ugarit, was used. C. CULTURAL HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE As mentioned in the introduction, this dissertation will focus on the Old-Babylonian period. A great amount of ink has flown over the attempt to give this period an exact date. We’ve chosen to follow the chronology worked out by the University of Ghent, which dates this period from 1911 to 1499 BCE. We will not broaden this discussion; for an overview of the various possibilities we refer to the work of Gasche (GASCHE et alii 1998). To some extent, the rise and establishment of the OB period is shrouded in mystery. The dynasty started developing after Babylonia had turned into conflict and chaos at the end of the Ur III era. At the moment the dynasty started to rise, we see flourishing Mesopotamian dynasties at Isin, 14 Larsa, Ešnunna and Aššur19. Around 1900, we witness the arising of series of kingdoms in North- Mesopotamia, with main centres such as Sippar, Kiš, dilbat, Marad, Damrum, etc. (CHARPIN 2001: 622). The group of people gaining more and more control are Amorites20, who start to name themselves ‘šarru’: king. Babylon was chosen as the capital of their actions and power. This can be seen as a cultural period of ca. 412 years leading to numerous achievements, ruled by 11 kings (GASCHE 1998: overview chronology at the table in the back): Sûmû-Abum 1798-1785 Sûmû-la-El 1784-1749 1748-1735 Apil-Sîn 1734-1717 SābiumSîn-muballi 1716-1697 ammurabi 1696-1654 Samsu-Ilunaṭ 1653-1616 ḤAbi-Ešuh 1615-1588 Ammi-ditana 1587-1551 Ammi- aduqa 1550-1530 Samsu-ditana 1529-1499 ṣ This period, ca. 200 years preceding the reign of ammurabi, is regarded as the start of the gradual preparation for the expansion of power (GODDEERIS 2002: 11). Due to several historical and ecological aspects, which would lead us too farḤ to mention, this region politically, socially and economically differs from the North of Mesopotamia. In order to justify their supremacy, the kings believed in a divine origin of their power. The need to invent new ways that would enable them to administer their empire was urgent. The highlight of the OB period is marked by the reign of King ammurabi, who expanded the Babylonian empire by conquering the neighboring kingdoms, such as the Elamites with the capital Susa. This resulted in a vast empire at the end of his reign.Ḥ He reorganized the social and economic situation in Mesopotamia, which lead to the establishment of new laws, esp. laws dealing with crimes against the state itself. This resulted in the famous ‘Codex ammurabi’. A strong centralization and maximum profit deriving from conquered territories are the characteristics of his innovations. Many attestations and documents are created duringḤ his reign and the reign of his son Samsu-Iluna. This makes us very well informed about a variety of aspects of life in this period. Already during the reign of Samsu-iluna, the territory controlled by the Babylonian monarchs started to shrink and was more and more solely concentrated on North Babylonia. This king and his successors tried hard to maintain the successful empire of ammurabi, but in regard to the reduced territory, that was basically a lost case. The last four kings of this dynasty reigned for a long time, which can be an indication for stability in the kingdomḤ (CHARPIN 2001: 622), even though the signs of decline became more and more visible. Describing the basics of the OB society and its structure would lead us too far. As this dissertation focuses on the city of Sippar, some general lines of the Sipparian society will be 19 For an overview of the chronological time table (different from the Ghent chronology) see Joannès 2001:XX- XXI. 20 The Amorites are in origin tribal people from the West, who may sometimes been nomadic. We do not know if the Amorites were demographically important. People with Amorite names do not occur widely, even in the royal correspondence of the period. They were politically important, perhaps because army generals tended to be Amorites (SNELL 1997: 51). 15 explained in the following lines. A few basic insights into this structure are needed to enable positioning slaves within the city. The basic structure of the society in Sippar was made up of free born people, mārū awēlim, and slaves (HARRIS 1997: 333). A third group, of which the exact position still cannot be defined, are the muškēnu. The CAD defines them as ‘a commoner, person not liable for service’ (cf. CAD M2 sub us of this person somewhere between free and slave. If wemuškēnu). solely regard We canthe slaveprobably population, situate thewe statcan find two big ‘groups’ of slaves. Firstly, we can identify the ‘normal’ slaves, who we’ll define as people who have known freedom but ended up in this social status, due to one of the reasons mentioned in the introduction. Secondly, there is the group of (w)ilid bītim or houseborn slaves. However, this term is infrequently used in the Sippar texts. Certainly, some of the slaves were born in the house of their masters and were eventually adopted, more often than not by an aging nadītu. Perhaps the houseborn slave was given preferential treatment and a greater measure of freedom, compared to other slaves (HARRIS 1975: 339). 16 The slave in Mesopotamia is ‘a person entirely devoid not only of property in means of production, but also of the features of a subject of any personal rights’ (DIAKONOFF 1974: 55). II. SLAVE DOCUMENTS Slaves played a certain role in the social and economic life in Sippar during the OB period. However, grasping the extent of their role in society, defining their number and the exact tasks they carried out, presents a challenge. Likewise, it is difficult to understand the full extent of the distinction made by their owners between native and foreign servants and house born slaves on the one hand, and people who ended up in slavery at some point in their life on the other. The reason for the lack of information on this topic lays in the nature of the sources available about this institution in Mesopotamia. In the study of the past human societies, there are two possibilities to expand our knowledge about a phenomenon: via archaeology and via textual study. When it comes to slavery, very few archaeological data, not to say none at all can be directly linked to the existence of slaves. This may be either because the data simply were not found during excavations or because the material was not interpreted as belonging to slaves. Fortunately, numerous text documents dealing with slaves have been found. They appear in a big range from Sumerian literature to letters, but the largest amount of slave references can be found in texts of an administrative nature. Because of the large volume of the corpus, we decided to focus on the last mentioned group of slave tablets. It was our purpose to deal with first line information concerning slaves, and with the onomasticon in particular. This last group of tablets forms the most suitable base for this subject of study, since the PN is usually not mentioned in literature, nor in letters21. A schematic overview of groups of administrative texts is presented in the summary below. A list with all slave documents from the city of Sippar that were used for this study can be found in the supplement of this dissertation (supplement A). As the focus of this work lays on the slave names, a full transcription and translation of these documents is not included in this dissertation. TYPE OF DOCUMENT NUMBER Adoption – manumission 7 Donation 20 Dowry 5 Exchange 1 Inheritance 52 21 Letters have an important role in e.g. the insight in the marked mechanism of slaves. In her study of the appearance of slaves in letters, Leemans states that in letters AbB I 27 and 28, the names of slave merchants come forward: the writer and the addressee, Awīl-Adad and the nadītu Bēlessunu. In their correspondence, they raise questions about a number of different slave girls (LEEMANS 1969: 182). A very interesting letter AbB I 27 is the note about a man living elsewhere, who brought five female slaves every year (lines 33 -35). This is an attestation of the import of slaves into the city. Other topics where slaves are discussed in letters are the treatment of slaves (AbB I 27), a discussion about the prices (AbB I 33), etc. 17 Hire 13 List of goods 4 Litigation 16 Purchase 38 Silver loan 5 Wedding 3 Other 11 Total number of tablets 175 A. INHERITANCE AND WILL DOCUMENTS The largest number of tablets are inheritance tablets, in which a person received or was left with estate (usually expressed in houses, fields, orchards and objects), from a predecessor or former owner. Finding slaves in this sort of documents is not uncommon, since slaves are generally seen as expensive. They are valuable objects that will not simply be left behind without any destination when the owner passes away. While these documents provide us with a lot of information about what was seen as precious goods and information on what kind of objects usually, commonly appear in such documents, they don’t provide us with much information about slave life. Slaves are mentioned as goods in a list; fortunately, though, the name of the slave or slaves is always registered. This makes the tablets interesting for onomastic research. A particularly interesting tablet is CT 2 23, in which one of the several slaves donated by a father to his nadītu daughter, is said to have the profession of a ‘fuller’. In such inheritances, the owner of the slave would probably hire out the special services of the slaves, as was also suggested by Harris (HARRIS 1975: 336). B. PURCHASE PAPERS AND SILVER LOANS Slave sale documents typically carry a significant number of attestations. In slave sales documents, one or more slaves are sold, sometimes together with other objects, e.g. oxes. The slave sale documents have a highly standardized form, but starting as early as the reign of Abi- Ešu , some changes in the documents can be noted (VAN KOPPEN 2004: 10). In certain cases, silver was first borrowed from a third party in order to be able to purchase the slave. ḥ Contrarily to the inheritances, these documents tell us much more about the slave life. First of all, the price of a slave is mentioned. The prices of slaves fluctuated considerably. Price levels reflect, among other factors, the available supply of slaves, which more or less correlated22 with an increased or decreased influx of war captives (VAN KOPPEN 2004: 17-19). Based on these fetching prices, Harris concludes that, in contrast to real estate, slaves were a ‘speculative investment’ (Harris 1975: 341). Meanwhile, if we look at a few studies dealing with the OB slave price in Mesopotamia in general, we discover a more obvious pattern. Still, we have to summarize the curve of Sippar as ‘sweeping’ (VAN KOPPEN 2004: 17). A major increase of prices set in after the early years of Samsu-Iluna, until the highest level was reached during the reign of 22 An overview and an indept discussion of this topic can be found in the articles of Finkelstein. (FINKELSTEIN 1955:1-7; FINKELSTEIN 1962:73-96) 18 Abi-Ešu (HARRIS 1975: 341). Thereafter, prices steadily dropped, reaching a very low level during the reign of Ammi- aduqa. ḥ Some standards formulas Ṣin the slave sale contract bring to light what examinations were made on slaves before they were sold. In the tablet form from Abi-Ešu onwards, a guaranty is given to safeguard the purchaser against three eventualities: the teb’ītum (inquiry), bennum (epilepsy) and paqāru (claim) (Mendelsohn 1949: 38). The content of theseḥ three phenomena is not yet accepted by all researchers23. An overview is given in the article of De Graef (De Graef 1999: 20- 22). A third highly interesting aspect concerns a person selling slaves into the city. Do we have to see this as a onetime occasion or does something such as a slave merchant exist? To be able to answer this question, we have to collect all possible contracts dealing or mentioning slave trade, in order to see if one single person is mentioned several times in business transactions in Sippar and in other cities. Based on several slave contracts, Harris suggests there is only one family that should be active in slave trade: Ikun- -Sîn, son of Sin- nadītu (HARRIS 1975: 341). Even though it may lead to new insights, unfortunately, this topic is too elaborate to be further explored in thispī dissertation. tajjār and his daughter Bēlessunu 23 The bennum-disease is generally accepted as a sort of epilepsy (cf. CAD B sub bennu). We find the word in texts about the sale of slaves, in a letter, in medical texts and in ‘literary contexts: a myth, omina and curses (STOL 1993: 5). Even though it recurs in the law code of Hammurabi (§ 279-281, cf. supplement number), it is not explicitly mentioned in the slave sale contracts before Abi-Ešuḥ. A very early representation can be found in tablet CT 8 43c, dating to the reign of king Hammurabi23. But the formulation used in the tablet is slightly different from the later standard formula, in which an extra clause is added as standard in the sale contract, where it functions as a warranty certificate: TCL I 147 16. [(a-na)- ud.3.kam] ‘te’-ib-i-‘tum’ 17. [a-na itu.1.kam] ‘a’-na bi-e-en-ni [for one month] for the bennum- disease[for three days] for teb’ītum 18. [a-na ba-aq]-ri-ša ki-‘ma ṣi-im-da-at’ [šarrim] in accordance with the royal decree 19. [iz]-za-‘az’ he (the seller) is responsible. It must be interpreted as a legal innovation, which can be linked with the simultaneous appearance of a statement concerning the origin of the slave (VAN KOPPEN 2004: 11). In the standard formulation, a slave is held for three days in order to do an ‘investigation’. 23 carried out on the slaves’ antecedents for possible prior encumbrances (cf. CAD T sub Teb’ītumNicolò interprets< bu’ū the(?): word‘to search, as ‘A totime investigate’. period in Thiswhich suggests the new that owner the investigationof the slave has is the right to ask a penalty or break off the contract if he finds out the newly purchasedteb’ītu). slave Based shows on ‘defects’. this derivation, (SAN NICOLO San 1974: 214). Wilcke remarks that the derivation, mentioned by San Nicolò and the CAD are not assured. Although we conventionally read the word as ‘ ’, we cannot exclude the reading ‘ ’, since both words have an unclear meaning. (WILCKE 1976: 259). In spite of a lot of research about this word, we can only guess that it refers to a possible ‘defect’teb’ītum of the slave by analogy with the mentioningtep’ītum of the bennum-disease. There is general unanimity to translate the word baqāru as ‘to claim’, in the way that one cannot lay a claim on a slave that is about to be sold to a new household. 19 C. DONATION The third largest group of tablets representing slaves in Sippar contains those in which a slave is given, donated to a person or a household. In some cases, a slave is given as a present at the celebration of a special event, e.g. when a girl gets installed at the priestly office as a qadištum priestess (VS 8 69/70). In tablet CT 48 46, a slave is donated to a temple and probably dedicated as a courtyard sweeper. We can remark that mainly female slaves are donated to people or institutions. Too little material is available to generalize this conclusion for all the donation contracts of the Old Babylonian period. Presumably, their task was to work as household worker or to provide support of the family they belonged to. Similar to the first group of discussed tablets, very few information is given here about the slave’s life itself. D. LITIGATION In some cases, slaves were the object of a dispute between relatives or two men. Sometimes a judge had to intervene in order to find a solution for the arguing parties, which resulted in documents summarizing the trial. If we keep in mind the time span of the OB period, we find an astonishing low number of disputes. Since the slaves themselves had no say in their own lot, this type of tables gives more insights in the rights of the slave owners and the laws protecting the merchant. Unfortunately, only rarely are the objects of discussion mentioned by name. E. HIRE The hiring of slaves is a phenomenon that took place during the entire Old-Babylonian period. Slaves played a small role in the economy24 of Sippar, but they did provide a significant source of agricultural workers during the harvest season, according to the study of Harris (HARRIS 1975: 344). This results in a number of rent contracts containing the rent of slaves during the ‘month of the harvest’, always written as ‘ud.buru14.šè25’. Most of the documents discussed below belong to this type of contract. In only 28% of the cases, the slave is hired for the period of one year or several years. Slaves were hired to avoid the hard physical work of compulsory labour (Stol 1995b: 298). In some documents, exceptional tasks performed by slaves are mentioned. In tablet CT 8 30a, for instance, a houseborn slave is indicated as a farm laborer while a house born slave girl was trained as an ox-driver (sal.šà.gud). Other tasks slave girls could be hired for, are household tasks (PBS 8/2 188), grinding barley for the tavern keeper (CT 33 32) and laying bricks (YBC 4962). 24 Different aspects of the economic role of slavery are discussed by Mendelsohn. (MENDELSOHN 1948: 92-117). 25 U4.buru14.šè can also be written as EBUR or bu-ru. The meaning of EBUR = ebūru is harvest. (LANDSBERGER 1949a: 248). 20 The hire documents also offer a view on the slave price. The wages are expressed in an amount of silver when the slaves are hired for a term that exceeds one year. If a slave is rented out for one month, the wage is expressed in barely in the ban measurement of Šamaš. Fortunately, we are able to express everything in terms of silver and thus compare the amount to the purchase price of slaves. Only in one exceptional case, no name is mentioned for the slave that is hired out. Some male slaves appear along free men in lists of hired workers. These workers might have been employed on public projects, such as the maintenance and repairing of canals and quays (VS 9 221). Harris remarks that all the people appearing in this list probable are slaves (Harris 1975: 344). We unfortunately cannot confirm this. F. ADOPTION/MANUMISSION Once a person had the slavery status, either because it was their birth status or because the person ended up in slavery, the slave could be set free again only in rare circumstances. The only ways for slaves to get manumitted was via adoption (HARRIS 1975: 347) or by being donated, e.g. to the temple. Evidently, in the last mentioned case, we can ask how much their situation differed from that of slavery. Because of the narrow division between manumission contracts and adoption contracts, they will be discussed together. An equal amount of male and female slaves are set free. In general, a lot of slaves were adopted by presumably childless couples and b conditional freedom, depending on his fulfilling certain obligations. Usually, the adoptee is y nadiātu. The freedom the adoptee receives is only a freedom is given and no relative can claim the adoptee. However, in contrast with a normal adoption,expected tothe support former slavethe nadītu never ininherits her old property age. In fromreturn, the at adoptive the death parent of the (HARRIS parent, 1975: complete 347). HARRIS 1975: 348). The documents are of high importance for our onomastic study and for the case study of the expressionIf a slave girl mu.ni.im. is adopted by a nadītu, she is married off ( G. DOWRY AND WEDDING CERTIFICATES In the OB period, too, marriages are formalized by a wedding and the draw up of a document confirming the marriage. In this period, a woman would bring a dowry26 from her father’s house 26 Different words are known to refer to the dowry. When a woman got married for the first time and took her goods to the house of her husband, the dowry is called nudunnû (cf. CAD N2 sub nudunnû). The CH refers to the same form of dowry with the word šeriktum. The CAD translates the word as ‘dowry settled by a father on his daughter’ (cf. CAD Š3 sub širiktu). When the husband passes away, it could be called the numātum, translated by the CAD as ‘furnishings’ (cf. CAD N2 sub from her dowry, usually to her husband and his relatives (DALLEY 1979: 53). Yet another type of bride- price is known, indicated with the word terḥatum (translated onlynumātu). as ‘dowry’ The by woman the CAD could T sub make terḥ atu):a loan a refundable deposit, to ensure that the bridegroom doesn’t change his mind just before the wedding, when a lot of expenses have already been made by the bride’s father (GREENGUS 1966: 58; DALLEY 1979: 55). 21 when she married. In case the marriage failed and she was not held responsible for it, she kept her dowry for a subsequent marriage (cf. CH 171-179). When she passed away, the goods that were part of the dowry were passed on to her sons or, in case she didn’t bare any sons, the father’s family. Under certain circumstances, especially when the girl involved had a wealthy background, the content of the dowry was written down in a document. This shows the great range of possessions that belonged to women. It shows us the interests and activities of woman (DALLEY 1979: 53). some cases, usually concerning wealthy nadītu priestess, slaves formed a part of the dowry. In these cases, usually one or two slaves are mentioned. Tablet BM 1646527 represents the dowry of a fortunate nadītu who receives nine slaves as part of her dowry. The information we gain in this type of tablets is comparable to the inheritance documents. They provide us, in some cases, with numerous names – the most information we can gain at all. It is impossible to gain any more information. H. OTHERS Two categories of tablets only deal with the appearance of slaves on rare occasions: lists of goods and exchange documents. Beside the name of the slave, they don’t offer us much information about slave life. About 11 documents cannot be categorized under the main subject given in the overview. Also, on these tablets only little extra information mentioned about slaves is mentioned. 27 Published by Dalley (1979: tablet10). 22 Name: ‘a word or set of words by which a person or thing is known, addressed, or referred to.’ (Oxford English dictionary) III. SLAVE NAMES UNRAVELED A. SLAVES AND THEIR PERSONAL NAMES The second major feature of the ritual enslavement involved changing the slave’s name (PATTERSON 1982: 54). Names are only one of the numerous sources that might help us gain information on people and the everyday life of ancient Mesopotamia, and in this particular case, of the Sipparians. ‘A man’s name is, of course, more than simply a way of calling him. It is the verbal signal of his whole identity, his being-in-the-world as a distinct person. It also established and advertises his relation with kinsmen’ (PATTERSON 1982: 54). In virtually every slave society, one of the first acts of the master was to change the name of his new slave. Any simplistic explanation that name change was merely a result of the master’s need to find a more familiar name should be disregarded. We can find the same tendency to change names in cases where slaves come from the same society or language group as their masters (PATTERSON 1982: 55). Changing a name is almost universally a symbolic act of stripping a person of his former identity. The slave’s former name died with his former self (PATTERSON 1982: 55). If we observe the names of the Old Babylonian slaves, the most eye catching element is the absence of the patronymic in most of the references to slaves. ‘He had no genealogy, being a man without a name’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 34). But far more can be observed and told about slave names. Harris specifically studied slave names of Old Babylonian Sippar (1977). In an article on foreigners in Sippar, which deals with military personnel and merchants besides slaves (1976), she remarks that something like a slave name does exist. She states that most of the slave names are Akkadian, in contrast to the free born population of Sippar. This leads her to the assumption that a status difference influenced the selection of names and that Akkadian names where preferred by foreigners (HARRIS 1976: 152). Very rare among slave names are Sumerian or West-Semitic elements. One exception is a name appearing on tablet CT 6: 7a; Jamrussi-el (HARRIS 1975: 350). Harris distinguishes male names, which are somewhat less typical, and female names, which allow an easier distinction between free and slave. Of the male names, 60% also appear as names of free persons. These can be popular free names, as well as rare ones. Only 33% are typical slave names. The remaining 7% are non-Akkadian and are Subarean, Hurrian or West-Semitic. Harris concludes that the reason for the overlap between free and slave names might be that the slaves bearing these names were formerly free persons who were enslaved because of their debt. She singles out the rare mentions that a slave is house- born (wilid bīti), in which cases she supposes that the name – mostly a typical slave name – was given by the owner28. As to the slaves with foreign names, she supposes that when they were bought as adults, their names were not changed (HARRIS 1977: 48), whereas infants received new names (HARRIS 1977: 49). The names of slave women show a very different pattern. Only 10% are also common among free women, the others are typical slave names. Only a very small group bears foreign names, 28 This is now illustrated by Stol, citing a ‘birth certificate’ for the daughter of a slave, the baby’s name is: Amat-eššešim «Slave-girl of the (monthly) festival eššešum» STOL 1991, 209) 23 again mostly Subarean and Hurrian. Harris sees no evidence of slaves changing their name when manumitted (HARRIS 1977: 51). Stol is less optimistic when it comes to the difference between slave and non-slave names, and the evidence for name change. In his study on Old Babylonian personal names he identifies some female names which are typical for slave women, but then states that others can be used by both free and slave women (1991: 208). He adds some interesting information: “The Nippurian woman Niši-īnišu bought a slave-girl and re-named her Amat-ilija «Slave-girl of my god» - the god of the mistress of course.” (1991: 209). A very clear indication that slaves, when bought, were, or at least could be, renamed (STOL 2004:710). If we narrow down our field of search to the slave names of Sippar and compare them with names of free people, can we indicate a difference between them? Do male and female slave names really have different patterns? Are the names mostly Akkadian? What is the percentage of the foreign names and what is their root? To answer this question, the slave names of OB Sippar were divided into a list of male and female slave names. They were grammatically analyzed in order to define their language. All names were checked with the Sippar database to discover how frequently they appeared among the population of Sippar. At the moment of research, the database, updated on the 5th of April 2010, contained 54 425 names. A. MALE SLAVE NAMES 1. Abum-Bāni (a-bu-um-ba-ni) CT 8 29b, CT 45 6, CT 48 30, CT 48 59 ‘The father is good/beautiful (STAMM 1968: 294). Abum: father (cf. CAD A1 sub Abu). The second part of the name, bāni, is derived from banû: Sta. C. gen. sg: ‘good, beautiful’ of persons or animals. Therefore, the translation made by Stamm is more accurate. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4 – slaves: 2 Among the people given this name, one person probably is a manumitted slave (CT 8 29b). On the unpublished tablet BM 80561, abum-bāni is indicated as the son of Ereš-Sîn. 2. Abum-ilum (a-bu-um-dingir) SFS 112 ‘The father is god’, (STAMM 1968: 297). For abum: cf. supra. Ilum: god (cf. CAD I/J sub ilu). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 3. Adad-mālik (diškur-ma-lik) CT 47 30/a ‘Adad is my advisor’ . Mālik < māliku, used in order to indicate a god as an advisor. The word can only be used in the context of a god and never refers to human beings (STAMM 1968: 216; CAD M1 sub Adad-Malik: Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 māliku). 4. Aḥam-arši (a-ḥa-am-ar-ši) CT 45 27 ‘I got a brother’ (STAMM 1968: 128). Aḥam < aḥu: acc. Sg. Arši: [a-R-Š-i- ]: 1 c. sg. praet. G < râšu: to acquire, to get. Levy recognizes in this type of name West-Semitic influence (LEVY ZA 38: 246). ˀ Language: Akkadian/ West-Semitic– attestations: 58 – slaves: 1 5. Aḥam-nirši (a-ḥa-am-nir-ši) CT 2 23 ‘We got a brother’ (STAMM 1968: 130). Aḥam: cf. supra. Nirši: [ni-R-Š-i- ] : 1 c. pl. praet. G < râšu. This name is not included in the list given by Levy (cf. supra). Language: Akkadian/West-Semitic(?) – attestations: 78 – slaves: 1 ˀ In four cases, this name indicates the scribe while on tablet OLA 21 82, the sanga priest wears this name. 24 6. Aḥi-libluṭ (a-ḥi-li-ib-lu-uṭ) CT 6 7a ‘May the brother live (may the brother be healthy)’. Aḥa < aḥu: m. sg. Stat. C. acc., Libluṭ < balāṭu: 3 f. sg. prec. G. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 7. Aḥi-umma-[…] (a-ḥi-um-ma-…) CT 48 62 ‘My brother…’. Aḥi < aḥu: brother + pron. suff. 1 sg. c. Umma can be a reference to ummu: mother; a popular aspect in names (STAMM 1968: 53, 83, etc.). Based on a comparison with other Sipparian names, it can even refer to name particles, such as: ummatum (Edzard, TeD 99), ummati (unpublished doc.), ummani (CT 45 89), etc. No male slave name is found with a similar name among the slave population of Sippar. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 8. Aḥum-kīnum (a-ḥu-um-ki-nu-um) CT 8 49a ‘True/reliable brother’, (STAMM 1968: 295). Kīnum: ‘true, reliable, just’ (cf. CAD K sub Language: Akkadian – attestations: 10 – slaves: 1 kīnu 1). 9. Aḥuni (a-ḥu-ni) CT 48 63 ‘Our brother’ (hypocoristic). A aḥu + pron. suff. (gen.)1 pl. This name and it’s female counterpart (cf. aḥātani) is a popular nickname (STAMM 1968: 244) and is for sure not exclusively used to name slaves.ḥūni Gelb < suggests it’s languages lays in Nuzi (GELB ET.AL 1943: suggesting a West-Semitic roots. (RANKE ,אחוני Ranke derives the name from the Armaic .(11 1905: 63) The slave wearing this name on tablet CT 48 63, is indicated as being from the other bank of IŠ BE NI. Language: Akkadian/Nuzi/West-Semitic – attestations: 58 – slaves: 1 Free people wearing this name are often prominent persons: sukkal (BM 23146), aga.uš (CT 6 15-16) and a chief shepherd (VS 9 107) 10. Akbu-dada (ak-bu-da-da) CT 2 23 According to Stamm, this name is unexplainable (STAMM 1968: 56). Dadâ might be a reference to a plant (cf. CAD D sub dada). This name is probably of foreign language. Language: Foreign, unable to specify – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 11. Ammu-Pi (am-mu-PI) CT 48 60 Ammu: uncle of fathers side (STRECK 2000: 152). Gröndahl, interprets it as an old theophoric ‘Theelement uncle in (ofpersonal fathers names side) ( isG RÖNDAHL Pī / speaks(?). 1967: 109). Amorite name comosed of two elements. ˁconstructus of Akkadian and Amorite ‘pû’: mouth, speech (STRECK 2000: 321). Language: Amorite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 The second element ‘pī’ is the status 12. Āmur-gimilla-Šamaš (a-mur-gi-mi-la-dutu) Edzard, TeD 31 ‘I saw the mercy of Šamaš’. Āmur: [a-‘-M-u-R]: 1 c. sg. praet. G amāru: to see. Gimilla < gimillum: acc. sg. Stamm translates ‘an act of kindness’ (STAMM 1968: 168). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 13. Ana-Šamaš-taklāku (a-na-dutu-ták-la-ku) CT 8 16a, CT 45 27, CT 45 29, SFS 98/112, VS 9 92 ‘I trust Šamaš’, (STAMM 1968: 196). Taklāku: 1 c. sg. stat. G. < takālu: to trust. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 56 – slaves: 8 Tablet MHET 132 mentions a female slave with this name. 14. Ana-pî-Šamaš-nadi (a-na-pi-dutu-na-di) CT 47 63 ‘He is placed at the command of Šamaš’. Nadi < nadû: to place, lay down (cf. CAD N1 sub nadû). 25 Language: Akkadian– attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 15. Asīrum (a-si-rum) CT 2 23 ‘Captive, prisoner of war’ (cf. CAD A3 sub unclear meaning (STAMM 1968: 251). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 10 – slavesAsīrum).: 1 According to Stamm, this name has an 16. Atta-ilumma (at-ta-dingir-ma) OLA 21 95/96 ‘You are God’ (STAMM 1968: 100, 129-130). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 17. Awīl-ilī (a-wi-il-ì-lí) CT 2 23 ‘Man of the gods’ (STAMM 1968: 76). Awīl< awīlu, Sta. C. sg. Ilī < ilu: gen. pl. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 122 – slaves: 1 18. Bēli-abi (be-lì-a-bi) SFS 98sq ‘My master is my father’. Bēli < bēlum: Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. : father. Abi < Abum: Sta. C + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 39 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished) This name appears frequently during the reign of ammurabi. 19. Bēli-Ḕpiri (be-lí-e-pí-ri) Ḥ BE 6/1 62 ‘My master is my provider’. Bēli: cf. supra. Ḕpiri < ēperu: Sta. C. = pron. Suff 1 c. sg : provider, feeder (cf. CAD E sub Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 ēpiru). 20. Damiq-Marduk (da-mi-iq-damar.utu) BDHP 46 G. Translated by Ranke as ‘friendly’ (1905: 78). Language‘Marduk is: Akkadiangood’. Damiq– attestations < damāqu:: 13 3 –m. slaves sg. stat.: 1 Based on the patronymic, there are at least three different free people with this name. 21. Dingir-kirû-lu (dingir-ki-ru-lú) (reading uncertain) VS 8 4/5 ‘The god of the man of the orchard(?)’. Dingir = ilu: god. Kirû: a plantation, orchard and the sign lú can indicate the occupation. This name is not mentioned in publications concerning the onomasticon. Therefore it is possible this name contains a foreign element. Language: Akkadian (?) – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 22. Ebabbar-lūmur (é.bábbar-lu-mu-ur) CT 8 29c amāru: 1 c. sg. Prec. G. ‘MayLanguage I see: theAkkadian Ebabbar’. – attestations Ebabbar: temple: 26 – slaves of Šamaš: 1 in Sippar (and Larsa). Lūmur < The same free person is mentioned at least 7 times renting out workers. There are at least 5 different people with this name. 23. Egigie (e.gi.gi.e) SFS 98sq No discussion of this name is to be found. According to Harris, this name is of Hurrite language (HARRIS 1972: 47), but the name is not found in any works discussing Hurrrite names. Language: unknown– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 24. Elala (e-la-la) CT 2 23 26 ‘Elali’, a male deity. A name consisting of a god’s name only is possible but very rare (STAMM 1968: 117). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished) 25. Etellum (e-te-lum) CT 2 23 ‘Lord, pre-eminent’ (cf. CAD E sub Etellu). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 26. Gallûm/Galûm (gál-um) TJDB 10-13 Gallûm: ‘A demon’ (cf. CAD G sub Gâllu), galûm: a deportee (cf. CAD G sub galû). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 27. Hadî-Amir-Šamaš (ḥa-di-a-mi-ir- dutu) CT 47 52 ‘It is pleasing to see Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 185 241). Ḥadî < Ḥadû: joy. Amir: 3 m. sg. Stat. G amāru: to see. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1 28. Haliwum (ha-li-wu-um) CT 2 23 ‘Ḥali’ might refer to a Kassite name part, linked to the god Gula (Gelb et al 1943: 213). No information is available for the name part –wum. It is likely that this name refers to another , but no information was found about it. Ḥali is evenso a popular name component in Amorite names (Gelb 1980: 584), but the name Ḥaliwum is not attested. Language: Kassite/Amorite (?)– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 29. Hazib-Šušu (ḥa-zi-ib-šu-šu) CT 45 27 Ḥazib is probably a Hurrite name part, derived from the root ‘ḥaz’ (Gelb et al 1943: 215). The second element of the name, Šušu might be derived from the Hurrite ‘šuš’ (Gelb et al 1943: 260), with a suffix ‘-u’ (Gelb et all 1943: 270). Language: Hurrite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 30. Ḥabil-kīnum (ḥa-bi-il-ki-nu-um) CT 2 23, CT 45 6 ‘The just one is oppressed’ (STAMM 1968: 296). Ḥabil < ḥabālu: 3 m. sg. stat. G: to to ravage, to take away (cf. CAD sub STAMM 1968: 296). Kīnum: honest, loyal, righteous (cf. CAD K sub - abil (RANKE 1905: 85). Language: AkkadianḤ – attestationsḥabālu; : 42 – slaves: 2 kīnu). The name also appears as Kīnum Ḥ 31. Ibnu-Marduk (ib-ni-dAmar.utu) MHET 616 ‘Marduk has created’ Language: Akkadian– attestations: 170 – slaves: 2 A wide variety of professions appear among the people wearing this name. 32. Iddin-Adad (i-din- diškur) CT 48 24, BDHP 63 ‘Adad has given’. Iddin [i-N-D-i-N]: 3 m. sg. praet. G : to give (cf. CAD D sub STAMM 1968: 36). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 37 – slaves: 1 nadānu; 33. Ili-āb/pili (dingir-a-bi-ì-lí) CT 8 48a ‘My god has satisfied my demand’, read by Stamm as Ili- Ili < ilu + pron. suff. 1 com. Āpili can be derived from the verb apālu or wabālu according to Stamm (STAMM 1968: 213 -214). I will not go deeper into this discussion in my dissertation.āpili. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1 27 34. Ili-adi-māti/Ili-admāti (ì-lí-ad-ma-ti) BE 6/2 80 ‘How long my god’. Admāti = adi- RANKE 1905: 220). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 māti: ‘how long’, ( 35. Ili-aṣiri/aziri (ì-lí-a-ṣí-ri) VS 9 221 ‘My god is my helper’. Aṣiri or aziri is a common East-Canaanite name. The second part of the STAMM 1968: 215). In the OB period, the verb) עזר name is derived from the Hebrew root ḥazāru is a loanword, derived from the same root. Language: Akkadian/Canaanite - attestations: 3 – slaves: 1 We deal with only two persons: one slave and one free person, indicated as the father of Taribu. 36. Ili-bānî (ì-lí-ba-ni) CT 2 23, SFS 98sq ‘My god is my creator’. Bānî < bānû: Sta. C. sg. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 75 – slaves: 2 37. Ili-haṣiri (ì-lí-ha-ṣí-ri) MHET 248 cf. Ili-a iri/aziri. Language: Akkadian/Canaanite– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 ṣ 38. Ili-išmeanni (ì-lí-iš-me-an-ni) CT 45 27 ‘My god has heard me’. Išmeanni < išme < šemû: 3 m. sg. praet. G. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 35 – slaves: 1 39. Ili-matar (ì-lí-ma-ta-ar) CT 8 42 ‘My god is overwhelming’. Matar < watāru. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 40. Ili-rimeanni (ì-lí-ri-me-an-ni) CT 8 12c, CT 8 15c ‘My god, have mercy on me’ (STAMM 1968: 167, RANKE 1905: 102). Rimeanni < rêmu to take pity. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 41. Ili-Tillati (ì-lí-tillat-ti) BDHP 37 ‘My god is my help’. Tillati < tillatu + pron. suff. (gen.)1 sg. Ranke and Thureau-Dangin equalize tillati (TIL.LA-ti) with balāṭi (RANKE 1905:249; THUREAU-DANGIN 1936: 176). Stamm refutes this assertion. (STAMM 1968: 212). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1 42. Ili-Tukulti (ì-lí-tukul-ti) VS 8 52/53 ‘My god is my my support’. Tukulti < tukultu: help, support, trust (cf. CAD T sub tukultu) + suff 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 15 – slaves: 1 The person having this name is in five occasions the scribe. 43. Ili-ummati (ì-lí-um-ma-ti) BE 6/2 80 ‘My god is my family’ (STAMM 1968: 299). Ummati < ummatu: descents + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 44. Ilum-ḥabil (dingir-ḥa-bi-il) CT 48 65 ‘The god is wronged’ (STAMM 1968 : 297). Ilum: god (cf. CAD I/J sub ilu). Ḥabil < ḥabālu: 3 m. sg. stat. G: to wrong (cf. CAD sub STAMM 1968: 296). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 11 – slaves: 1 Ḥ ḥabālu; 28 45. Ilum-šārikum (dingir-ša-ri-ku-um) CT 48 24 ‘The god is a bestower. Šārikum < šarāku ptc. G. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 46. Ina-qāti-Šamaš (i-na-qá-ti-dutu) BE 6/1 18 ‘In the hand of Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 313). Qāti < qātu: stat. C. m. sg. + pron. suff. 1 sg. c. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1 47. Iplatassu (ip-la-ta-sú) OLA 21 90 No discussion of this name is to be found. Language: unknown– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 48. Išpi-teššup (iš-pí-te-eš-šu-ub) VS 9 219 Teššup is a Hurrian god. The first part of the name is possibly also Hurrian, but no root evidence was found. Language: Hurrite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 49. Iṣrupanni (iṣ-ru-pa-ni) TCL I 89 ‘He has purified me’ (STAMM 1968: 314). The name is hard to explain according to Stamm. He does not mention from which word and how he derived the translation of this name. It might be linked with the verb : to refine metals by burning. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1 ṣarāpu 50. Iṣu-mada (i-ṣú-ma-da) CT 2 23 ‘The little means a lot (to me)’ (STAMM 1968: 314). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 51. Itti-Šamaš-temî (it-ti-dutu-te-mi) CT 45 27 ‘Before Šamaš, I swore’. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 52. Jadurim (ia-du-ri-im) CT 47 53 This name appears in a list of Ugaritic names. According to Gröndahl, the root from which the name is derived is: ˁDR, to help (GRÖNDAHL 1967: 107). According to Huffmon it is of Amorite language and he analyses it as G imp. of a not mentioned root, refering the Hebrew and Arabic derivations and examples, such as: ya-du-ra-an, Ya-du-ur-AN, Ya-du-ri-im and Ya- du-ur-na-si (HUFFMON 1965: 193). Language: Amorite - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 53. Jašub-ilum (ia-šu-ub-dingir) CT 2 23 Amorite name, attested by Gelb and build up around the elements ‘ja+šwub+ GELB 1980: name 3508). No translation is mentioned. Language: Amorite– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 ˀil’ ( 54. Kalkal-muballiṭ (dkal.kal-mu-ba-lí-iṭ) CT 8 48a ‘Kalkal quickens’ (RANKE 1905: 115). Muballiṭ < balāṭu: ptc D. ‘to live’. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 55. Kalūmum (ka-lu-mu-um) BE 6/1 28 ‘Lamb’ (STAMM 1968: 253, cf. CAD L sub Language: Akkadian - attestations: 67 – slaves: 1 kalūmu). 29 56. Kanišu (ka-ni-šu) TCL I 89 ‘Man from Kaniš’, based on the translation of the female name kanišitum: ‘woman from Kaniš’ (STAMM 1968: 268). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 57. Karṣum (ka-ar-ṣum) CT 45 79 ‘Slander’ (cf. CAD K sub kar u). Language: unknown - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 ṣ 58. Kubbulum (ku-bu-lum) CT 45 79 ‘Crippled’ (cf. CAD K sub kubullu). Language: unknown - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 59. Lamma-muballiṭ (dkal.kal-mu-ba-lí-iṭ) CT 8 48a ‘Lamma quickens’. Muballiṭ < balāṭu: sg. ptc. D Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 60. Lūmur-Gimil-Šamaš (lu-mur-gi-mil-dutu) TCL I 89, TCL I 98/99 ‘May I see the blessing of Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 168). Lūmur: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4 – slaves: 2 61. Lū-šalim-bāšti (lu-ša-lim-ba-aš-ti) TCL I 89 ‘May my protective spirit be well’ (STAMM 1968: 311). Lu-šalim < šalāmu: 3 m. sg. Stat. g : ‘to become healthy, intact’ (cf. CAD Š1 sub ). Bāšti: Sta. C. sg. bāštu: ‘deity, angel, of protective force in PN’s’ + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slavesšalāmu: 1 62. Luštamar (lu-uš-ta-mar) SFS 98sq ‘I will praise’ (STAMM 1968: 203). Luštammar: < šamāru: 3 m. sg. Stat. Gt: to prais (a god) in the context of a PN (cf. CAD Š2 sub Language: Akkadian– attestations: 34 – slaves: 1 šamāru). 63. Manni-ālišu (ma-ni-a-lí-šu) CT 2 23 ‘Is his city’. Manni < mannu(?): who in PN’s. Ališu: Sta.C. ālu: the city. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 64. Mannum-balum-Šamaš (ma-nu-um-ba-lu-dutu) CT 45 105 ‘ Who can be without Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 238). Mannu: cf. supra. Balum: without. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 18 – slaves: 1 65. Mār-erṣētim (dumu-er-ṣi-tim) CT 47 61/a, BA 5 11 ‘Son of the underworld’ (STAMM 1968: 304) or ‘Son of the earth’ (RANKE 1905: 122). Mār < māru: Stat. C.. Erṣētim <: erṣetum can be translated as the netherworld and earth/land (cf. CAD E sub er etu). Erṣetum can also mean territory. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 107 – slaves: 2 Numerous peopleṣ have this name during the Old-Babylonian period and only a few of them are slaves. 66. Mār-Ištar (dumu-iš8-tár) BAP 97 ‘Son of Ištar’ (RANKE 1905: 122). Mār: m. sg. Sta. C. māru: son. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 30 – slaves: 2 67. Mār-Sippar (dumu.ud.kib.nun.ki) CT 45 6 30 ‘Son of Sippar’. Mār: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 16 – slaves: 1 68. Marduk-abi-ilī (damar.utu-a-bi-ì-lí) MHET 616 ‘Marduk, the father of the Gods’. Abi: Sta. C. abu. Ilī: pl. ilu: god. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 69. Marduk-āpili (damar.utu-a-pí-li) VS 13 32 ‘Marduk is the one who satisfies my demand’ . According to Stamm, Apili has the meaning of the verb apālu (STAMM 1968: 213), philologically explained as 1 s. c. praet. G. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 70. Mutam-rāmā (mu-ut-ra-ma) CT 2 23 ‘They Love the husband’ (STAMM 1968: 58). Mutam < mutu: husband, acc. sg. Rāmā: < râmu: G imp. f. pl.: ‘to love’. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 71. Mutum (mu-tum) MHET 570 ‘Husband’ (cf. CAD M2 sub mutu). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 72. Nabium-naṣir (dna-bi-um-na-ṣi-ir) CT 45 58 ‘Nabû is the protector’. Naṣir < naṣāru: 3 m. sg. Stat. G. : ‘to gard, protect’. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 38 – slaves: 1 73. Nanā-ibnīšu (dna.na-ib-ni-šu) OLA 21 39 RANKE Innin = Ištar (GELB ET AL 1943: 310). Theophoric name element which appears in many WestNanā- Semitichas created names him’ (C OOGAN( 1976:1905: 20 230).-21). Nanā:Ibnišu A < goddessbanû: 3 m.worshiped sg. praet. at G: Uruk to build, along create with (cf. CAD B sub banû) + pron. suff. 3 m. sg. Language: Akkadian/West-Semitic - attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 74. Nūr-išhara (nu-úr-diš-ha-ra) MHET 570 ‘The light of Išara’. Nūr < nūru: Sta. C. m. sg.: light. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 14 – slaves: 1 The sanga priest in an unpublished tablet, Di 123b, has this name 75. Rē’ûm-ilum (sipa.dingir) CT 8 16a ‘The god is the shepherd’. Rē’ûm: shepherd, herdsman (cf. CAD R sub ûm). Language: Akkadian - attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 rē’ 76. Sāniq-qabê-Šamaš (sà-ni-iq-qa-be-e- dutu) CT 8 34b, MHET 117 ‘The order of Šamaš settles the case’ (STAMM 1968: 233). Language: Akkadian - attestations: 6 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished) Cf. supra. sanāqum 77. Sîn-ereš (dEN.ZU-apin) CT 45 27 ‘He desires Sin’. Apin = epinnu: ‘so plow’. This name is not documented in studies dealing with OB onomasticon. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 78. Sîn-mašmaš (dEN.ZU-dmaš.maš) CT 47 63 No discussion of this name is to be found. 31 Language: Akkadian– attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 79. Sîn-mate (dEN.ZU-ma-te-e) CT 45 44 ‘Sîn, when?’. Mate < mati : when. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 80. Sîn-napšeram (dEN.ZU-na-ap-še-ra-am) CT 8 16a, MHET 106 ‘Sîn reconciled me’(STAMM 1968: 168), Napšeram < napšuru < pašāru: acc. inf. N + vent. (= dat. Suff. 1 c. sg.): ‘appeasement, forgiveness’. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 10 – slaves: 2 81. Sîn-naṣir (dEN.ZU-na-ṣir) SFS 98sq, SFS 112 ‘Sîn is the protector. Naṣir: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 228 – slaves: 2 Numerous people listening to this name are scriba. 82. Sîn-puṭram (den.zu-pu-uṭ-ra-am) Dalley 1979 16 ‘Deliver me, Sîn’ (STAMM 1968: 169). Puṭram < paṭaru: sg. imp. G + vent.: ‘to Loosen/deliver’, (RANKE 1905: 243). Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 83. Šalli-lūmur (ša-al-li-lu-mu-ur) BE 6/1 116 ‘May I see my captive’. Šalli < šallu : m. sg. Sta. C. : captive+ pron. Suff. 1 c. sg. Lūmur < amāru : 1 c. sg. prec. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 6 – slaves: 1 84. Šamaš-Gimlanni (d utu-gim-la-an-ni) CT 47 30/a ‘Šamaš, grant me grace’ (STAMM 1968: 168). Gimlanni < gamālu: ‘to do a favour, to grant grace’. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 10 – slaves: 1 We deal with at least three different free people. 85. Šamaš-ḥāzir (dutu-ha-zi-ir) CT 45 112, MHET 234 ‘Šamaš is (my) helper’. Ḥāzir: < ḥāzirum: Sta. C.: helper (cf. CAD sub Language: Akkadian– attestations: 54 – slaves: 2 Ḥ ḥāziru). 86. Šamaš-muballiṭ (dutu-mu-ba-li-iṭ) SFS 98sq, SFS 112 ‘Šamaš, may I live as the quickener’. Cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 51 – slaves: 2 87. Šamaš-mutapli (dutu-mu-tap-li) CT 45 6 ‘Šamaš is the....’. Mutapli < apālu (?): m. sg. ptc. Gt Language: Akkadian - attestations: 4 – slaves: 1 88. Šamaš-nahrari (dutu- na-aḥ-ra-ri) VS 9 144/145, TJDB 10-13 ‘Šamaš is my help’ (STAMM 1968: 212). A more common variant of the last part of the name is Šamaš-nērāri. Nē’rāri < nē’rāru: aid, help (cf. CAD N sub Language: Akkadian - attestations: 6 – slaves: 2 nē’rāru). 89. Šamaš-napšēram ( dutu- ú-ṣa-ab) CT 8 42b, SFS 112sq ‘Šamaš, reconcile yourself to me’ (STAMM 1968: 168) or ‘Oh Šamaš, be kind again!’ (RANKE 1905:146). Napšēram < pašāru: cf. supra. ‘to release, to free, to reconcile’. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 6 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished) 32 90. Šamaš-tappê (dutu-tab.ba.e) CT 6 28a ‘Šamaš is my friend’. Tappê < tappû: compannion, friend, esp. a god as friend of a human in PN’s. (cf. CAD T sub tappû). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 55 – slaves: 1 91. Šamaš-tukulti (dutu-tu-ku-ul-ti) BE 6/1 17 Šamaš is my support’. Tukulti < tukultu: help, support, trust (cf. CAD T sub tukultu) + suff 1 sg. c. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 6 – slaves: 1 92. Šamaš-uṣranni (dutu-uṣ-ra-an-ni) TCL I 97, TCL I 98 ‘Šamaš, protect me’. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 28 – slaves: 2 93. Šamaš-wēdam-uṣur (dutu-we-dam-ú-ṣur) VS 13 34 ‘’Šamaš, protects the abandoned’(STAMM 1968: 180). Wēdam < wēdum: acc. : ‘single, solitary, abandoned’. Uṣur < uṣṣuru: 3 m. sg. praet. G: ‘to protect’. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 14 – slaves: 1 94. Šarrum-Adad (šar-rum- diškur) CT 47 30/a ‘The king is Adad’. Šarrum: king (cf. CAD Š2 sub šarru). Language: Akkadian - attestations: 81 – slaves: 1 95. Ša-Šamaš-damqā (ša- dutu-dam-qá) CT 48 64 ‘(The works) of Šamaš are beautiful/good’, translated via the name Ša-Nabû-damqā (STAMM 1968: 236). Ša is translated by Ranke as: ‘belonging to’ (1905: 245). Language: Akkadian - attestations: 3 – slaves: 1 The non-slave tablets deal with the same person. We have one free person/former slave(?) and one slave. 96. Šīma-aḥāti (ši-ma-a-ḥa-ti) CT 47 30/a ‘She is my sister’ (STAMM 1968: 304). Aḥāti cf. aḥātani. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 3 – slaves: 1 97. Šūzub-Šamaš-ra[..] (šu-zu-ub-dutu-ra-…) MHET 460 ‘Save oh Šamaš, …’. Šūzub < šūzubu: 2 m. sg. imp. G: ‘to save, to rescue’ (STAMM 1968: 170). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 98. Ṣaphū-liphur (ṣa-ap-hu-li-ip-hur) BE 6/1 28 ‘May the scattered be assembled’. Ṣaphū < ṣappuḥu: m. pl. verb. Adj. G : ‘te sqeeze out, the scatter’. Liphur < paḥāru: 3 m. sg. prec. G. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 99. Ṣilli-Agade (ṣí-lí-a-ga-de) CT 45 27 ‘The protection of Agade’. Ṣilli < ṣillu: ‘shade, shadow, protection’ (cf. CAD sub šillu). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 Ṣ 100. Ṣilli-irra (ṣí-lí-ìr-ra) BAP 107 ‘The protection of Irra’. Ṣilli: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 101. Taklāku-ana-Marduk (tak-la-ku-a-na- damar.utu) BE 6/1 116 ‘ I trust in Marduk’ (STAMM 1968: 317). 33 Language: Akkadian - attestations: 12 – slaves: 1 102. Tarībum (ta-ri-bu-um) TCL I 89, TCL I 98/99 ‘Replacement’ (cf. CAD T sub This name is interpreted by Stamm as theophoric (STAMM 1968: 301), based on the appearance of the noun rību: ‘surrogate, replacement’ (STAMM 1968: 259). tarību). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 290 – slaves: 2 103. Tešhum (te-eš-hu-um) CT 8 16a, MHET 106 Probably we can interpret this name as tēšû: ‘confusion, chaos’ (cf. CAD T sub û). It is evenso a Hurritic name element. Language: Hurritic - attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 tēš 104. Ubār-Sugal (u-bar-dsu.ga.al) CT 45 27 ‘Protegee of Sugal’. Ubār can be interpreted in several ways. Stamm gives an overview in his work. According to Meissners and David, this means ‘guest, foreigner or stranger’, derived for leading to his translations as , גר ubārum. Stamm suggest to link this words to the Hebrew ‘protegee of…’ (STAMM 1968: 264). Language: Akkadian/West-Semitic – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 105. Uqâ-ilum (ú-qa-i-lu) MHET 460 ‘I wait for the god’. Uqâ < qu’’û: 1 c. m. sg. praes. G: ‘to wait’. Ilu: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 106. Uṣur-bītam (ú-ṣur-é) TJDB 10-13 ‘He protects the house’. Uṣur: cf. supra. Bītam < Bītum: acc. sg.: house. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 107. Uṣur-Malik (ú-ṣur-dma-lik) CT 45 27 ‘Malik protects’. cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 108. Waqar-abum (wa-qar-a-bu-um) CT 8 45a ‘The father is precious’, (cf. Abum-waqar, RANKE 1905: 174). Hypocoristic name. Waqar < waqāru: ‘to become precious’. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 109. Warad-bunene (ìr-dbu-ne-ne) CT 6 29 ‘Servant of Bunene’. Warad< wardu: m. sg. Sta. C.: servant, slave. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 19 – slaves: 1 One person is indicated as scribe (unpublished tablet) 110. Warad-Eru (ìr-EDIN) TCL I 89/99 ‘Servant of Eru(?)/ the steppe’. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 111. Warad-Ninsiana (ìr-dnin.si4.an.na) CT 45 27 ‘Servant of Ninsiana’. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 d 112. Watār-pî-Šamaš (wa-ta-ar-pi4- utu) SFS 98sq ‘Overwhelming is the word of Šamaš’. Watār < watāru: Sta. Abs. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 34 113. Wēdum (we-du-um) SFS 98sq ‘Alone’, cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 114. Wēdum-ilišu (we-du-um-ì-lí-šu) SFS 118 ‘The loner of his god . Cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 d 115. Zikir-pî-Šamaš (zi-kir-pi4- utu) SFS 118 ‘Utterance of the mouth of Šamaš’. Zikir < zikaru, m. sg. Sta. C. Translation also based on the name ‘Zikir-ilišu’ (STAMM 1968: 257). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 116. Zimru-ḥaraḥ (zi-im-ru-ḥa-ra-aḥ) CT 47 30/a Zimru’, derived from the rood ‘dimr’ < ‘ ‘mm’: ‘to be true’ (Gelb 1980: 263). Ḥaraḥ goes back to the Ammorite root ara . Not translation was given. Language: Amorite - attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 ˀ ḥ B. FEMALE SLAVE NAMES 1. Abi-dūri (a-bi-bád) SFS 98sq, SFS 118 ‘My father is my wall’ (STAMM 1968: 312). Abi < abu: father, m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Dūri < dūru: wall, rampart: m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 2 (on attestation unclear whether we deal with a slave). 2. Abi-Lamassi (a-bi-la-ma-[sí]) CT 45 79 ‘May my father be my protective spirit’. Abi: supra. Lamassi is a female protective spirit, representing and protecting the good fortune, spiritual health and physical appearance (cf. CAD L sub Lamassu). Lamassi < Lamassu + pron. suff. 1 sg. Stamm translates this name as: ‘my angel’ (1968: 244). The female name Lamassi or its appearance as part of a name is widespread during the OB period. (STAMM 1968: 243). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 1 3. Abi-libura (a-bi-li-bu-ra-am) CT 45 27, CT 47 54 , CT 47 78 ‘May my father watch over me’ (STAMM 1968: 310). Abi < abum: father. Libura(m) < baru 3 m. sg. prec. G Language: Akkadian – attestations: 10 – slaves: 4 (one unpublished) 4. Abi-maraṣ (a-bi-ma-ra-aṣ) CT 47 67 ‘My father is oppressive’. Maraṣ < m. sg. Stat. of marṣu : ‘become difficult, oppressive, unpleasant’ (cf. CAD M2 sub u). Meaning based on the translations with the element maraṣ by Stamm (STAMM 1968: 164,166). Language: Akkadian – attestationsmarāṣ: 64 – slaves: 1 (one unpublished) The name appears as a male name in the database, except for this one female. Most of the 64 references refer to two persons: the father of Illuratum and Illurat. 35 5. Adad-dumqi (diškur-du-um-qi) CT 47 65, BAP 7 ‘Adad be gracious to me’ (RANKE 1905: 226) or ‘Adad be my blessing’ (STAMM 1968: 212) sub grace/gracious’ by Ranke (1905: 226). LanguageDumqi < : Akkadian damāqu: – to attestations become : good2 – slaves (cf. : 2 CAD D damāqu), translated as ‘my 6. Adad-liburam (diškur-li-bu-ra-am) CT 8 5b ‘May Adad watch over me’. Līburam: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 7. Adad-x-Sîn CT 8 5b Impossible to complete this name, since no equivalent is know in de Sippar database. However names built as DN-ù-DN does exist. In this case only one sign, ù, is missing. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 8. Ahāssunu (a-ḥa-as-sú-nu) OLA 21 73 ‘Their sister’ (STAMM 1968: 244). Aḥāssunu < aḥātu: Sta. C. + pron. Suff. Gen. 3 m. pl. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 33 – slaves: 1 Three attestations are nadītu, probably the same person, based on the publication date of the documents. Unfortunately the patronymic is partly broken on two occasions. 9. Aḥatāni (a-ḥa-ta-ni) Dalley, Iraq 42 ‘Our sister’ (hypocoristic). A aḥātu + an +pron. suff. (gen.)1 pl. This (type of) name is a popular one among girls names. Its popularity can be reflected in the numerous attestations: eg.ḥātani CT 8: < 29, CT 2: 42, CT 6: 10, etc. (RANKE 1905: 181). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 Five nadītu priestesses have this name. 10. Aḥi-libluṭ (a-ḥi-li-ib-lu-uṭ) CT 2 23 ‘May my brother live’. Cf. supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 (one unpublished). 11. Aḥi-liburam (a-ḥi-li-bu-ra-am) CT 6 25b ‘May my brother watch over me’. Cf. supra Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 12. Aḥi-šakim (a-ḥi-ša-ki-im) CT 6 7a ‘My brother’. Šakim: A meaning uncert occurs only in PN (cf. CAD Š sub šakim). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 7 – slaves: 1 13. Aja-baniti (da.a-ba-ni-ti ?) VS 13 34 ‘Aja is beautiful’. Baniti 14. Aja-lamassi (da.a.-la-ma-sí) VS 8 99/100, TJDB 10-13 ‘May Aja be my protective spirit’ (cf. supra) Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 3 (one attestation in a letter). 15. Aja-Gāmilat (da.a-ga-mi-la-at) TCL 1 90 ‘Aja spares me‘ or ‘Aja performs grace’ following the translation of Stamm (1968: 220). STAMM 1968: 220): perform a kind act, to safe, to spare (cf. CAD G sub Gāmilat:translated, < gamālu:according adj. to thef sg. CAD, of the ‘to ptcp.spare’ Form (cf. CAD (see G also sub gamālu). Popular element in PN in which it can be gamālu 2’). 36 Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 16. Aja-rēmēni (da.a-re-me-ni) TJDB 10-13 ‘Aja is mercifull’ (STAMM 1968 : 220). Rēmēni < Rêmu: Stat. G: ‘to be merciful, have compassionon’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 17. Aja-Šemeat (da.a-še-me-at) / Aja-šemêt (da.a-še-me-it CT 2 23/MHET 18 ‘Aja listens’. Šemeat < šemû: Stat. g.: ‘to hear, to listen’. Language : Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 18. Aja-tāddinam (da.a-ta-di-nam) MHET 224 ‘Aja has given’. Taddinam < nadānu: acc. inf. G (base for inf., ptcp. and stat. is tadānuū, cf. CAD N sub Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 nadānu). 19. Aja-Tillati (da.a-ti-la-ti) CT 47 78 ‘Aja is my help’(STAMM 1968: 212). Aja: cf. Aja- tillatu + pron. suff. (gen.)1 sg. Ranke and Thureau-Dangin equalize tillati (TIL.LA-ti) with balāṭi (RANKE 1905:249; THUREAU-DANGIN 1936: 176). Stamm refutes thisGāmilat. assertion. Tillati (STAMM < 1968: 212). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 20. Aja-ummi (da-a-um-mi) CT 47 54 ‘Aja is my mother’(RANKE 1905: 249). Ummi < ummu + Ummi: pron. suff. (gen.)1 sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 21. Aja-ummi-alittim (da.a-um-mi-a-lit-tim) CT 47 30 Aja is the mother who gave birth to me. Ummi < ummu: ‘mother’. Alittim < alātu: 3 f. sg. praet. G : ‘to swallow (up)’. + vent. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 22. Akijatum (a-ki-ia-tum) CT 2 23 Akiia is a common Hurrite name element, derived from the root alkiia (Gelb et al 1973: 198- 199). Alki- or alk can be used in the first parts of PN’s. To this name is an Akkadian hypocoristic name element added. Language: Hurite/Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 1 23. Ali-Abi (a-lí-a-bi) CT 8 50a ‘Where is my father’ (STAMM 1968: 285) Ali: interrogative: where, wherever (cf. CAD A1 sub ali 2’). Abi < abum = pron. suff; (gen.) 1 sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3 – slaves: 1 24. Ali-abūša (a-lí-a-bu-ša) BE 6/1 28 ‘Where is her father’ (Stamm 1968: 285). Ali: cf. supra. Abūša < abū: m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 3 f. sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4 – slaves: 1 25. Ali-Aḥi (a-lí-a-ḥi) CT 47 65 ‘Where is my brother’ (Stamm 1968: 285). Aḥi < aḥu: m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1 37 26. Ama-dummuq-belti (ama-du-mu-uq-be-el-ti) PBS 8/2 188 ‘My mistress is a mother who is good’. Dummuq < dummuqu: very good, good quality. Bēlti < bēltum: sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 27. Amāt-amurrum (géme.dmar.tu) Dalley, Iraq 42 ‘Servant of Amurrum’ amtum. Amurru: Amorite (STAMM 1968: 268). Ranke RANKE 1905: 66) Language: Akkadian – attestationsAmāt: Sta. :C. 3 – slaves: 1 derives ammuru from the verb amārtu: I saw ( 28. Amāt-kabta (géme-dkab.ta) TCL I 170 ‘Servant of Kabta’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 29. Amāt-Ilabrat (a-ma-at-dnin.šubur) MHET99 ‘Servant of Ilabrat’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 30. Amāt-Sîn (géme-den.zu) BE 6/1 62, MHET 853 ‘Servant of Sîn’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 5 31. Ammi-ṣabti (a-mi-ṣa-ab-ti) CT 8 35b Subarian name (HARRIS 1977: 49), no translation. The name is not mentioned in the work of Streck. Ammi can be translated as maternal uncle. Language: Subarian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 32. Ana-Bēltim-taklaku (a-na-be-el-tim-ták-la-ku) / CT 8 34b Ana-bēlti-taklāku (a-na-be-el-ti-ták-la-ku) CT 6 7a, SFS 112 ‘I trust my mistress’. Bēltim 33. Ana-Šamaš-terri (a-na-dutu-te-er-i) CT 6 7a ‘Come back Šamaš’ (STAMM 1968: 205). Terri < târu: m. sg. imp. G. : to (re)turn. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 34. Ana-Šumija-libluṭ (a-na-šu-mi-ia-li-ib-lu-uṭ) TLB I 229 ‘For my name, may she live’. libluṭ: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations:1– slaves: 1 35. Anaṭṭal-inīša (a-na-ṭà-al-i-ni-ša) CT 48 28 ‘I will see her eye’. Anaṭṭal < naṭālu: 1 c. sg. praes. G : ‘to gaze, to look’. Iniša < īnu: Sta. C. : ‘eye’ + pron. suff. 3 f. sg. Language: Unknown – attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 36. An(n)um-pîša (dingir- pi4-ša) BAP 107 ‘Yes is her word’ (STAMM 1968: 233, 313). Problems and different view concerning the translation of the word ‘An(n)um’ are summarized by Stamm. Pî < pû’um Sta.C. + pron. suff. 3 f.sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations:137 – slaves: 2 38 37. Annunītum-[…] CT 8 6a -ummi. 38. Cf.Annunītum Annunītum-ummi (an-nu-ni-tum-um-mi) OLA 21 2 s my mother’. (STAMM 1968: 209). Ummi: cf. Aja-ummi. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 5– slaves: 0 ‘Annunītu i 39. Aš-ia-su2-ni-ti (?) (aš-ia-sú-ni-ti) CT 45 29 Not documented name, nor possebilities to analyse this name philologically. Language: Foreign – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 40. Ašratum-ummi (daš-ra-tum-um-mi) TCL I 88/89, TCL I 98 ‘Ašratum is my mother’. Ummi: cf. surpa. Language: Akkadian(?) – attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 41. Aššumija-lībūr (aš-šu-mi-ia-li-bu-ur) MHET 921 ‘For my sake, may I be cheerful’ (STAMM 1968: 159). Aššumija < aššum: for the sake of + 1 c. pron. suff. Lībūr < bâru: 1 sg. prec.: ‘be happy, cheerful’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 42. Aštumu (aš-tu-mu ) BE 6/1 116 Aštu , < ašt is a common root in Hurrite name. In all the attested names, this name is written as ‘aš-du’. The end syllable ‘-mu’ is even so Hurrite, perhaps shortened from of elements formed on ‘muš’ (Gelb et al 1943: 206,235). No translation is mentioned by Gelb. Language: Hurrite – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 43. Atkalšim (at-kal-ši-im) CT 6 47b ‘I trusted him’. Atkalšum < takālu: 1 praet. G + suff (dat.) 3 m sg. A typical element in slave names (STAMM 1968: 311). Described by Ranke as an abbreviation, and in the name ‘Atkalši- ul-abāš’ interpreted as maybe Cassite (RANKE 1905: 184). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 0– slaves: 0 44. Atkalšum-libluṭ (at-kal-šum-li-ib-lu-uṭ) Dalley, Iraq 42 ‘I trusted him, may she live’. Atkalšum: cf. supra. Liblu u: to live. (see also: RANKE 1905: 227). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 ṭ: 3 m/f sg. prec. < balāṭ 45. Awāt-Aja CT 2 24 ‘The word of Aja’. Awāt < awātu: sg. Sta. C. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 46 – slaves: 1 Most of the people wearing this name are connected with the temple: as nadītu priestesses or as sanga priest. 46. Babu-rabiat (dba-bu-ú-ra-bi-a-at) SFS, 112 ‘Babu is big’. Rabiat < rabûm/rabium. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 47. Bēlessunu (be-le-es-su-nu) SFS, 98sq, SFS 118 ‘Their mistress’ (STAMM 1968: 244). Bēlessunu < bēltum: sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. gen. 3 m. pl. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 167– slaves: 2 Among the free people are numerous nadītu priestesses. 39 48. Belētum (be-li-tum) CT 8 16a, MHET 106 ‘Mistress’ (STAMM 1968: 247). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 59– slaves: 1 49. Bēli-dūri (be-lí-du-ri) SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118 ‘My master is my wall’. Dūri< dūru: sg. Sta. C. dūru + pron. suff. 1 sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3– slaves: 3 50. Bēlti-abi-qīšim (be-el-ti-a-bi-qí-ši-im) CT 48 33 ‘My father gave me to my mistress’. Qīšim: ‘given’ in names (cf. CAD sub Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 qīšim). 51. Bēlti-erime (be-el-ti-e-ri-me) CT 48 59 ‘My mistress …’. Erime can probably be derived from erima, coming from the root er. This root might be Hurrite, but it’s Language is not completely clear (Gelb et al 1943: 210). Language: Akkadian/foreign (?) – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 52. Bēlti-erišti (be-el-ti-eriš-ti) SFS, 112 ‘My mistress is my desire’. Erišti < erēšu. There does not exist consensus about the exact meaning and the exact form of derivation of this name aspect (STAMM 1968: 145). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 53. Bēlti-māgirat (be-el-ti-ma-gi-ra-at) CT 8 22c ‘My mistress is contented’. Māgirat < māgaru: ptc. G. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1 54. Bēlti-malê (be-el-ti-ma-le-e) CT 2 41 ‘My mistress…’. Malê can eventually be derived from the word malû: to fill. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3– slaves: 3 55. Bēlti-rēmēni (be-el-ti-ri-me-ni) CT 45 34 ‘My mistress is my mercy’. Belti and rēmēni: cf. Supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1 (It is possible to interpret the person having this name in tablet CT 48 94 as a slave also.) 56. Bēlti-Tillati (be-el-ti-ti-la-ti) CT 2 23, OLA 21 96 ‘My mistress is my help’. Tillati < tillatu + pron. suff. (gen.)1 sg. Ranke and Thureau-Dangin equalize tillati (TIL.LA-ti) with balāṭi (RANKE 1905:249; THUREAU-DANGIN 1936: 176). Stamm refute this assertion. (STAMM 1968: 212, 312). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2 57. Bēlti-ummi-qadum (be-el-ti- um-mi-qa-du-um) MHET 720 ‘My mistress is my .... mother’. Qadum: ‘together with, including’ (cf. CAD Q sub qadu). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2 (one unpublished) 58. Bēltum-kīma-abi (be-el-tum-ki-ma-a-bi) CT 2 23, CT 45 34 ‘The mistress is like my father’ (STAMM 1968: 312). Kīma: ‘like, when, as, that’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2 59. Bēltum-Māgirat (be-el-tum-ma-gi-ra-at) CT 47 47 ‘The mistress is pleased’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 - slaves: 1 40 60. Bulaṭatum (bu-la-ṭa-tum) BE 6/1 84 This name might be derived from balaṭum Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1 or eventually pur(r)asātum (?). 61. Damīqtum (da-mi-iq-tum) CT 4 43a , CT 8 43c ‘The good one or of good nature’ (STAMM 1968: 248). The word is a ptc. derived from sub name is used to for a female slave. damāqu:Language to: Akkadian improve,– attestationsto have good: 31 luck – slaves (cf. CAD: 3 D damāqu). On tablet CT 8 43a, the The name refers to a nadītu priestess on four occasions: CT 47 7, OLA 21 46, MHET 8 99 and BDHP 34/35. The name had a large popularity during the reign of Ammi- aduqa. Ṣ 62. Damkina-rēmēni (ddam.ki.na-re-me-ni) CT 45 27 ‘Damkina is mercyfull’. Rēmēni : cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 63. Dan-ēmissa (dan-e-mi-sà) Dalley, Iraq 42 ‘Strong is her support’ (STAMM 1986: 211). ptc. G + suff. 3 f sg. Ḕmissa is translated by Ranke as: ‘mighty’ (1905: 225). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 3 – slaves:Dan 1 < danānu. Emissa: < emēdu ‘strong’ Sta C. 64. Dummuq-bēltim (du-mu-uq-be-el-tim ) CT 6 25b, CT 8 43c ‘The charity/goodness of the mistress’(STAMM 1968: 313), abbreviated name (RANKE 1905: 186). Dumu Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4 – slaves: 2 q < damāqu: to be good. 65. Eulmaš-liwwir (é.ul.maš-li-wi-ir ) OLA 21 71 ‘May Eulmaš shine’. Liwwir discussed by Stamm (STAMM 1968: 62). Language: Akkadian– attestations 66. Erištum (e-ri-iš-tum) SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118 ‘Desire’ (STAMM 1968: 248). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 64 – slaves: 3 Erištu is a common name among nadītu priestesses. 67. Gururtum (gu-ru-ur-tum) CT 48 33 Might be Amorite, based on the names Gurrur and Gurgurum (Gelb 1980: 580). Language: unknown– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 68. Ḥahunu (ha-hu-nu) CT 2 23 ahunu is derived from the Amorite root ‘ḥaḥun’, with an added suffix (Gelb 1980: 82). Language: Amorite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 Ḥ 69. Ḥamaṣīrum (ḥa-ma-ṣi-rum) OLA 21 71 ‘Mouse’ (Stamm 1968: 254). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 70. Ḥāmi-še’im-arši (ḥa-mi-še-ar-ši) CT 4 1 8b, MHET 328 ‘May I acquire a straw’ (STAMM 1968: 314), a way of describing an inferior opponent. The translation is based on the suggestion of Stamm. 41 Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 2 71. Ḥašija (ḥa-ši-ia) JNES 21(65) 72 Hurrite, derived from the root ‘ḥaš’. It is suggested to translate this root as: ‘to question, to write and to hear’ (Gelb et all 1943: 214). The last syllable ‘-ia’ makes hypocoristic forms, not only of Akkadian, but also of Hurrite PN’s (Gelb et all 1943: 219). Language: Hurrite – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 72. Ḥiššatum (ḥi-iš-ša-tum) SFS, 98sq ‘Friend’ (STAMM 1968: 248). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 3 – slaves: 1 One person having this name is a nadītu of Šamaš. 73. Ḥumaṣīrum (ḥu-ma-ṣí-rum) CT 2 25 ‘A mouse or possibly a rat’ (cf. CAD sub um iru and STAMM 1968: 254), cf. hamaṣīrum. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 Ḥ ḥ ṣ 74. Ḥummurum (ḥu-um-mu-ur-um) CT 45 27 ‘Crippled’ (cf. CAD sub ummuru). According to Stamm, the name could be derived of the verb ḥamāru: ‘to pull together’, referring to a physical problem (STAMM 1968: 264). Language: AkkadianḤ – ḥattestations: 4– slaves: 1 75. Ḥunābatum (ḥu-na-ba-tum) VS 9 63/64 ‘The juicy’ (STAMM 1968: 249). Ḥunābatum < ḥanābu: ‘to sprout, flourish’, adj. of inf. G. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 10 – slaves: 1 76. Huzāla-[tum] (ḥu-za-la-[tum]) CT 45 27 ‘Little gazelle’ (STAMM 1968 : 253). Ḥuzālatum < ḥuzālu, hypocoritic. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 62 – slaves: 1 Ḥuzālatum is a common nadītu name. Numerous examples can be found in the database. 77. Ili-bāšti BE 6/1 95 ‘My god is my angel’. Ili < ilu: sg. Sta. C. + pron. Suff. 1 c. sg. Bašti < baštum: dignity; translated by Ranke as abundance (RANKE 1905: 189). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 5 – slaves: 1 The sribe of one tablet listens to this name. 78. Ili-dumqī (ì-lí-du-um-qí) BE 6/1 28 ‘My god is my good one’. Dumqi: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 79. Ili-imdi (í-lí-im-di) CT 8 16a, MHET 106, VS 8 52/53 ‘My god is my support’. Imdi < imdu: sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 3 – slaves: 3 80. Ili-qāti (ì-lí-qá-ti) CT 8 27a ‘My god is my hand’. Qāti < qātu (Sta. C.) + pron. suff. 1 sg. c. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4 – slaves: 1 42 81. Iltani (il-ta-ni) Dalley, Iraq 42 ‘Our Goddess’ (STAMM 1968: 244). Iltani: iltum (Sta. C.) + pron. suff. 1 pl. c. Indicated by Ranke as hypocoristic name (RANKE 1905: 188). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 164 – slaves: 1 This name in is numerous occasions a nadītu priestess and in one case a sanga priest and the daughter of the king. 82. Ilumma-itti-abi (dingir-ma-it-ti-a-bi) CT 45 97 ‘God is with my father’. Ilumma: ‘He is god’ (STAMM 1968: 100). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 83. Ina-in-bašti (i-na-i-in-ba-aš-ti) VS 9 109/110 ‘In the eye of my angel/dignity’ (STAMM 1968: 312). In: < inu: eye. Bašti < baštum: dignity; translated by Ranke as abundance (RANKE 1905: 189). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 84. Ina-īn-bēl-ilišu-damiq (i-na-i-in-be-el-ì-lí-šu-da-miq) CT 2 23 ‘In the eye of the master of his god, (he is) good’. Damiq: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 85. Inanna-Kiš-ummi (Inana.kiški-um-mi) CT 47 30 ‘Inana from Kiš is my mother’. Ummi: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 86. Ippalatum (ip-pa-la-tum ) TCL I 176 ‘She has looked graciously’ (STAMM 1968: 78). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 87. Išīm-[…] (i-ši-im-[…]) MHET 449 ‘[A God] has fixed’ (STAMM 1968: 145). Based on documented names, such as Išīm-Marduk and Išīm-Šulgi (see Stamm), the broken part of the name probably mentiones a god. Both names are indicated as rare names. Išīm < šiāmu: 3 m. sg. praet. G: ‘to fix, decree’. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 88. Ištar-damqat (iš8-tár-dam-qá-at) CT 33 38, CT 45 27, BDHP 20, Dalley, Iraq 42 ‘Ištar is good’ (STAMM 1968: 224). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 4 – slaves: 4 89. Ištar-lamassi (iš8-tár-la-ma-as-sí) CT 45 34 ‘Ištar is my protective spirit’. Lamassi: cf. supra Language: Akkadian– attestations: 7 – slaves: 1 90. Ištar-nā[ma]ri (iš8-tár-na-[ma]-ri) MHET 224 ‘Ištar is my shining (deity)’. Nāmari < nāmaru: Sta. C. + pron. Suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 91. Ištar-ummi (iš8-tár-um-mi) SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118 ‘Ištar is my mother’ (STAMM 1968: 209). Language: Akkadian– attestations: 15– slaves: 3 92. Itti-Ištar-libluṭ (it-ti- iš8-tár-li-ib-lu-ut) VS 9 163 ‘May I live with Ištar’. Libluṭ: cf. supra 43 Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 93. Itti-Šamaš-milki (it-ti-dutu-mi-il-ki) VS 8 12/13 ‘My advice is with Šamaš’. Milki < milku: m. sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 3 – slaves: 1 94. Jamruṣṣi-ilum (i-ia-am-ru-uṣ-ṣí-i-lu-um) CT 6 7a Amorite name (Gelb 1980: 590). No translation mentioned. Language: Amorite– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 95. Kabtat[…] (kab-ta-at-…) BE 6/1 62 Kabtat < kabātu: to become heavy. Because of the broken nature, it’s hard to predict the grammatical form. Language: Akkadian– attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 96. Kanišītum (ka-ni-ši-tum) CT 2 23 ‘Woman from Kaniš’ (STAMM 1968: 268). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 97. Kititum-hazirat (dki-ti-tum-ha-ṣi-rat) CT 6 7a ‘Kititum is (my?) helper’. Hazirat < ḥāziru: ‘helper’; occurs in West. Sem. Personal names. (CDA sub Language: West-Semitic – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 ḥāziru). 98. Kute (ku-te-e) CT 45 44 Hurrite or Anatolian name. Kut is indicated in the name ku-ut-ti or ku-ti-a as probably Hurrite, with an unclear Language ( GELB ET AL 1943: 231). Gröndahl mentiones the root kd/kt and the name Kuta as Anatolic. ( GRÖNDAHL 1967: 279) There is no meaning of the root mentioned. Landsberger mentions in the names of ‘Kategorie 4’ kuand- (kund, kua, etc.) as names linked to the cities Kültepe and Boghaskoy (LANDSBERGER 1954: 126). Another option is to see the name as ‘The city of Kutâ’. Language: Anatolian/Hurrite/Akkadian(?) – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 99. Kutibi (ku-ti-bi) CT 8 25a Kutibi can maybe be derived from the Hurrite root ‘kut’. In this case, there is no explanation possible for the ‘-bi’. It might be a Hurrite name but we cannot say this with 100% certainty. Language: Hurrite? – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 100. Lalabitum (la-la-bi-tum) BAP 107 Might be an Amorite name, based on a list of names starting with the element ‘Lala’’ (Gelb 1980: 617). Language: foreign? – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 101. Lamassani (la-ma-sà-ni) CT 48 61 ‘Our angel’ (STAMM 1968: 244). Cf. supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 113 – slaves: 1 102. Lībūr-bašti (li-bur-ba-aš-ti) VS 9 109/110 ‘May my protective spirit watch (over me)’ (STAMM 1968: 310). Bašti: ‘my abundance’, cf. supra (RANKE 1905: 224). Libur . < 3 sg. c. prec. bāru 44 Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 103. Lībūr-māti (li-bur-ma-ti) CT 2 23 ‘May he watch my land’. cf. supra. Māti: < mātu: sg. Sta. C. + pron. suff. 1 c. sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 104. Lišlim (li-iš-li-[im]) CT 8 20a ‘ May she be in good health’ (STAMM 1968: 311). Līšlim: < šalamu: 1 c. sg. prec. G. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 105. Maddamuq-Bēlti/ Mād-damuq-Bēlti ( ma-du-mu-uq-be-el-ti) PBS 8/2 188 ‘Much is the goodness of my mistress’. Mād < mādu: much, many things. Damuq < damāqu verb. Adj. G: to be(come)good. Bēlti: cf supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 0 – slaves: 0 106. Mad-dumuqša (ma-ad-du-mu-uq-ša) OLA 21 96, Dalley Iraq 42 ‘Much is her goodness’. Mād: cf. supra. Dummuqša: < damāqu 3 m sg. stat. D. + pron. suff. 3 f. sg. Dummuqša is translated by Ranke as ‘grace’ (1905: 226). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4 – slaves: 2 107. Mamma-[…] (ma-am-ma) TCL I 147 ‘Whoever...’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 108. Mami-dumqī (dma-mi-du-um-qí) OLA 21 24 ‘Mami is my goodness, cf. surpa. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 109. Mami-rēmēni (dma-mi-re-me-ni) MHET 921 ‘Mami is mercifull’. Rēmēni : cf. supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 110. Mamu-[…] (dma-mu-..) BE 6/1 62, MHET 449 There are several possibilities with this theophoric element, eg: cf. infra. 111. Mamu-Tillanu (dma-mu-ti-la-nu) CT 47 47 ‘Mamu…’ Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 112. Munawwirtum (mu-na-wi-rum) Dalley, Iraq 42 ‘ The brightener’ (cf. CAD M2 sub munammiru). Female form of munawirum. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 52 – slaves: 1 His name is popular among nadītu. 113. Mannum-balum-kīma (ma-an-nu-um-ba-lum-ki-ma-x) MHET 449 ‘Who can do without ...’. Mannum: who (cf. CAD M2 sub manu). Balum and kīma: cf. supra. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 114. Mannum-balušša (ma-an-nu-um-ba-lu-uš-ša) OLA 21 96 ‘Who can live without her’. Balušša < Balāṭu: 3 m. sg. stat. G ‘to live’ + pron. suff. 3 f. sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 45 115. Marduk-Aški/aski(?) (damar.utu- ás-ki) CT 8 13c ‘Marduk…’ Language: unknown – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 116. Muštal-bēlti (mu-uš-ta-al-be-el-ti) SFS, 112 ‘My mistress is thoughtful’. Muštal: 3 f. sg. ptc. G ša’ālum: ‘be thoughtful’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 117. Maštum (ma-aš-tum) CT 47 58 ‘Itching skin (?)’. Maštum: an iching skin condition, < mašātu: ‘to itch’ (cf. CAD M2 sub Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 – slaves: 1 mašātu). 118. Mutatum (mu-ta-tu-um) VS 9 109/110 ‘Loves the husband’, a hypocoristic form of the name Mutamrāmā (STAMM 1968: 312). Mutamrāma: mut < mutu: husband and amrāmā: < amāru: to see, to look after. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 119. Muti-bašti (mu-ti-ba-aš-ti ) VS 8 15/16 ‘My husband is my angel’. Muti: < mutu: sta. C. + suff 1 sg. c. Bašti: cf. Ina-īn-bašti. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 120. Nadān-bēlti-rabi (na-da-an-be-el-ti-ra-bi ) CT 6 7a ‘The gift of the mistress is big’ (STAMM 1968: 313). Nadān < nadānu sg. Sta. C. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 121. Naplisi-bēlti (na-ap-lí-sí-be-el-ti) SFS 98sq, SFS 118 ‘Look at me graciously, my mistress’ (STAMM 1968: 311). Naplisi < naplāsu [NPLS]: 2 f. sg. imp N: ‘to glance, to look’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2 122. Naplussa-Mudammiq (na-ap-lu-sà-mu-da-mi-iq) CT 2 23 ‘Being noticed by her, is doing good’ (Stamm 1968: 312). Naplussa: < naplāsu: inf. N : ‘to glance, to look’. Mudammiq < damāqu: 3 sg. ptc. D.: ‘to do good’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 123. Narāmtum (na-ra-am-tum) SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118 ‘Darling’ (STAMM 1968: 247, cf. CAD N sub Language: Akkadian – attestations: 72– slaves: 4 (one letter) Narāmtum is a popular name among nadītu priestesses.narāmtu). 124. Narubtum (na-ru-ub-tum) BAP 3 ‘The juicy’ (STAMM 1968: 249). Derived from nurrubu: moist, soft, tender (cf. CAD N2 sub nurrubu). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 52 - slaves: 1 Along the numerous attestation are many nadītu. 125. Ningal-ummi (dnin.gal-um-mi) VS 9 144/145 ‘Ningal is my mother’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2 - slaves: 2 (one unpublished document) 46 126. Nuṭṭuptum (nu-tú-ub-tum) CT 8 29a ‘The uprooted (?)’. Nuṭṭuptum < naṭāpu, inf. D: ‘to uproot people or plants’ (cf. CAD N sub na Language: Akkadian – attestations: 15 - slaves: 1 In ṭfourāpu). cases, we deal with a nadītu priestess. 127. Pīḥātum (pí-ḥa-tum) CT 47 65 ‘Responsibility’ (cf. CAD P sub Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 pīḥātu). 128. Qibî-ašimma-tikla (qí-bi-a-ši-ma-ti-ik-la) CT 48 33 ‘Qibî- Ašimma < aššum( ?) : because of. Tikla is probably Akkadian, derived from Idiglad: ‘Tigris’ (Gelb et al 1943: 266). Language: Akkadian/foreign? – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 129. Rībatum (ri-ba-tum) BDHP 14 ‘Compensation’ (cf. CDA sub Rībatum < riābu: inf. G. ‘to replace, to pay compensation’. Language: Akkadian – attestations:rībatu). 64– slaves : 1 Most of the people having this name, are nadītu. 130. Sadir-dummuqša (sa-di-ir-du-mu-uq-ša) CT 45 17, CT 45 37 ‘Her grace is in place (?)’. Sadir < sadāru: sg. Stat. G. ‘in place, are in row’ (cf. CAD S sub sadir). Dummuqša: < dummuqu: Sta. C. + pron. Suff. 3 f. Sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1 – slaves: 1 131. Sag.gig-nuttum (sag.gig-nu-ut-tum) SFS, 112 ‘The headache is ours (?)’. Language: Sumerian/Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 132. Sāniq-qabuša (sa-ni-iq-qá-bu-ša) CT 48 2, VS 8 69/70 ‘Punctual is her word’. Sāniq < sāniqu: controller, in names translated by Stamm as ‘punctual’ (1968: 233). Qabuša: qabu Sta.C + pron. suff. 3 f. sg. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2 133. Sarriqum (sà-ar-ri-qum)/ Zarriqum (za-ar-ri-iq-qu-um) CT 6 31b ‘Squint’ (Stamm 1968: 265), ‘with iridescent eyes’ (cf. CAD Z sub zarriqu). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 63– slaves: 1 One person with this name is indicated as the scribe. Many of the 63 attestation refer to one person; the son of e.ki.bi.gi. 134. Ša-la-bēltim-manni (ša-la-be-el-tim-ma-an-ni ) CT 6 33a ‘Who does not belong to a mistress’. Ša is translated by Ranke as: ‘belonging to’ (1905: 245). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 3– slaves: 1 135. Šallūrtum (ša-lu-úr-tum) CT 8 4a, CT 45 6 ‘A fruit, most likely a plum’ (STAMM 1968: 256, cf. CAD Š2 sub Language: Akkadian – attestations: 19– slaves: 2 šallūrtum). 47 One nadītu with this name is known. 136. Šamaš-Lamassi (dutu-la-ma-sí) CT 8 5a ‘Šamaš is my protective spirit’. Cf. supra Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4– slaves: 3 (2 unpublished documents). 137. Šamaš-nūri (dutu-nu-ri) CT 2 23, 8 22b, CT 28 27b, CT 48 30 ‘Šamaš is my light’ (STAMM 1968: 308) Language: Akkadian – attestations: 12– slaves: 5 (one unpublished) 138. Šarrat-tašīmātim (ša-ra-at-ta-ši-ma-tim) CT 6 7a ‘A wise acting queen’ (Stamm 1968 : 313). Šarrat < šarru: queen (Cf. CAD Š2 sub šarratu) Language: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 2 139. Šarrat-Sippir-na[…] (dšar-ra-at-ud.kib.nunki ) BE 6/1 84 ‘The queen of Sippar is …’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 140. Šāt-Šamaš-qadu[…] (ša-at-d utu-qá-du-[…]) MHET 720 ‘The one of Šamaš…’ . There are no existing name who might suggest a supplement for this name. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 141. Šik-basal (ši-ik-ba-sa-al) MHET 248 Šik < šikku: ‘mongoose’ (Stamm 1968: 254). Basal 142. Šîma-aḥāti (ši-ma-a-ḥa-ti) CT 47 30 ‘She is my sister’. Aḥāti < aḥātu: Sta. C. + 1 c. sg. Pron. Suff. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 4– slaves: 1 Among the 4 people enlisted as having this name in Sippar, there is one nadītu and one scribe. 143. Šurinnum-[…] (šu-ri-nu-um- […]) MHET 333 ‘Emblem…’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 144. Tabnī-Ištar (tab-ni-iš8-tar2) MHET 143 ‘Ištar has created’ (STAMM 1968 : 28). Tabni < banû: 2 f. sg. Praet. G.: ‘to create’ (cf. CAD B sub banû). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 10– slaves: 1 145. Takil-bānûša (ta-ki-il-ba-nu-ša) CT 6 7a ‘Her creator is object of trust’ (STAMM 1968: 312). Takil < takālu: sg. stat. G: ‘to trust’ (cf. CAD T sub Bānûša < bānū: sg. Sta. C. : ‘creator, begetter’ (cf. CAD B sub pron. suff. Languagetakālu).: Akkadian – attestations: 2– slaves: 1 bānū) + 3 f. sg. 146. Tarām-Adad (ta-ra-am-diškur) CT 6 7a ‘The beloved one of Adad’. tarāmu ‘beloved one’; < râmu: to love. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 7– slaves: 1 Tarām < 48 147. Tarām-Agade (ta-ra-am-a-ak-déki) CT 8 29a, BE 6/1 101 ‘The beloved one from Akkad’ (STAMM 1968: 84). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 Tarām: cf. supra 148. Ṭāb(?)-x-rapšu (ṭà-ab-wi(?)-ra-ap-šu) SFS, 98sq ‘Good is the broad....’. Ṭāb < ṭābu: ‘good, sweet’. If the word rapšu can be seen as a word, we can analyse it as: rappšu < rappu: Sta. C. + 3 m. sg. pron. suff. The suffix is here remarkable, since the slave is indicated in the text as a female slave (géme). Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 149. Ṭāb-wēdum-Šu(?) (ṭà-ab-we-du-um šu(?) SFS 118 ‘Good is the/his(?) solitariness’. Ṭāb: cf. supra. Wēdum: ‘single, solitary, abandoned’. Language: Akkadian – attestations: 1– slaves: 1 150. Ulmaššitum-tukulti (dul-maš-ši-tim-tukul-ti) BE 6/1 95 ‘Ulmaššitum is my help’. Ulmaššitum is a form of the goddess Ištar. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1 151. Ummi- Ḥepet (um-mi- dḥe-pé-et) CT 33 41 ‘My mother is epet’. Akkadian/Hurrite name. Ummi: cf. Aja-Ummi. Ḥepet: Hurrite deity mentioned frequently under form Ḥé-pét in rituals from Bogazköy ( GELB ET AL 1943: 216). Used as name forḤ slaves from Subartu (UNGNAD 1936: 137, 99). Language: Akkadian/Subartian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1 152. Ummi-Šamši (um-mi-dutu-ši) CT 2 23 ‘My mother is my sun’ (STAMM 1968: 312). Šamši < šamšu: Sta. C. + 1 c. sg. pron. Suff. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1 153. Ummi-waqrat (um-mi-wa-aq-ra-at) SFS 98sq, SFS 112, SFS 118 ‘My mother is precious’ (STAMM 1968: 294). Language: Akkadian - attestations: 8– slaves: 3 154. Urkitum-lamassi (dur-ki-tum-la-ma-sí) CT 2 41 ‘Urkitum is my protective spirit’. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1 155. Waqar-abi (wa-qar-a-bi) CT 45 27 ‘My father is precious’, (cf. Abum-waqar, RANKE 1905: 174). Hypocoristic name. Waqar < waqāru: ‘to become precious’. Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1 156. Zabbatu (za-ba-tu) VS 9 221 ‘A female ecstatic’ (CDA sub zabbatu). Language: Akkadian - attestations: 1– slaves: 1 157. Zabitum (za-bi-tum) (can also be read sà-bi-tum) PBS 8/2 256 No discussion of this name is to be found. Language: uknown - attestations: 3– slaves: 1 49 158. Zikurtum (zi-ku-ur-tum) CT 8 49a This name can probably brought back to the root zikura, that might have been derived itself from ‘zik’. As root it is prominent in Nuzi PN’s (Gelb et all 1943: 277). The termination –tum might be Akkadian influence in this name. If it has the same meaning as ziki, it can be translated as ‘sister’. Language: unknown - attestations: 1– slaves: 1 B. ETHNOGRAPHY AND UNIQUENESS OF THE SLAVE NAME If we look at the above mentioned group of slaves, of the 332 slaves used for this research, 58% are female slaves, 42% are male. This does not correspond with the remark of Harris that two- thirds of the slaves in Sippar are female (Harris 1975: 333). According to the same author, it is likely that this proportion reflects the real situation, ‘namely the need for, and the predominant interest in, slave girls as members of small households’. Although this idea does sound likely, we have no evidence to proof it. We have to keep in mind that most of the slaves are probably invisible in our sources and it is possible that we are dealing with a more or less 50/50 division between male and female slaves. The idea of female slaves being part of the household sounds plausible, but this confirms the typical view we developed around slavery. We have take on a cautious approach when it comes to this topic. When we turn towards a general overview of the origin of slave names based on the above philological analyses, we can conclude that the Akkadian names (87%) are by far the most popular. Only few can be recognized as Amorite29 (2%), Subarian(0,5%), Hurrite (2%) or West- Semitic (0,5%). 8% of the studied PN’s of slaves have an unknown descent. The diagram below summarizes the results: Akkadian Amorite Hurrite Subarian W-Semitic Unknown If we compare this percentage with the slaves indicated as foreign on the tablets, we come to a remarkable conclusion. Based on the study of the names, 5% of the slaves have a foreign origin. Based on indications on the tablets, 11% of the slaves are indicated as being imported from abroad30. First of all, we can explain this difference by the number of names whose origin we 29 This sub-category of slaves was not indicated in the study of Harris (cf. supra). 30 These two percentages hold the middle between the 7% names of foreign origin that where calculated by Harris (HARRIS 1977: 47). 50 cannot determine. Another possible way of explaining this phenomenon, is that foreign slaves received another name once they arrived at Sippar and were bought into a (new) household. How unique are the slave names? In order to understand the results from the database research, we interpreted a name as unique when it only appears once or when the name only appears in the context of slaves. When a name appears 5 times or more as a name among free people, it was interpreted as a non-slave name. In case a name appears once as a slave name and has between one and four attestations among free people, it was indicated as ‘unclear’. If a slave is manumitted, he usually keeps his/her slave name (cf. infra). If a name appears once as a slave and once as the name of a free person, it might be possible that the person who’s indicated as a free man or woman is in fact a former slave. Masculine and feminine slaves are displayed seperatly in the diagram below. 100 80 60 male slaves 40 female slaves 20 0 Slave PN Free-PN Uknown PN The study of the names confirms the different patterns in male and female names, but the pattern is not as outspoken as Harris stated in her article. PN’s that appear under the free population are more common with male slaves (39%) than with female slave names (only 18%). Unique slave names appear more often in the female slave population (62%), but half of the male slaves (50%) have unique names, too. A large number of female slaves have a name we cannot place into one of these two groups (20%), while this is the case with only a small amount of male slaves (11%). C. THY NAME IS SLAVE? In conclusion, we see that there were typical slave names, more for women than for men, but slaves could also have names used by free men or women, or could keep their foreign name. Based on the numbers, Harris explained the overlap of male names by stating that enslaved men kept their ‘free’ name, whereas the overlap of the female names is explained as manumitted women keeping their slave name. We wonder whether both might be explained in the same way, slaves keeping their names when freed, which would mean a large number of male manumitted slaves, because they have the largest overlap. Classical antiquity shows that this is very well possible (KAJANTO 1982: 73-78). 51 The reason for - at least some - foreign slaves to keep their name is less easy to fathom. Harris cites an interesting example of three Subarian slaves, two men and a woman bought together. The woman has a Subarian name but the two men have Akkadian names. Harris supposes the woman was their mother and thus an adult, which would imply that the two males were children whose name was exchanged with an Akkadian one. Hence her conclusion that where adults kept their names, those of children would normally change. Slaves were renamed when they were bought, but then disappeared from the written record, since only very rarely, they were sold again (SNELL 1997: 21). If they lived long enough they could be mentioned in inheritance contracts. The house-born slaves would in principle never be mentioned in the written documentation unless on rare occasions they were sold or mentioned on grounds of inheritance. We have no idea how large this group is, but simple logic and biology would suggest they were the most numerous group of slaves. It is ironic that the most frequent should be the most hidden (hiding their typical slave names from us, too) but this is not infrequent in Assyriological matters. 52 ‘The second major feature of the ritual enslavement involved the changing of the slave’s name’ (PATTERSON 1982: 54). IV. CONSTRUCTION OF SLAVE NAMES A. SLAVE NAMES ACCORDING TO STAMM Stamm has already devoted a special section to slave names in his still fundamental study on the Babylonian onomasticon (1968: §41, 307 sq.), showing that slave names often differed from the names of free persons. According to Stamm, the names belong to the class of the ‘nachgebildeten Namen’, containing requirements, statements of confidence and praise towards the master or mistress of the slaves. Rarely, a wish towards the donor of the slave is expressed, and complaints towards the slave owner are even more exceptional (STAMM 1968: 308). In his sometimes ‘too involved and formalistic classification of the names’ (STOL 1991: 191), Stamm distinguishes five subgroups of slave names, based on their content and meaning. The first group contains names expressing desire and requests of the slave towards the master (e.g. Bēli-libluṭ). Stronger are the pleas towards the master (e.g. Naplisi-bēlti). Another possibility is the utterance of confidence (e.g. Atkal-ana-bētli) or praise towards the master (e.g. Bēlti- magirat). A last group assembles the slave names which cannot be placed in any of the above mentioned groups (e.g. Ina-qāti-bēli-lumḥur). Theophoric elements are not uncommon, especially the name particle ili (my god), referring to the master of the slave rather that to a personal ‘patron saint’ (STAMM 1968: 73, cf. infra) appears regularly. With the exception of about ten names, the slave names studied in the administrative accounts of Sippar are each attested only once or twice. The list of slave names we can indicate as ‘popular’, because they have more than two attestations, is given below. We have to remark that in five of these cases, we are dealing with slaves exclusively mentioned in the tablets of the SFS publication. These tablets are not dated and possibly, we are dealing with the same slave(s) in all three attestations (98, 112 and 118). Abum- Ištar-damqat (CT 33 38, CT 45 27, BDHP 20) 48 59) Abi-liburrambāni (CT (CT 8 4529b, 27, CT CT 4547 6,54, CT CT 48 47 30,78) CT Ištar-ummi (SFS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118) Ana- -taklaku (CT 8 24b, CT 6 7a, SFS 112) -bēltim ŠamašNarāmtum- (SFS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118) 48 30) Bēli dūri (SGS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118) nūri (CT 2 23, CT 8 22b, CT 28 27b, CT Erištum (SFS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118) Ummi-waqrat (SFS 98, SFS 112, SFS 118). Ili-imdi (CT 8 16a, MHET 106, VS 8 52/53) Most of these ‘popular’ names belong to the feminine slave names, except for the first mentioned slave Abum-bāni and in some attestations, abi-liburram (cf. infra). 53 The uniqueness of the names leads to the idea that there might have been a central office for name registration, both for free people and slaves (Harris 1972: 120). A list of hundreds of names found in the city of Sippar (CT 6 15-18) might confirm this idea. B. SUB-CATEGORIES AMONG SIPPARIAN SLAVES For the classification and interpretation of the sub-categories of slaves descending from the city of Sippar, we have decided to mainly follow the division made by Stamm. As a main scheme, we will split names up into five groups. The large fifth category of names will be subdivided into several new categories. These categories are based on the paragraphs 11 and 35 in the work of Stamm31. Under the categories ‘Das prädikative Element’ (§11, 103 sq.) and ‘Zärtlichkeitsnamen’ (§ 35, 250 sq.), numerous slave names are mentioned which are not part of the analyses of slave PN names in §41. A. WISHES AND PRAYERS TOWARDS THE MASTER The names belonging to the first category are mainly built around the verbs balāṭum (to live), bâru (be happy, be cheerful), barû (to see), šalāmu (to be healty), nawāru (to shine) and uṣṣuru (to protect). Since the names express a wish, the verbs are usually conjugated as a precative or participium. lū + stative, and in some rare cases, as a < liblu < bal Eg. A -liblu Balātum ṭ Bâru ṭat ḥi -baštiṭ (M6) (F 101) < liburam Barû < liburramlībūr Eg. Lībūr < libura Eg. Abi-libura (F3) < ludarat Daru - < ludāri < liwwirlū dāri Eg. Eulmaš-liwwir (F64) < lišlim Nawāru < lušalim -šalim Eg. Lišlim (F 103) Šalāmu < u Eg. Šamaš- -u U < ulū 93) ṣri wēdam ṣur (M ṣṣuru ṣur 31 For each division, a reference will be made to the paragraph of the work of Stamm (Stamm 1968). 54 B. QUESTIONS FORMULATED TO THE MASTER A smaller category of slave names expresses questions from the slaves towards their master. The types of requests vary heavily and are summarized by Stamm in § 22 (166 sq.). Four of these ‘Bitten’ categories are used for slaves. The grammatical forms used for these names vary, too. The first ones are the ‘request for being heard and being granted mercy’ (§ 22 1a). The verbs used to construct this type of names are šemû (to hear), amāru (to see), ḥâtu (to look at) and naplāsu (to look). < amranni < amri Amāru -gimilla-Šamaš The second group of slave PN’s in this category contains requests for reconciliation of the angry gods (§ 22 1c). Napšaru (to release free), târu (to turn, return), nasḥuru (to protect), pašāḥu (to cool down, to rest), nâḥu (to rest) and salāmu (to become at peace) are the elements we expect to find in these names. Nâ < nu Not documented in Sippar Napšaruḥu < napšuruḥ < līnūḥ < napšir Eg. Šamaš- Nas < našhiramnapširam/napšēram < našhir Not documentednapšēram in Sippar (M89) ḥuru < piša < paša Not documented in Sippar Pašāḥu < silimḥ < silmuḥ Not documented in Sippar TâruSalāmu < turam Not documented in Sippar Another group of requests from slaves towards their masters are those begging for rescue and assistance (§ 22 1f). Six elements form the basis of this group of slave PN names: šūzubu (to save, resolve), apālu (to pay answer) , ṣabātu (qāti) (to seize, take hold), kullu (to hold), nazāzu (to make a swishing sound) and napāšu (to breath). āpili (VS 13 32) 55 Kullu < kila < killanni < killinni Not documented in Sippar < Lippuš < Luppuš Napāšu < pušqi Not documented in Sippar < izizam < izziza Not documented in Sippar Nazāzu < < ṣabātu (qāti) < ṣābitabat Not documented in Sippar <šuzibṣabātu < šezibṣ Šūzubu < šuzibanni Not documented in Sippar The negative requests are the last category of names and correspond to Stamm’s category § 22 3. For this category of names, it is not possible to put forward specific verbs. C. STATEMENTS OF TRUST TOWARDS THE MASTER Another category of names which among others express the relationship between the slave and his/her master, are the statements of trust expressed by the slave. The name elements used for these names come from the category of religious names of trust (§ 25 2) built around the element qâlu (to lighten) , puqqu (to pay attention to) , bašu uzni (to be, to let happen) and takālu ( to trust). Names constructed in the form dNN-relatives (§ 29) also are part of this group, together with the names of the type Itti-Sin-milki (§ 31). Qâlu < aqal Not documented in Sippar Puqqu < upaq < upaqu D. PRAISE FOR THE MASTER A last large category of names are those glorifying their masters. In contrast with the categories mentioned above, these names are built up around words and stative forms of verbs, rather than regular verbs. The most common forms are bani (good, mercyfull) , damiq (good, be good), ṭāb (good, sweet) , dan (strong), rabi ( big), le’I (to be a ble, powerful) and na’id (to be strong). 56 Eg. Abum- Damiq Eg. Damiq-Marduk (M20) DanBāni Eg. Dan- Bāni (M1) Na’id Not documented in Sippar Le’i Not documentedēmissa (F in 62) Sippar Rabi - -rabi (F 119) - -Šu(?) (F 148) Eg. Nadān bēlti Furthermore,tāb the names without exact equivalents in the statementsEg. Tāb (§ 32wēdum 1c) and the category are indicated as ‘praise names’ (§33 1). E. SMALL CATEGORIES OF SLAVE PN’S Having studied the four large categories of names, we conclude that only 83% of the slave names are now accounted for. Of course, we have to keep in mind that for 27 names, that are 10%, it is impossible to place them into above mentioned categories, as no translation of the name is known. Keeping this in mind, we can still conclude that 7% of the names are missing. Stamm places all these names into the category ‘others’. Is it possible, nonetheless, to distinguish further types among these names? A closer look at these names shows that it is possible to categorize them into about six groups. 1. Expression of Tenderness The name ‘desire’ or erištum is documented no less than three times (SFS 98, 112 and 118). The names Ḥunābatum (VS 9 63/64) and Narubtum (BAP 3) can both be translated as ‘the juicy’, while Huzālatum means ‘little gazelle’ (CT 45 27). These names give us a little insight in the popular (?) names used to indicate a beloved one. Of course, the name Narāmtum (SFS 98, 112, 118), ‘darling’, could have been used, too. In certain cases, the object of tenderness is mentioned in the name itself: Mutum-rāmā: ‘loves the husband’ (CT 2 23). 2. Praise for physical defaults Some male slaves mentioned on the inheritance document CT 45 79 wear names that refer to their physical condition. Questions can rise about the physical condition of a slave who is named ‘cripple’, or in Akkadian: kubbulum. The same goes for the female slave mentioned in CT 45 27, where the word Ḥummurum is used to identify (?) the slave as being cripple. A bad skin condition might have been the inspiration for the slave name on CT 47 58: Maštum or ‘itchy skin’. A headache might have been the basis for the name mentioned on SFS 112: sag.gig-nuttum, ‘the headache is ours’. The eye problem of ‘squinting’ is represented by the female slave name Sarriqum/Zarriqum (CT 6 33a). 57 3. Reference to the character and intellect of slaves Examples of this subcategory can be found in the female slave name Munawwirtum (Dalley, Iraq 42): ‘The brightener’. In the same category we can place Pīḥātum (CT 47 65) or ‘responsibility’ and Rībatum (BDHP 14): ‘compensation’. The cleverness of a slave is the central reference in tablet CT 6 7a: Šaratta-Šīmātim: ‘the clever acting queen’. Less positive is the slave name ‘karṣum’ (CT 45 79), which can be translated as ‘(to) slander’. 4. References to animals and plants On tablet BE 6/1 58, one male slave is named after a young sheep: kalūmum, which can be translated as ‘lamb’. Among the feminine slaves, we find a slave named after vermin: Ḥamaṣīrum (OLA 21 71) or Ḥumaṣīrum (SFS 98), meaning ‘mouse’ or, possibly, ‘small rat’. In the female name Šallūrtum we find a reference to fruit: ‘a fruit, most likely a plum’ (CT 8 5a). Or should we categorize this expression as one of tenderness? 5. Names with geographical elements The female slave in tablet CT 74 30 carries a name that refers to Inanna of the Kiš (Inanna-Kiš- ummi). Kaniš is the city the slave woman of CT 6 7a, named kanišītum, comes from. Among the female slaves we find another reference: Amāt-Amurrum (Dalley, Iraq 42): servant of the Amorites, the god Amurru. Of course, we also find slaves whose name carries references to the city of Sippar, e.g. Mār-Sippar (CT 45 6). Although Harris states in her article that there are no gentiles or toponymics among the male slave names (Harris 1977: 47), we did find one masculine slave whose name clearly refers to a city or a region. Although these elements are more popular among female slaves, there is no large difference with the masculine slaves. These names clearly indicate the home of the slave or, less likely, the origin of the name-giver of the slave. 6. Signs of imprisonment One male slave mentioned in a list of slaves on tablet CT 2 23 is named Asīrum, ‘a captive, prisoner of war’. His name might refer to the way he ended up in slavery. Another name that might reflect this way of imprisonment is that of the male slave Gal(l)ûm. When this name is written with only one letter ‘l’, it refers to a demon. But we do can interpret it written as Galûm, meaning ‘deportee’. C. MALE NAMES FOR FEMALE SLAVES A remarkable phenomenon we see among feminine slaves is the appearance of typical free names…of masculine people. Of the 157 studied female names studies, 11 examples belong to this special category: 58 Abi-mara Ili- Ali-a ṣ (CT 47 67) Ittidumqī-Šamaš (BE-milki 6/1 (VS 58) 8 12/13) Annumḥi (CT-pîša 47 (BAP 65) 107) Saniq-pîša (CT 48 2) Sarriqum (CT 6 31b) Ḥamaṣīrum (OLA 21 71) Šamaš- ḤummurumIli- (CT 45 27) nūri (CT 2 23) bāšti (BE 6/1 95) The names Annum-pîša and Saniq-pîša are hypocoristic names. Other than that, we cannot distinguish any connection between these names. This phenomenon does not occur among the masculine slave names. Based on research of names of free people in the Sippar database, we do know that several names can be worn by both man and women, e.g. Mattatum, Nuratum, etc. Nevertheless, this is rather exceptional. Among the slave names, we only find one example of this type of name: Abi- libura/Abi-liburam. D. THEOPHORIC ELEMENTS IN SLAVE PN’S Stamm observed that generally, especially male deities appear more frequently in the names of female slaves than in names of free women (STAMM 1968: 309). A detailed study concerning theophoric elements in the personal names in the city Sippar is carried out by Harris (1972: 102, KOBAYASHI 1980: 70, 72). 70% of all names refer to gods belonging to the official pantheon. More specifically, gods are represented as following: 20%: Šamaš, 15% Sin, 5,5% Adad, 5% Ištar, 4% Ea and Enlil, 3,5% for Marduk, Nanna, Aja, while only 2% for Nabium and Amurru. Other important gods of Mesopotamia occur only rarely in Sippar names. Based on a study including several families, Harris concludes that the choice of a PN is not related to a family’s faithfulness to one particular deity (HARRIS 1972: 104). Is this reflected in the theophoric elements of the slave PN’s? The references we find among the slave names of Sippar do refer to the Gods of the official pantheon (cf. scheme below), representing 89% of the theophoric names. Three gods of the official pantheon are not represented at all in the slave names: Ea, Enlil and Nabium. Whether there is a specific reason for this, remains unclear. The phenomenon of theophoric name elements appears in Sippar during the whole OB period. At first sight, we cannot make a chronological distinction. A general tendency is that the masculine slave PN’s refer to male deities, however there are some exceptions. E.g. the male slave Nanā-ibnīšu (OLA 21 39), whose name refers to the goddess Mār-Ištar, referring to the goddess of love, war and fertility. The feminine slave PN’s generally refer to feminine deities Nanā,such a mainlys Aja, Kabta, worshipped Illabrat, in etc.Uruk, The and only the exceptionsslave appearing are made in BAP here 97, for the city god of Sippar, Šamaš, and for the three main male gods: Adad, Marduk and Sîn. In some cases, the slave names containing a theophoric element are combined with name elements which are common among the free people’s names, such as wardu or ṣillu. These 59 elements, however, are combined with deities we do not find among the free population. This confirms the conclusions Harris put forward in her study on slave names (HARRIS 1977: 47). When it comes to the occurrence of theophoric elements, there is a major difference between masculine and feminine slave names. While more than half of the male slave PN’s contain a theophoric element (53% or 61 of 116 names), only less than a quarter (24,5% or 39 names out of 157) of the female names do. An overview is given below: MALE SLAVE PN FEMALE SLAVE PN Ilu/ilum/ili/dingir 18 8 Šamaš 23 4 Marduk 4 1 Aja 0 10 Sîn 5 2 Adad 2 4 Ištar 1 6 Kalkal 1 0 Lamma 1 0 Nabû 1 0 Nana 1 0 Išara 1 0 Agade 1 0 Irra 1 0 Illabrat 0 1 Eulmaš 0 1 Ningal 0 1 Kabta 0 1 Jašub 1 0 How can this phenomenon be explained? At first sight, there is no plausible explanation, as it might also occur in the names of free people, and might thus be a typical phenomenon for OB names. The frequency of the appearance of deities is quite similar in slave names and names of free people32. At first sight, the difference between the male and female slave names we can generally observe is in this case, too, unexplainable. We can suggest that it was only fashion playing a role in the selection of a slave name, as it is attested on numerous occasions in the study of nadītu names (HARRIS 1972: 103). A large number of names expresses wishes on behalf of the master or mistress, interpreted by Kobayashi as a theophorous element also (KOBAYASHI 1980: 68). Beside the name elements bēlu, ‘master’, and bēltu, ‘mistress’, we see the appearance of many a reference to relatives, such as ‘abu’ (father), ‘ummu’ (mother), ‘aḥu’ (brother), ‘aḥātu’ (sister) etc. These name elements express the close relationship that existed between the slave and the owner or the owner’s fine sterling qualities. The references to the slave owner and his family mainly appear in the period before Samsu-Iluna33, as Stamm already remarked (STAMM 1968: 307). Certain elements such as lamassu and baštu predominate among these names. Names composed with the element bâru, ‘to stay in good health or repair’, are particularly well-represented in the onomasticon. 32 The statistics were created by Harris. An overview is given in her article of 1972 (HARRIS 1972: 102). 33 This can also be said of the adoption of slaves. All these documents are mainly occurring in the period before king Samsu-Iluna. 60 The almost complete disappearance of such references after this earlier period, suggests that the paternalistic and more personal relationship of the owners to slaves gave way to a more impersonal attitude, perhaps linked to the importation of foreign slaves. A slight difference between the masculine and feminine slave names can be conceived and is summarized in the scheme below: MALE SLAVE PN FEMALE SLAVE PN 2 23 Relatives (abu, a 14 24 Bēlu/bēltu ḥu, etc.) While we find only 16 cases or 14% among the male slave names, it is twice as much present among feminine slaves: 30% or 47 of 157 studied female slave names. Can we put forward a hypothesis for this phenomenon? As has been generally assumed, female slaves were among other things used for household tasks or functioned as a second wife for the mistresses’ husband. In order to emphasize their subservient position, they were given a name that glorified their master. Maybe it was also used to let the slaves understand how ‘happy’ they should be to have found such a master or mistress. This, however, could also count for the male slaves, and we cannot explain why this phenomenon doesn’t occur with male slave names. E. SLAVES AND NADĪTU PRIESTESSES Throughout this dissertation, we’ve already mentioned several times that nadītu priestesses have an important role in slave documents. They might have had some importance in the slave trade, but in the first place, they dealt in slaves because they were alone and needed personnel. Harris notes the frequent appearance of the god Aja in the names of slaves whose mistress is a nadītu priestess (HARRIS 1975: 350). Can we confirm the same for the slave names of Sippar? Are there more patterns to identify the involvement of a nadītu in slave transactions? Overview of the slave names of nadītu priestesses: MALE SLAVE PN FEMALE SLAVE PN Adad- Abi-libura(m) (CT 47 54, CT 47 78) A -umma-[…] (CT 48 62) A ni (Dalley 1979) Ana- mālik-Šamaš (CT (CT 47 47 30/a) 63) A -šakim (CT 6 7a) ḥi -Epiri (BE 6/1 62) Ajaḥatā-baniti (VS 13 34) Ebabbarpī - mur (CT 8 29c) Ajaḥi-idišmi (TJDB 10-13) Bēliî-Amir-Šamaš (CT 47 52) Aja-lamassi (VS 8 99/100, TJDB 10-13) Iddin-AdadLū (BDHP 63) Aja-g milat (TCL I 90) IliḤad-matar (CT 8 42b) Aja- m ni (TJDB 10-13) Ili-Rimeanni (CT 8 15c) Aja-Šemeatā (MHET 18) Ina- -Šamaš Aja-rēddinamē (MHET 224) Iplatassu (OLA 21 90) Aja-Tillati (CT 47 48) qāti-er Aja-ummitā (CT 6 7a) Lamma-muballi Aja-ummi-alittim (CT 47 30) ŠalliMār-Lumpurṣētim (BA (BE 56/1 11, 116) CT 47 61/a) t-amurrum (Dalley 1979) Šamaš-na ṭ (CT 4 48a) Am t-Sîn (BE 6/1 32) Šamaš-napšeram (CT 8 42b) AmiAmā- Šamaš- ḥrari- (VSu 9 114/115) Anaā- - T 6 7a) ṣabti (CT 8 35b) wēdam ṣur (VS 13 34) bēlti taklāku (C 61 -ana-Marduk (BE 6/1 116) Ana-Šamaš-terri (CT 6 7a) Annunitum-ummi (OLA 21 2, CT 8 6a) Taklāku Annun-pîša (BAP 107) Aštumu (BE 6/1 116) Atkalšum-liblu Belti-malê (CT 2 41) qtum (CT ṭ8 (Dalley 43c) 1979) Dan- DummuqDamī - ēmissabatum (Dalley(VS 9 63/64) 1979) Iltani (Dalleybēltim 1979) (CT 8 43c) InannaḤunā -Kiš-ummi (CT 47 30) Ina- -bašti (VS 9 109/110) Ippalatum (TCL I 176) Ištarīn-damqat (CT 33 38, BDHP 20, Dalley 1979) Jamru -ilum (CT 6 7a) Kititum-ha ) Kutibiṣṣi (CT 8 25a) Lalabitum (BAPṣirat (CT107) 6 7a ni (CT 48 61) r-bašti (VS 9 101/110) LišlimLamassā (CT 8 20a) MadLībū-dumuqša (Dalley 1979) Maštum (CT 47 58) Munawwirtum (Dalley 1979) Mutatum n- -rabi (CT 6 7a) Narubtum (BAP 3) NinNadāgal-ummibēlti (VS 9 144/145) Sadir-dummuqša (CT 45 18, CT 45 37) Sîn-e[…] (BDHP 63) Šalla-beltim-manni (CT 6 33a) Šamaš-lamassi (CT 8 5a) Šamaš- Šarrat - tašimatim (CT 6 7a) Šîma-a nūri (CT 8 22b) Takil- nuša (CT 6 7a) m-ḥātiAda (CTd (CT 47 6 30) 7a) Zikurtumbā (CT 8 49a) Tarā First of all, we observe a large number of female slaves that can be linked to nadītu priestesses; a total number of 57 or 76% of the total slave population linked to these priestesses. This phenomenon can be explained in two ways: it is not uncommon for a nadītu priestess to receive slaves as a gift at the moment she enters the gagûm. The gagûm was a place where solely priestesses lived, even though in many cases, the supervisor of the nadītu was as man. In my opinion, it is more logical to choose for female slaves when they have to help in the household of the nadītu and when the slave has to live in a community mainly consisting of women (if we can suppose, of course, that the slave stayed there). Nadītu priestesses also adopted slaves, always women, in order to secure care in their old days if there was no family that might take up this role. We have to suppose that for this care, the nadītu preferred a feminine slave, probably with an emphasis on household tasks, like we know it from the classic view of slavery. According to 62 Harris, it was a common practice among nadītu priestesses to marry off the slave girl and thus receive the bridal gift (the tirḥatu) from her husband (Harris 1975: 337), a practice that was also common other slave owners, e.g. CT 8 30/a. When we look at the tablets studied for this dissertation, we have to raise the question if this was indeed a common practice, since not many attestations where found. If we now return to our question and look at the names of the slaves owned, traded or hired out by nadītu, we can conclude that the references to god(s) are present in 59% of all names, a much higher percentage compared with to normal occurrence. This phenomenon is easily explainable: if the mistress is a priestess dedicated to Šamaš or possibly Marduk, we can suppose she prefers a slave name in which a god protects her servant. As the list above clearly proves this, might we assume the nadītu renamed her slaves after they came into her possession? The goddess Aja, consort of Šamaš, the patron deity of Sippar, is represented by a high percentage among the slave girls belonging to nadītu priestesses (HARRIS 1977: 49). Looking at the slave names in general (cf. chapter 2), we concluded that all the feminine slaves who have Aja in their name, are in the possession of a nadītu. As this assumption is only based on ten tablets, it remains risky to generalize this trend. Harris mentions that these slaves were also named by the nadītu priestesses. Although we can clearly plead for this idea, we cannot find evidence for it. But having Aja in their name is not compulsory, as the list above shows. Twelve of the female slaves have a name which can be indicated as typical for a nadītu priestess. It is highly remarkable that a person with the lowest possible social status received a name that is typical for the upper class of society. It is significant that not one of these names belongs to a slave owned by a nadītu. Harris suggests that these are ‘perhaps slave girls who were originally free woman sold into slavery by their father or husbands’ (Harris 1972: 49). A summary of typical priestess names among slaves is given in the overview below34. We have no evidence to confirm the hypotheses suggested by Harris, nor can we find another explanation for this phenomenon. A ssunu (OLA 21 73) Munawwirtum (Dalley 1979) -Aja (CT 2 24) ḥā Narubtum (BAP 3) HiššatumAwāt (SFS 98) NuNarāmtum (SFS 98, 112, 118) Damīqtum (CT 4 43q, CT 8 43c) Iltani (Dalley 1979) ṭṭuptum CT(CT 8 8 5a) 29a) Ḥuzālatum (CT 45 27) Rībatum (BDHP 14) Šallūrtum ( F. CONCLUSION Slave names certainly hold some specific characteristics, such as praise towards their master/mistress. In slave names, common name parts are used in a creative way, hence the large number of unique names (cf. chapter 2). Unless Stamm’s classification of slave names was reckoned too formalistic by Stol, we show that it is still very usefully today, and that the slaves of Sippar mainly belong into the scheme that was put forward by Stamm. We could remark, based on the Sipparian slave names, that his second category ‘questions formulated to the masters’ is 34 All names presented in the scheme appear in at least two different tablets as nadītu woman (lukur dutu) in the Sippar database. A small scale study concerning the names nadītu names was published by Harris (Harris 1962: 1-12). 63 too large. It has four sub categories, but only few slave names from Sippar fit into the category. In the fifth category of Stamm, it is clearly possible to distinguish at least five sub categories. All of these categories of names are known among the names of the free population. We can distinguish numerous differences between the masculine and female slave names. Although we can describe these patterns, it is hard to find an explanation for them. It seems that the choice of the servile name was largely made by the slave owner, who has free rein it its selection, as was suggested by Harris (Harris 1977: 51). The chosen name either represents a self-image of the owner or serves as an expression of personal piety and/or dedication to a particular deity. Theophoric elements are largely present among slave PN’s, but there is a remarkable difference in the patterns of male and female slave names. In many cases, these theophoric names refer to slaves who are in the possession of nadītu priestesses, who might have felt the urge to name reference to a God in their slave names, as a means of (extra?) protection. Among the large number of female slaves, many carry the name Aja, the wife of the main god of Sippar, Šamaš – the god most of the priestesses are dedicated to. 64 ‘1 sag.ìr PN mu.ni.im’ = ‘one slave from now on being called PN’? V. ON THE MEANING OF MU.NI.IM In many Old-Babylonian administrative and legal documents dealing with slaves, the name of the slave, often written on the first line of the text, since (s)he is the object of the transaction, is preceded by 1 sag.ìr/sag.géme and followed by mu.ni.im. These are both Sumerian expressions, meaning ‘1 (head of35) slave, PN is his/her name’. The mu.ni.im, however, only appears in less than half of the contracts about slaves. The object of this study is to find out whether this variation is in some way meaningful; we start with the assumption that it is. As a general principle, we consider that the scribes did not use formulas lightly and that the presence or absence of certain words or expressions is indicative of different situations. What, then, might be a plausible explanation of the presence or absence of mu.ni.im? Can it add to our current understanding of slavery in ancient Mesopotamia? The adjunction mu.ni.im is attested already before the Old Babylonian period. In the corpus of UR III documents, 61 attestations36 can be found, mainly in contracts such as sales contracts. The wording is identical with that in the Old Babylonian documents: 1 SAG + specification37 PN mu.ni.im. It is clear that in all cases, this refers to a slave. As far as we can see, in this period, mu.ni.im is added in all cases. The existence of various versions with and without it is typically Old Babylonian. A. WHAT DOES THE TERM MU.NI.IM IMPLY? Schorr was the first to comment on this formula, linking it to slave status. He remarked that in adoption texts, slaves and free persons can be distinguished. Contrary to the free adoptees, the names of the slave adoptees are preceded by sag.ìr/géme and followed by mu.ni.im (SCHORR 1913: 43-44). In his study on adoption, David understood the term as a designation for people who not only were slaves but also descended from slaves. In this way, he suggested that it had the same identifying function as a patronymic for free people (DAVID 1927: 68-69). Ellis disagrees with David. In her comments on an Old Babylonian adoption document from Harmal, she devotes a section to mu.ni.im. She concludes that this term never indicates slave status, it simply means “...PN by name, or ‘a certain PN’ (ELLIS 1975: 139-140). Her interpretation is based on one text, IM 63303, which she publishes in her article. A young girl (sikil.tur PN mu.ni.im) is adopted by a lady (ana marūtiša...ilqeši) in return for sustenance. The girl is given up for adoption by her family (mother and brother), not by an ‘owner’, which leads Ellis to the conclusion that she cannot be a slave. If she is not a slave, it means that the indication mu.ni.im 35 193). 36 Basedrēšum on(the the Akkadian available equivalent text corpus of ofsag) the could CDLI probably(Cuneiform mean Digital slave Library on its own,Initiative). according The textsto Stol are (1991: mainly from the cities of: Nippur, Waliyah, Ur and Umma. 37 The most common forms: SAG.MUNUS, SAG.NITA, SAG.MÍ.ÀM. 65 can be applied to free persons too. We tend to interpret this text differently. The family gives the young girl to the adopting lady as a slave. Since the text has no manumission clause, it is as a slave that the girl will sustain the lady as long as she lives. The text has a ‘no claim clause’, typical for manumitted slaves, meaning the descendants of the lady don’t have the right to claim the girl. This can only mean that after the lady’s demise, the girl is free. If this interpretation holds, there is no reason to dissociate mu.ni.im from the slave status. All remarks that have been made until now focused on mu.ni.im as an indicator of social status. Nothing more needs to be added to this topic: it is attached to the names of slaves only, pace Ellis. The remarks made do not explain why, in a number of cases, mu.ni.im is not added to the name of persons who are slaves. Another approach is needed here. B. SLAVE NAMES AND THE APPEARANCE OF MU.NI.IM The study of slave PN names in chapter II concludes that on the one hand, typical slave names – more for women than for men – existed. On the other hand, slaves could also have names typically used by free men or women or keep their foreign name. Without any doubt, based on the numbers, Harris explained the overlap of male names by stating that enslaved men kept their ‘free’ name, whereas the overlap of the female names is explained as manumitted women keeping their slave name. We would expect to find some indication in the names themselves: if a new name was given, then we could expect this to be a typical slave name. This would be easiest to ascertain in the case of female names. What information do we have? FEMALE SLAVES SLAVE PN NON SLAVE PN UNKNOWN PN TOTAL With mu.ni.im 11 6 4 22 Without 80 25 28 133 Broken 2 0 0 2 Total 96 31 30 157 The small number of ladies with ‘normal’ names followed by mu.ni.im is worth a further examination. The first woman is Aḥatani, who was sold in As 10 (CTMMA 1, 54). Beside the association of her name with mu.ni.im, we learn that she comes from the city Namesu There are two other slaves with the same name. One was manumitted and adopted under Apil-Sîn (CT 8 29a), the other is part of a donation probably dated under Samsu-Iluna (Dalley, Iraq 42).ḥ. These two references do not have the mu.ni.im, neither do they refer to a foreign origin. The first reference can be interpreted as a foreign slave receiving a new (not typically slave) name. In the two other cases, no need is felt to change her name. Also, the slave Ili-qāti (CT 8 27a), bought by a physician, is said to have descended from ‘between the rivers’. The third woman carries the name Lamassāni, which is certainly not a typical slave name. Many nadītum priestesses of Šamaš bear this name and one might wonder why it was given to a slave (cf. Chapter III). The text (CT 48 61) is very broken but seems to involve buying a slave as a secondary wife. Might that be the reason her name was changed to a ‘non-slave’ one? 66 A comparable situation occurs on the tablets CT 4 43a and CT 8 43c, where we find another slave wearing a typical nadītu name: Damīqtum. In tablet OLA 21 2, we meet Annunītum-ummi 38, a house born slave purchased by the nadītu Amat-Mamu from another priestess named ŠI-ŠU-IA(?)-madātim. Because we deal with a houseborn slave, probably having extra privileges, they might have chosen to give her a not- slave name. The last slave of this category is named Šîma-aḥāti (CT 47 30). She appears in a will in which a father gives numerous goods to his daughter, among others parts of a house, cattle, grinding stones, etc. The girl had to indicate an heir between her brothers. This name is again a name known as a nadītu in an unpublished tablet (BM 82095). The results of the feminine slaves are comparable with those of the male slaves. An overview is given below: MALE SLAVES SLAVE PN NON SLAVE PN UNKNOWN PN TOTAL With mu.ni.im 7 8 3 18 Without 50 33 13 96 Broken 1 1 0 2 Total 58 42 16 116 Slaves could be renamed when they were bought. However, then they would disappear from the written record, since only very rarely, they were sold again (SNELL 1997: 21). If they lived long enough they could be mentioned in inheritance contracts. The house-born slaves would in principle never be mentioned in the written documentation unless they were sold, which is very rare, or mentioned in the context of inheritances. We have no idea how many they were, but simple logic and biology would suggest they were the most numerous group of slaves. It is ironic that the most frequent should be the most hidden (hiding their typical slave names from us too), however, this is not infrequent in matters Assyriological. The reason for –at least some – foreign slaves to keep their name is less easy to fathom. Harris (HARRIS 1975: 340) cites an interesting example of three Subarian slaves, two men and a woman bought together. The woman has a Subarian name, but the two men have Akkadian names. Harris assumes the woman was their mother and thus an adult, which would imply that the two male were children, whose name was changed to an Akkadian name. Hence her conclusion that where adult names would stay the same, those of children would normally be changed. C. THE CORPUS Of the 175 tablets in our corpus39, 40 tables or 15% have the specification mu.ni.im, 229 or 83% do not, and on 4 of them, the relevant part of the tablet is broken. A look at the genres is instructive: 38 Although Harris suggested this name is a typical slave name (Harris 1975: 333), it is used among free people, too. E.g. On tablet MHET 234, one of the witnesses listens to this name, while it is the name of the renter in MHET 294. These two activities cannot be connected with people with a slave status. 39 Slaves are also mentioned in 88 letters, but the addition mu.ni.im never occurs in those. Since they do not tell us anything concerning our study, we have left them out, too for this case study. 67 GENRE TOTAL MU.NI.IM NO MU.NI.IM BROKEN Adoption- 7 3 3 1 manumission Donation 20 5 15 0 Dowry 5 0 5 0 Exchange 1 1 0 0 Inheritance 52 6 44 2 Hire 13 3 10 0 List 4 0 4 0 Litigation 17 1 14 0 Purchase 39 24 11 4 Silver Loan 5 0 5 0 Wedding 3 2 0 1 Total 16540 46 111 8 The only clear opposition is to be found in the genres of dowries, lists, exchange contracts and silver loans. There is no clear-cut distinction for the other genres, however, some tendencies can be observed. A first general remark is that the expression often seems to be used in a context that implies a change of ownership of the slave. This is the case in sales, exchanges, donations, inheritances or wedding gifts. In rents, lists and litigations, there is no transfer of property, neither is there in dowries (lists of existing property that will be handed over in the future). It is quite interesting to see that in CT 2 23 (unfortunately undated), among other properties, a list is given of no less than 13 males and just as many female slaves without the mention of mu.ni.im. Nevertheless, there does not seem to be an absolute rule that governs the use of the specification mu.ni.um. We will now discuss and examine the different genres and try to find out whether an interpretation of the mu.ni.im as an indication of name change is possible or even plausible. A. ADOPTION-MANUMISSION All of the documents without mu.ni.im are adoptions and manumissions in exchange for support (CT 8 48a ( with the traditional clauses in case one of the parties reneges. A last document, CT 48 46 ( a freeing andḤa), is CTdestined 8 29a/b for (As). temple Two functions. other documents Unfortunately, (eg. BE the6/1 relevant 17 (As) areline simple end is adoptionsbroken. It would seem that the explicitly stated manumission makes the difference. It is only whenḤa), the is slave really enters the family that a name change is operated. When he or she is merely freed, this is not necessary. This would also sustain the idea that a change of status from slave to free person did not necessarily entail a change of name. 40 As mentioned above, the study of the slave onomasticon included 175 tablets. 10 tablets are unidentified in genre. None of these tablets contain mu.ni.im. They were excluded from this overview, which means we studied 165 tablets for the mu.ni.im case. 68 B. DONATION Only in 5 out of 20 documents, the mu.ni.im is mentioned after the slave name. There is a change of ownership which also fits into the mu.ni.im and name change theory. But why does it not occur in 15 other examples? Let’s start with having a look at a remarkable tablet. The donation CT 45 79 (n.d.) from a father to his nadītum daughter is particularly interesting. Among other property, two female and two male slaves are given and only both of the males are specified by mu.ni.im. All have unusual, i.e. slave names: Kubbulum= lame (quttulu Holma), Kartsu= calumny(?). In two of the three other father-daughter donations, no mu.ni.im is used for the slaves (CT 47 30/a, Remarkably, in the last text a cow is given, which happens regularly, is named after Aja-d in the document, mu.ni.imḤa: is four added. male It and is perfectly three female; conceivable CT 47 78/athat, in n.d.: principle, tow female in a slaves).gift from father to daughter, no change of the name of the slaves would be required. Occasionally itūri could and be done. One thing is certain: CT 45 79 proves that it is not the kind of transaction that is decisive here. It must have happened due to circumstances not mentioned in the text. In one of the father-daughter donations (CT 8, 20a), the name of the female slave is followed by mu.ni.im: another personal choice. C. DOWRY The results of this type of document are clear: mu.ni.im appears in none of the 5 examined tablets. Can we find a suitable explanation for this phenomenon? A dowry list summarizes the gifts a girl will bring to the house of her man when she gets married. At the moment the list is written, the marriage has not yet been performed. Therefore, there is no change of property yet, which confirms our theory that a name only changes at the moment a slave actually enters a new household. This idea can partly be confirmed by the results of the wedding contracts (cf. supra). D. EXCHANGE The one exchange document does entail a change of owner. The slaves change house as expressed in the text (CT 8 6a, Si). Both their names are followed by mu.ni.im, which agrees with a name change. E. INHERITANCE The texts determining a part of the inheritance ( slave is specified by mu.ni.im whereas in CT 6 31b (Si) this is not the case. One might argue that the first text states that upon marriage, the slaveḥala) will also enter vary: her in husband’sCT 8 50a (Ḥa),house, the where female the second text merely defines the part of two brothers. In the first case, the change of owner could be adduced to warrant a change of name. The second case is the assessment of an existing situation. In the same sense, in the case a man donates a slave to his wife (CT 8 34b), the slave remains within the family, which could explain the absence of mu.ni.im. 69 F. HIRE If mu.ni.im indicates a change of name, we would certainly not expect it to occur in documents in which a slave is hired. Nevertheless in three cases out of thirteen it does appear. BE 6/2 80, dated under Si, is a straightforward hiring contract of a slave called Ili-admati, which name is followed by mu.ni.im. OLA 21 80, to be dated under an Iplatassu also specified by mu.ni.im. The first one is a typical slave name, the second has a foreign overtone. No explanation can be offered. Ḥa or Si, is another simple hire, this time of G. LIST A list consists of a series of objects, usually linked to estate and written down without any further information about its purpose. In some cases, slaves are part of the enlisted goods. The slave does not change owner. We do not expect to find mu.ni.im in this case, and this hypothesis is congruent with what we find in the tablets. H. LITIGATION Just like the above mentioned lists, this is almost a clear cut genre. In a litigation, we do not expect the slave to change his or her name and can thus fully account for the absence of mu.ni.im. Why, then, is it present in the tablet CT 48 28 (n.d.)? In this tablet, parents give a slave girl to their daughter Marāt-erṣetim when she becomes a qadištum priestess. Years go by and the slave girl gets a daughter. The family of the qadištum (the cousins and borthers) claims the slave girl and her child. The standard of Sîn is brought in order to legitimate the oath. Witnesses are heard and the old donation tablet with its declarations is studied. The claims of the family are denied and the slave stays in the possession of Marāt-erṣetim, together with her girl. The slave is the object of dispute in this tablet and as mentioned above, we usually don’t expect mu.ni.im in the context of a donation. Only in very rare circumstances does this occur. The scribe of this tablet might have used the mu.ni.im formula to underline the ownership by the priestess. The slave received her slave name after she was given to Marāt-erṣetim, confirming that she is now a part of her will, out of the voice of her brothers. I. PURCHASE If it is true that the name of a person is changed when he or she becomes a slave, then we do not have any examples of that case in this category. All people sold already are slaves. If mu.ni.im refers to a name change, then in the majority of slave sales, the name of the person was changed. As far as we can see, the texts do not show any distinctive features, neither do they describe any specific circumstances which would explain why the specification was added or not. In most of the sales documents, the mu.ni.im appears after the name of the slave. It is highly acceptable that the new owner would want to give a new name to his slave. It is equally acceptable that in a number of cases, this necessity was not felt and the slave kept his or her name – whence no mu.ni.im. 70 We want to remark that among the names who don’t have the specification, two have titles, a very rare occurrence for OB Sippar slaves. They are a carpenter (nagar; CT 47 52/a, Si) and a kezertum (CT 48 28, Si). Among the ones with mu.ni.im no title is found. Foreign origin is found among both groups, in which case we must suppose that here, too, there was a free choice to change the name or not. The same goes for house born slaves (wilid bītim). J. SILVER LOAN When slaves are mentioned in silver loan documents, it is because the future purchaser needed extra capital for his new investment. The moment someone asks credit for his acquisition, possibly, the exact object is yet unknown. Usually, no PN of a slave is mentioned in these documents. Therefore we cannot expect to see mu.ni.im appear here. K. WEDDING The next step after the payment of a dowry is to complete the marriage. This document is created at the moment the bride enters the household of her man. At this moment, the property she received from her parent’s house changes its owner. Therefore we should expect mu.ni.im in these documents. Apparently, the texts confirm this, except for tablet CT 45 55 (Sd), which is largely damaged. D. MU.NI.IM VERSUS NAME: THE ACCEPTANCE OF A NEW NAME? Can we assume that the expression mu.ni.im is an indication of the acceptance of the new (slave) name as a dedication to a new household? Should we read 1 sag.ìr/sag.géme PN mu.ni.im as ‘a slave from now on called ‘PN’? Only one document describing the practice of slave name change can be found: tablet ARN 59, originated from the city of Nippur. This document deals with a girl who was illegally taken away from her mother’s house and forced into slavery. When entering the new household as a slave, she was given a new name. If mu.ni.im indicated a change of household, can we explain why it doesn’t appear in all of the documents dealing with slaves? We have to keep in mind that the name change of a new slave was not compulsory. The master could freely decide whether or not he or she wanted to keep the birth name/current name of the slave. It is thought that exceptions could be made for slaves with a special occupation or status. This might also count for slaves of a foreign origin. In Sippar, slaves from Subartu in particular were in extremely high demand, which resulted in high prices. If it was able to afford a slave of this origin, the prestige of the household was lifted. To underline the foreign origin of the slave, the (original) Subarian name could have been used41. This ritual of name change, described by Patterson (cf. supra), also has a different value in regard to house born slaves. In this case, the need for a name change probably was less urgent, as the change of household didn’t include a change of social position. In none the above tablets we can distinguish different patterns between masculine and feminine slaves. 41 In the analyses of the slave names in chapter II, only few Subarian names were found. This can be caused by the absence of general studies about this type of names. Probably some of the names with unknown origin can be categorized as Subartean. 71 E. MU.NI.IM AND OTHER OBJECTS Is mu.ni.im a formula we come across in the context slave names only? This question can be answered with a clear ‘no’. In a few unique cases, the formula is mentioned after the name of animals: mainly cows. According to Prang, naming an animal by using existing persons’ names is very exceptional in the OB period (PRANG 1976: 30, 31). Based on the letter BAP 2, Farber concludes ‘dass es die Regel war, einem Rind einen Namen zu geben’ (FARBER 1982: 36). G. Farber presents an overview of cattle names from the UR III and the OB period in the article she published in 1982. Of the 16 cows and bulls mentioned, only four of them have names which are followed by the formula. Those appear in three inheritance documents, CT 47 78,17 and CT 4, 1 (Sippar), VS 7 49,1 (Dilbat) and in one sale text A 32135, 1 (unknown origin). Mu.ni.im only appears after cow names. Based on the text genres, we find mu.ni.im in situations where the cow gets another owner. Remarkably, the formula doesn’t appear next to bull names, then again, too few documents are available to make the general conclusion that it uniquely appears by the name of cows. F. CONCLUSION The expression mu.ni.im following a PN has implications for the person it refers to. It is a reference to the social status of the person, identifying him/her as a slave. But it is also more than an indicator of social status. It is probably a reference to one of the fundamental rituals of enslavement of a person: a name change as the indication of an identity change (PATTERSON 1982: 54). Eventually, in this context, its function can be regarded as similar as that of the patronymic among the free people (DAVID 1927: 69). Typical slave names exist which are more represented among woman than among men. We can assume that freeborn people weren’t given a slave name by birth. Two documents (STOL 1991: 209 and ARN 59) show us clear indications of this practice. Slaves kept their name after being manumitted, which can explain why we find certain slave names among the free people. The acceptance of a slave name was not compulsory and probably depended on the master of the slave. In the examined texts, three exceptions of slaves keeping their names appear: foreign slaves, house born slaves and slaves having a special position/occupation. The expression mu.ni.im is represented in 15% of all the administrative documents dealing with slavery, mainly in purchase contracts. If we have a closer look at the genres in which it appears, we can conclude that it does appear in a context where the slaves enters slavery or changes from household/master. Therefore, it is acceptable to state that the formula mu.ni.im is an indication of the change of a name. This implies that we should read 1 sag.ìr/sag.géme PN mu.ni.im as ‘one slave from now on being called PN’. Mu.ni.im is not exclusively documented in the context of slave names. The expression also emerges next to the names of some cows and one snake. Again, these documents are to be placed in a context dealing with a change of owner. As only few documents are available, it is dangerous to make general statements regarding cows and name change. 72 VI. CONCLUSION The aim of this dissertation was to gain new information and new insights about slaves and the phenomenon of slavery during the OB period, specifically in the city of Sippar. As this theme clasps numerous aspects of research, we chose for a detailed study of the onomasticon with the aim to find possible answers to our questions. We can answer the question whether it was possible to distinguish people with a slave status from other people, with a straightforward yes. Slaves were physically distinguished by the abbutu, a specific hairdo exclusively worn by slaves. In some cases, which probably concerned some sort of misbehavior, they wore fetters. Another way of distinguishing slaves is by their specific slave name, a name that was chosen by the slave owner according to his taste. For the onomastic study of names, we mainly used legal documents and administrative accounts, as in most cases, this sort of documents mentions the name of the slaves. This is not the case in letters and literature and for this reason, these sources were not included. In all studied documents, we see many nadītu priestesses appear. If we study the names of the slaves, we first of all conclude that there are more female slaves (58%) than male slaves (42%). This may be due to the higher amount of interest in slave girls who are used in the household of the upper-class Sipparian citizen. This tendency, the difference between the male and female slaves, becomes a constant value for all the extra research carried out concerning slave names, except for the representation of foreign names among the in essence Akkadian names. When we determine the uniqueness of the slave names, meaning that the name occurs only once or only among people indicated as slaves, we see a difference of 12% between the masculine (50%) and feminine (62%) population. With an exception of about 10 PN, slave names appear only once in the records of the city Sippar. Personal names in Sippar are in most cases gender- related. Only few examples of names that can be considered as unisex are known. So far, only one slave name, Abi-liburram, is known to belong to this group. Remarkably, there is a group of female slaves who are named after free men’s names. We have no arguments to explain this phenomenon. Do slave names have a specific linguistic composition, as was discussed by Stamm? In general lines, we can confirm the division made by Stamm, although we have to remark that one category of names, ‘the questions formulated to the master’, is only partially applicable to the slave names of Sippar. Meanwhile, his last category indicated as ‘others’ can clearly be divided into several sub groups, such as names with geographical components, names referring to animals, physical defaults, etc. When we study the language in which the slave names are written down, we conclude that 5% of the slaves have a name of foreign origin, 2% are Amorite and an equal number can be indicated as Hurrite. Only 0,5% are indicated as West-Semitic, and the resting 0,5% as Subartean. Interestingly, 11% of the slaves studied in our documents are indicated as of foreign origin. There are two possible ways to explain this phenomenon. First of all, we have a group of names of which we cannot define the languages. This group represents 7% of all names studied. It is just as likely, however, that slaves imported from abroad where renamed once they entered Sippar. Therefore, in this research they were placed into the group of autochthon slaves. Can we confirm the theory of Patterson that ‘the second major feature of the ritual enslavement involved the changing of the slave’s name’ (PATTERSON 1982: 54)? The evidence given in this 73 dissertation proves that something like a slave name existed. Except for the house born slaves, we cannot assume that people were given a slave name by birth, predicting their future. The name change was one aspect of the enslavement process, if this was the specific wish of the slave owner. In certain cases, and especially when the slave had a special status or function, it was more likely that the person could keep his or her birth name. If we assume a name could have been changed, can we find evidence of this practice in our studied documents? There is one formula in particular that caught our attention in regard to this question: the Sumerian formula mu.ni.im, present in 15% of the slave documents and mainly in the context of purchase contracts. If we have a closer look at the types of documents in which it appears, we can conclude that it does appear in a context where the slaves enters slavery or changes his household/master. Therefore, it is acceptable to state that the formula mu.ni.im is an indication of the change of a name. This implies that we should read 1 sag.ìr/sag.géme PN mu.ni.im as ‘on slave from now on being called PN’. If a slave was renamed after being enslaved, did a name change happen at the moment he/she was manumitted? Two documents (STOL 1991: 209 and ARN 59) give us clear indications of this practice. Slaves kept their name after being manumitted, which can explain while we find certain slave names among the free people. This practice is also known from classical antiquity. This study shows that 11% of the slave population is identified as foreign. How exactly did these slaves exactly end up in the city of Sippar? Was this usually out of private initiatives of wealthy people or did something like a slave trader exist? Did certain families have a monopoly on the slave trade and the import of slaves in the city of Sippar? Was there a central place where slaves were sold and did there actually exist a sort of central database collection of all the names of slaves? Which were the exact tasks of these slaves? Did they, as the communis oppinio suggests, mainly end up in the household? And where did these slaves stay in the small houses of Sippar? Who exactly became a slave, what kind of work was done by slaves, which and how many families had slaves, how many slaves were owned by a family? What is the difference in number, position and tasks of male and female slaves? How many of them were manumitted, in what way and for what reasons? On a broader level: what was the place of male and female slaves in the OB society? 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LIST OF USED SLAVE TABLETS PUBLICATION DATE GENRE 1 BA 5 11 a 42/12/20 Hire 2 BAP 3 ḤA 3/7/3 Purchase 3 BAP 4 Aṣ 10/5/6 Silver loan 4 BAP 7 ṣa 39/-/- Donation 5 BAP 97 Ḥa 31 Adoption – manumission 6 BAP 100 ḤSi 2/10/5 Litigation 7 BAP 107 A 16/1/30 Inheritance 8 BDHP 14 Imṣ - Inheritance 9 BDHP 20 Si 18/12/18 Purchase 10 BDHP 37 Im - Silver loan 11 BDHP 46 Si 33/-/11 Purchase 12 BDHP 63 Si 1/12a/4 Purchase 13 BE 6/1 17 A - Adoption – manumission 14 BE 6/1 18 Smṣ 1/-/- Purchase 15 BE 6/1 28 a 29/11/3 Inheritance 16 BE 6/1 58 ḤSi 11/3/6 Litigation 17 BE 6/1 62 Si 26/7/11 Inheritance 18 BE 6/1 84 Ad 31/12/30 Dowry 19 BE 6/1 93 A 2-3/8/5 Other 20 BE 6/1 95 Aṣ 13/10/20 Donation 21 BE 6/1 101 Aṣ 12/11/15 Dowry 22 BE 6/1 116 Sdṣ 17/12/- Donation 23 BE 6/2 80 Si 8/3/22 Hire 24 CT 2 14 a 11/-/- Purchase 25 CT 2 23 Ḥ- Donation 26 CT 2 24 Ae -/4/10 Donation 27 CT 2 25 a 10/6 /28 Purchase 28 CT 2 28 Ḥa - Other 29 CT 2 41 Ḥa 38/6/13 Inheritance Ḥ 81 30 CT 4 41a - Other 31 CT 4 43a a - Donation 32 CT 6 7a ḤSi 5/12/15 Litigation 33 CT 6 28a - Inheritance 34 CT 6 29 Ad 1/4/25 Litigation 35 CT 6 31b Si - Inheritance 36 CT 6 33a Si 8/4/- Inheritance 37 CT 6 47b a 24/12/24 Litigation 38 CT 8 4a ḤSm - Inheritance 39 CT 8 5a a 41/6/11 Inheritance 40 CT 8 5b Ḥa 33/-/- Inheritance 41 CT 8 6a ḤSi 23/11/1 Exchange 42 CT 8 12c Si 20/-/- Hire 43 CT 8 13c a 14/7/11 Inheritance 44 CT 8 15c ḤSi 21/-/16 Hire 45 CT 8 16a, MHET 106 Sm - Inheritance 46 CT 8 20a Sm - Inheritance 47 CT 8 22b a 12/2/3 Purchase 48 CT 8 22c Ḥa 21/10/35 Purchase 49 CT 8 25a ḤSm 7/-/- Inheritance 50 CT 8 27a Ae -/1/6 Purchase 51 CT 8 29a A - Donation 52 CT 8 29b Aṣ 1/-/- Adoption – manumission 53 CT 8 34b, MHET 117 Smṣ 25/01/11 Donation 54 CT 8 35b a - Purchase 55 CT 8 42b ḤSm -/4/8 Hire 56 CT 8 43c a 18/9/24 Purchase 57 CT 8 45a ḤSm - Purchase 58 CT 8 48a a 28/7/11 Adoption – manumission 59 CT 8 49a ḤA - Adoption – manumission 60 CT 8 50a ṣa 2/-/- Inheritance 61 CT 33 38 Ḥa 34/6/3 Purchase 62 CT 33 39 Ḥa 41/7/12 Other 63 CT 33 41 ḤAd 4/1/20 Purchase 64 CT 45 6 Sm 20/-/- Donation 82 65 CT 45 17 Sm 17/-/- Litigation 66 CT 45 27 a 20/1/35 List 67 CT 45 29 Ḥa - Inheritance 68 CT 45 34 ḤSi 15/5/1 Inheritance 69 CT 45 37 Si 27/10/3 Litigation 70 CT 45 44 Ad 2/12/14 Purchase 71 CT 45 45 Ad 4/-/20 Purchase 72 CT 45 55 Sd - Wedding 73 CT 45 58 A 9/10/1 Hire 74 CT 45 79 - ṣ Inheritance 75 CT 45 97 - Other 76 CT 45 105 - Donation 77 CT 45 112 - Donation 78 CT 47 30 a 10/3/20 Donation 79 CT 47 30/30a Ḥa 10/-/- Inheritance 80 CT 47 47 Ḥa 43/1/- Inheritance 81 CT 47 52 ḤSi 17/6/1 Purchase 82 CT 47 53 Si 2/1/23 Purchase 83 CT 47 54 Si 4/9/27 Purchase 84 CT 47 58 Si 6/10/22 Inheritance 85 CT 47 61/61a Si 8/11/12 Purchase 86 CT 47 63 Si 14/11/20 Other 87 CT 47 65 Si 25/12/30 Inheritance 88 CT 47 67 Si -/12/- Inheritance 89 CT 47 78 - Donation 90 CT 48 2 a -/-/30 Litigation 91 CT 48 24 Ḥ- Litigation 92 CT 48 28 Si 9/6/10 Purchase 93 CT 48 30, CT 48 28b, CT 48 47b Sli - Litigation 94 CT 48 33 a 34/2/14 Donation 95 CT 48 46 Ḥa 8 Adoption – manumission 96 CT 48 47 ḤAe -/12/14 Silver loan 97 CT 48 55 Ad 48 55 Dowry 98 CT 48 59 A - Inheritance 99 CT 48 60 Siṣ 24 Purchase 83 100 CT 48 61 - Purchase 101 CT 48 62 a 40/10/25 Purchase 102 CT 48 63 ḤSi - Purchase 103 CT 48 64 a 38/9/10 Hire 104 CT 48 65 Ḥa 37/4/30 Purchase 105 CT 48 66 ḤAd 22/7/10 Silver loan 106 CT 48 98 - Purchase 107 CT 66 49b Si 6/10/22 Other 108 Dalley, 1979, 10 - Dowry 109 Dalley 1979, 16 - Inheritance 110 Edzard, TeD 31 - Silver loan 111 Edzard, TeD 31 - Other 112 Edzard, TeD 45 A 2/8/20 Other 113 Edzard, TeD 129 - ṣ Other 114 JNES 21 (65) 72 Sd 11/2/20 Purchase 115 MHET 18 Sli - Litigation 116 MHET 99 Sm - Inheritance 117 MHET 143 a 3/-/- Inheritance 118 MHET 224 Ḥa 26/12/6 Inheritance 119 MHET 248 Ḥa 32/4/- Inheritance 120 MHET 257 Ḥa -/-/34 Inheritance 121 MHET 333 Ḥa - Inheritance 122 MHET 444 ḤSi 27/2/7 Purchase 123 MHET 449 Si 28/11/2 Inheritance 124 MHET 460 Si - Inheritance 125 MHET 570 - Inheritance 126 MHET 616 a 32/4/- Inheritance 127 MHET 720 Ḥ- Inheritance 128 MHET 853 a 29/10/- Inheritance 129 MHET 921 Ḥ- Inheritance 130 OLA 21 2 Si 8/11/13 Purchase 131 OLA 21 21 Ad -/diri6/20 Other 132 OLA 21 24 a 40/-/- Litigation 133 OLA 21 71 ḤA 13/7/20 Inheritance 134 OLA 21 73 - ṣ Dowry 84 135 OLA 21 75 - Purchase 136 OLA 21 90 - Hire 137 OLA 21 96 Si 22/-/30 Litigation 138 PBS 8/2 199 Si 4/12/1 Hire 139 SFS, 98 sq Sm - Donation 140 SFS 112 Sm - Inheritance 141 SFS 118 Sm - Inheritance 142 TCL I 89 a 30/-/- Inheritance 143 TCL I 90 Ḥa 33/4/- Wedding 144 TCL I 97 Ḥa 37/6/11 List 145 TCL I 98 Ḥa 37/5/20 List 146 TCL I 98/99 Ḥa 37/5/22 Inheritance 147 TCL I 147 ḤAd -/4/1 Purchase 148 TCLI 156 Ad 37/12/11 Purchase 149 TCL I 170 A -/11/15 Purchase 150 TCL I 176 Siṣ 5/12/- Hire 152151 TLBTJDB I 1022913 SiS 7/8/3/9/20+x Donationh 153 VS 8 4/5 - Wedding 154 VS 8 12/13 Za - Inheritance 155 VS 8 15/16 - Donation 156 VS 8 52/53 a - Inheritance 157 VS 8 52/53 Ḥ- Inheritance 158 VS 8 69/70 - Donation 159 VS 8 99/100 a 3/-/- Hire 160 VS 8 123/124 Ḥa 14/-/- Donation 161 VS 9 63/64 Ḥa 37/5/1 Hire 162 VS 9 109/110 Ḥa 42/12/30 Hire 163 VS 9 144/145 Ḥa 24/11/10 Inheritance 164 VS 9 163 Ḥa - Donation 165 VS 9 164 Ḥa - Purchase 166 VS 9 214/215 Ḥ- Inheritance 167 Vs 9 221 List 168 VS 9 219 - Purchase 169 VS 9 227 - Purchase 170 VS 13 32 a 13/2/2 Litigation Ḥ 85 171 VS 13 34 - Inheritance 172 YOS 14 163 Litigation 173 YOS 14 163 Sm - Litigation 183 86 B. CHRONOLOGICAL OVERVIEW OF THE SLAVES BY GENDER AND THE APPEARANCE OF MU.NI.IM AND NADĪTU Male slaves PUBLICATION DATE NAME SLAVE MU.NI.IM?42 FUNCTION GENRE NADĪTU? 43 Imerum 1 BDHP 37 Im - Ili-Tillati Gift Loan Sumu-la-el 2 CT 48 30, CT 48 28b Sli - Abum-b ni Disput Litigation Apil-Sin ā 3 CT 8 29b As 1/-/- Abum-b ni manumitted Adoption 4 CT 48 59 As - Abum-b ni Inherited Inheritance 5 CT 8 48a As - Ili- bili ā Gift Adoption 6 CT 8 49a As - A um-kānum Gift Adoption 7 CT 8 29c As - Ebabbarā -lumur Gift Donation X ḥ ī Sîn-Muballiṭ 8 BE 6/1 18 Sm 1/-/- Ina-q ti-Šamaš X Sold Purchase X 9 CT 45 6 Sm 20/-/- Abum-b ni Gift Donation abilā-k num M r-Sipparā ŠḤamaš-mutī apli Sm S āniq-qabe-Šamaš Gift Donation 25/01/11 Sm -/04/08 Iliē-matar Hired Loan X Šamaš-napšeram Hired X Sm -/-/16 Waqar-Abum sold Purchase 42 When the formula is present, it is indicated by a ‘x’. 43 When a nadītu priestess is involved into the transaction, an ‘x’ is written down. 87 Sm - Ana-Šamaš- ku Inherited Inheritance R ’ûm-ilum Sîn-napšeramtaklā Teēšhum 10 CT 8 4a Sm - Dingir-[…] Inherited Inheritance 11 SFS 98sq Sm - (oath) Ana-Šamaš-taklaku Gift Donation B li-Abi Egigie(?) Iliē-B n Luštamar Šamašā -īe[…] Šamaš-muballi Wat r-p -Šamaš W dum ṭ 12 SFS 112 (+F) Sm - (oath) Abumā -lilumī Inherited Inheritance Anaē -Šamaš-Takl ku Iš-[…]-um Sîn-na ir ā Šamaš-muballi Šamašṣ- ram Šamaš-[…]idi ṭ Wedumnapšē-lu[…] 13 SFS 118 Sm -(oath) Ili-B n Gift Inheritance Luštamar Wedumā ī -Ilišu Zikir-pi-Šamaš Ḥammurabi 14 CT 47 30/a a 10/3/20 Adad- M lik Gift Donation X 15 VS 13 32 a 13/2/2 Marduk-Apili Disput Litigation 16 CT 45 27 Ḥa 20/01/35 A am-aršiā unknown List Ḥ Ana-Šamaš- ku Ḥ Hazibḥ -Šušu Ili-Išmeannitaklā Itti-Šamaš-temî 88 Sîn-Eeš illi-Agade Ub r-Sugal UṢ ur-M lik Waradā -Ninsiana 17 VS 9 144/145 a 24/11/10 Šamaṣ š-naā hrari Inherited Inheritance X 18 CT 8 48a a 28/07/11 Lamma-muballi release Adoption X 19 BE 6/1 28 Ḥa 29/11/3 Kal mum Inherited Inheritance Ḥ aphur-liphur ṭ 20 TCL I 89 Ḥa 30/-/- I rupanniū Donated Inheritance KaniṢ šu Ḥ ṣ mur-Gimil-Šamaš L šalim-b šti TarLū bum Waradū -Eruā 21 CT 48 65 a 37/4/30 Damiqtumī Sold Purchase 22 MHET 248 a 32/4/- Ili-Ha iri Gift Inheritance 23 MHET 616 Ḥa 32/4/- Ibnu-Amurrum Gift Inheritance Ḥ Mardukṣ -Abi-Il 24 TCL I 98 Ḥa 37/5/20 Šamaš-u ranni uknown List 25 TCL I 98/99 a 37/5/22 L mur-Gimil-Šīamaš Inherited Inheritance Ḥ Tar bumṣ Ḥ Waradū -Eru 26 TCL I 97 a 37/6/11 Šamaī š-u ranni unknown List 27 CT 48 64 a 38/9/10 Ša-Šamaš-damq X Hired Rent 28 CT 48 62 Ḥa 40/10/25 A i-Ummaṣ -[…] Sold Purchase X 29 CT 33 39 Ḥa 41/7/12 Not mentioned ā payment Account 30 BA 5 11 Ḥa 42/12/20 Mḥ -er tim Rented Rent X 31 CT 45 29 Ḥa - Ana-Šamaš-takl ku Gift Inheritance X 32 CT 2 28 Ḥa - Notār mentionedṣē Inherited Partnership Ḥ ā settlement Ḥ Samsu-Iluna 33 BDHP 63 Si 1/12a/4 Iddin-Adad X Sold Purchase X 34 CT 47 53 Si 2/1/23 Jadurim Sold Purchase 89 35 BAP 100 Si 2/10/5 Not mentioned claimed Litigation 36 TJDB 10-13 Si 7/8/- Galûm Inherited Inheritance U ur-bitam Šamaš-nahrari 37 BE 6/2 80 Si 8/3/22 Iliṣ-ummati X Hired Hire 38 CT 47 61/61a Si 8/11/12 M r-er tim X Sold Purchase X 39 CT 47 63 Si 14/11/20 Ana-pî-Šamaš-nadi inherited Gift of fields X Sînā-Maṣšēmaš Unknown 40 CT 47 52 Si 17/6/1 Hadî-Amir-Šamaš Sold Purchase X 41 CT 8 12c Si 20/-/- Ili-Rimeanni hired Hire X 42 CT 8 15c Si 21/el/16 Ili-Rimeanni hired Hire X 43 OLA 21 95/96 Si 22/-/30 Atta-Iluma Inherited Litigation 44 CT 48 60 Si 24 Ammu-Pi X Sold Purchase 45 BE 6/1 62 Si 26/7/11 B li- piri Inherited Inheritance X 46 BDHP 46 Si 33/-/11 Damiq-Marduk X Sold Purchase 47 MHET 460 Si - Šēzubē -Šamaš-ra[…] Gift Inheritance Uqâ-ilum 48 CT 48 63 Si -/3/- Aūuni Sold Purchase Abi-Ešuḥ ḥ 49 OLA 21 21 Ae - unknown Bought by palace Division /diri6/20 Ammi-ditana 50 CT 6 29 Ad 1/4/25 Warad-Bunene Claim Litigation 51 CT 45 44 Ad 2/12/14 Sîn-matê X Sold Purchase 52 CT 48 66 Ad 22/7/10 unknown Will be sold Loan 53 TCL I 156 Ad 37/12/11 Ilima-[…] Sold Purchase Ammi-Ṣaduqa 54 BE 6/1 93 A 2-3/8/5 Not mentioned Received ration Table 55 CT 45 58 A 9/10/1 Nabium-Na ir Hired Rent ṣ Za-[…] 56 BAP 4 Aṣ 10/5/6 Not mentionedṣ sold Loan ṣ 90 57 BAP 107 A 16/1/30 illi-Irra Inherited Inheritance Samsu-Ditana ṣ Ṣ 58 JNES 21 75 Sd 13/7/16 Not mentioned Will be sold Loan 59 BE 6/1 116 Sd 17/12/- Šalli- ur Donated Donation X Taklaku-ana-Marduk X Gift Donation X Lūm Undated 60 CT 45 79 - Karsum X Gift Inheritance Kubbulum X 61 CT 45 98 - Ibni-[…] sold Purchase 62 CT 4 41a - Not mentioned Part of property Inventory 63 CT 45 105 - Mannum-Balum-Šamaš Inherited Donation 64 CT 45 112 - Šamaš- zir Gift Donation 65 CT 6 28a - Šamaš-tappê X Inherited Inheritance 66 CT 48 24 - Iddin-Addadḥā lawsuit Litigation Ilum-šarikum 67 CT 2 23 - A am-nirši Gift Donation Akbu-dada Aḥ rum Aw l-Il Elajaṣī Etelumī ī Habil-k num Hal wum Ili-b nî ī I u-īmada Jašubā-ilum Manniṣ - lišu Mutam- r m 68 MHET 570 - Mutumā Gift Inheritance N r-Išharaā ā ima-ili-[…] 69 OLA 21 75 - ūmur-[…] sold Purchase X 70 OLA 21 90 - IplatassuṢ X Hired Hire X Lū 91 71 Edzard, TeD 31 - mur-gimila-Šamaš Given as pawn Loan 72 Edzar, TeD 129 - Not mentioned Sold Payments 73 Dalley 1979 - SînĀ -Pu rum Inherited Inheritance 74 VS 8 21 - Kubi-[…] - Fragment Šamaš ṭ Fragment 75 VS 9 219 - Išpi-teššup Sold Purchase 76 VS 9 92 - Ana-Šamaš-Taklaku List 77 VS 9 221 - Ili-a iri List 78 VS 9 227 - Ibni-[…] Sold Purchase 79 VS 13 34 - Šamaṣ š-w dam-u ur Inherited Inheritance X 80 VS 8 4/5 - Dingir-kirû-lu X Becomes slave(?) Wedding 81 VS 8 52/53 - Ili-Tukultiē ṣ Inherited Inheritance 82 YOS 14 163 - Not mentioned Donated Jurdical X Female slaves PUBLICATION DATE NAME SLAVE MU.NI.IM? FUNCTION GENRE NADĪTU? Imerum 1 BDHP 14 Im - R batum ownership Inheritance Zabium ī 2 VS 8 12/13 Za - Itti-Šamaš-milki Inherited Inheritance Sumu-la-el 3 CT 48 30, CT 48 27b Sli - Šamaš- Disputed Litigation 4 MHET 18 Sli - Aja-šem -itti Gift Donation nūri Sin-Muballiṭ ē 5 CT 8 25a Sm 7/-/- Kutibi Inherited Inheritance X 92 6 CT 45 17 Sm 17/-/- Sadir-dummuqša Subject of trial Litigation X 7 CT 45 6 Sm 20/-/- Donated Donation 8 CT 8 34b Sm 25/1/11 Ana- - Donated Donation 9 CT 8 4a Sm - Šallūrtum Inherited Inheritance 10 CT 8 20a Sm - LišlimBēltim taklāku X Donated Inheritance X 11 CT8 16a Sm - IliŠallūrtum-imdi Inherited Inheritance Bel tum 12 MHET 99 Sm - Am t-Ilabrat Gift Inheritance 14 SFS, 98sq Sm - Abiē- Gift Donation Naplisiā -b lti Nar dūrimtum B li- ē Erišātum Bēlessunudūri Ištar-ummi Ummiē -waqrat Hiššatum ap(?)-x-rapšu 15 SFS, 112 Sm - Ištar-ummi Inherited Inheritance Erištumṭ -erišti Ga ga […] BabuBēlti -rabiat Sag.gig-nuttum Ana- - -duribēlti taklāku MuštalNarāmtum- UmmiBēli -waqrat -[…]bēlti 16 SFS 118 Sm - Naplisi- Gift Inheritance AbiBēlti- -d ribēlti dūri Bēlti ṣ Narāmtum Bālessunu 93 Erištum Ummi-waqrat Ištar-ummi ab-wedum Šu(?) 17 YOS 14 163 Sm - Not mentioned Gift Litigation X Ṭ Ḥammurabi 18 CT 8 50a a 2/-/- Ali-Abi X Inherited Inheritance 19 MHET 143 a 3/-/- -Ištar Gift Inheritance 20 VS 8 99/100 Ḥa 3/-/- Aja-lamassi Hired for harvest Hire X 21 CT 47 30 Ḥa 10/3/20 ŠîmaTabnī-a Gift Donation X Ḥ Inanna-Kiš-ummi X Ḥ Aja-ummiḥāti-alittim X 22 CT 2 25 a 10/6/28 Huma irum X Sold Purchase 23 CT 2 14 a 11/-/- Not mentioned Sold Purchase 24 CT 8 22b Ḥa 12/2/3 Šamašṣ- Sold Purchase X 25 CT 8 13c Ḥa 14/7/11 Marduk-Aški(?) inherited Inheritance 26 CT 8 43c Ḥa 18/9/24 Dummuqnūri-b ltim X Sold Purchase X 27 CT 45 27 Ḥa 20/01/35 Damkina-r m ni - List of animals Ḥ Abi-liburamē Ḥ Ištar-damqatē ē Hummurum Waqar-abi Huzala-[…] 28 CT 6 47b a 20/12/24 Atkalšim Dispute Litigation 29 CT 8 22c a 21/10/35 - X Sold Purchase 30 VS 9 144/145 Ḥa 24/11/10 Ningal-ummi Inherited Inheritance X 31 MHET 224 Ḥa 26/12/6 […]Bēlti-Kalatummāgirat Inherited Inheritance Ḥ Aja- Gift Ḥ Ištar-na[…]-ri Inherited Ištartāddinam-[…] Inherited Not mentioned (x2) Inherited 32 MHET 853 a 29/10/- Amat-Sîn Gift Inheritance 33 BE 6/1 28 a 29/11/3 Ili-dumqi Ḥ Ali- Ḥ abūša 94 34 TCL I 89 a 30/-/- Ašratum- Inherited Inheritance 35 MHET 248 a 32/4/- Šik-basal Gift Inheritance 36 CT 8 5b Ḥa 33/-/- Adad-x-Sîn Inherited Inheritance Ḥ Adad-Liburam 37 CT 48 33 Ḥa 34/2/14 […]-Haditum-maru Gift Donation X -abi- Ḥ Gururtum ṣ QibîBālti-ašimmaqīšim-tikla 38 CT 33 38 a 34/6/3 Ištar-damqat X Sold Purchase X 39 MHET 255 a 34 […]-iqtum Gift Inheritance 40 VS 9 63/64 Ḥa 37/5/1 Hunabatum Not mentioned Rent X 41 TCL I 98 Ḥa 37/5/22 Ašratum-ummi Inherited Inheritance 42 CT 2 41 Ḥa 38/6/13 -malê Inherited Inheritance X Ḥ Uriktum-lamassi X 43 BAP 7 Ḥa 39/-/- AdadBēlti -dumqi Gift Donation X 44 CT 48 62 a 40/10/25 Broken X Sold Purchase 45 OLA 21 24 Ḥa 40/-/- Mami-dumqi claimed Litigation X 46 CT 8 5a Ḥa 41/6/11 Šamaš-Lamassi Indicated as Inheritance X Ḥ neighbour 47 VS 9 109/110 Ḥa 42/12/30 Ina- n-bašti Hired Hire L -bašti Ḥ Mutatumī 48 CT 47 47 a 43/1/- Bībūrltum-Magirat Gift Inheritance Mamu-Tillanu 49 CT 48 2 Ḥa -/-/30 Sēniq-Qabuša X Object of trial Litigation 50 MHET 257 a -/-/34 Dumuq-[…] Inherited Inheritance 51 CT 45 29 Ḥa - Aāš-ia-su2-ni-ti (?) Inherited Inheritance 52 CT 4 1b, MHET 328 Ḥa - Hami-še’im-arši Donated Donation 53 CT 4 43a Ḥa - Damiqtum Dispute Litigation 54 CT 2 28 Ḥa - Not mentioned Part of division Partnership Ḥ settlement 55 CT 8 35b Ḥa - Ammi- abti Sold Purchase X 56 CT 8 43c a - Damiqtum X Dispute Litigation X 57 MHET 333 Ḥa - Šurinnumṣ -[…] Gift Inheritance Ḥ Ama-[…] Ḥ 95 58 VS 9 163 a - Itti-Ištar-liblu Gift Donation 59 VS 8 52/53 a - Ili-imdi Inherited Inheritance 60 VS 9 164 Ḥa - Broken (x2) ṭ Sold Purchase Ḥ Samsu-Iluna Ḥ 61 BDHP 63 Si 1/12a/4 Sîn-e[…] X Purchase Sold X 62 BAP 100 Si 2/10/5 Not mentioned claimed Litigation 63 TLB I 229 Si 3/9/20+x Ana-Šumija-liblu Gift donation 64 CT 47 54 Si 4/9/27 Abi-liburram Sold Purchase X Aja-ummi ṭ 65 PBS 8/2 188 Si 4/12/1 Ama-dummuq-b lti Hired Hire 66 CT 6 7a Si 5/12/15 A a-liblu Part of division Litigation X Nad n-b lti-rabiē Takilḥ -b nṭ Šarattaā -šimatimē Tar m-āAdadūša Kititum-ha irat Anaā-b lti-takl ku Jamru i-ilumṣ Ana-Šamašē -terriā A i-šakimṣṣ 67 TCL I 176 Si 5/12/- Ippalatum Hired Hire X 68 CT 66 49b Si 6/10/22 uknownḥ Given as pawn Pawn 69 CT 47 58 Si 7/8/5 Maštum Inherited Inheritance X 70 TJDB 10-13 Si 7/8/- Aja-Idišmi Inherited Inheritance Aja-lamassi Aja- 71 CT 6 33a Si 8/4/- Šala- -manni Gift Inheritance X 72 OLA 21 2 Si 8/11/13 Annurēmēninitum-ummi X Purchase Sold X 73 CT 48 28 Si 9/6/10 Ana bēltimal-iniša Sold Purchase 74 CT 45 34 Si 15/5/1 Ištar-lamassi Inherited Inheritance B ltiṭṭ-r m ni B ltum-kima-abi 75 BDHP 20 Si 18/12a/18 Išētar-damqatē ē X Sold Purchase X 76 OLA 21 96 Si 22/-/30 Mannumē -balušša Inherited Litigation 96 B lti-Tillati Mad-dumuqša 77 CT 8 6a Si 23/11/1 Annunitumē -[…] X Exchanged Exchange X Ma[…] X 78 CT 47 65 Si 25/12/30 P h tum Inherited Inheritance Adad-dumqi Aliī -āA i 79 BE 6/1 62 Si 26/7/11 Mamu-[…] Part of a will Inheritance X Am tḥ-Sîn X Kabtat[…] X ā 80 MHET 444 Si 27/2/7 Amu-[…] Sold Purchase 81 CT 45 37 Si 27/10/3 Sadir-dumuqša dispute Litigation X 82 MHET 449 Si 28/11/02 Išim-[…] Gift Inheritance Mannum-balum-k ma Mamu-[…] Iddin-[…] ī 83 CT 47 67 Si -/12/- Abi-mara Gift Inheritance 84 CT 6 31b Si - Sarriqum Inherited Inheritance ṣ Abi-Ešuḥ 85 CT 8 27a Ae -/1/6 Ili-q ti X Sold Purchase 86 TCL I 147 Ad -/4/1 Mamma-[…] X Sold Purchase 87 CT 2 24 Ae -/4/10 Aw āt-Aja Sold Donation 88 CT 48 47 Ae -/12/14 Not mentioned Shall be sold Loan ā Ammi-Ditana 89 CT 33 41 Ad 4/1/20 Ummi- epet X Sold Purchase 90 BE 6/1 84 Ad 31/12/30 Bula atum Gift Dowry Šarrat-ḤSippir-na[…] ṭ Ammi-Ṣaduqa 91 Edzard, TeD 45 A 2/8/20 Not mentioned Will be sold receipt 92 BAP 3 A 3/7/3 Narubtum X Sold Purchase X 93 OLA 21 71 Aṣ 13/7/20 Eulmaš-liwir inherited Inheritance ṣ ṣ 97 Hama rum 94 BE 6/1 95 A 13/10/20 Ulmaššitum-tukulti Gift Donation Ili-b ṣtiī 95 BE 6/1 101 Aṣ 15/11/15 Tar m-Agade Gift Dowry āš 96 BAP 107 Aṣ 16/1/30 Annumā -pîša Inherited Inheritance Lalabitum 97 TCL I 170 Aṣ -/11/15 Am t-kabta Sold Purchase X 98 CT 48 59 A - B lti-erime Inherited Inheritance 99 CT 8 49a Aṣ - Zikurtumā Donated Adoption X 100 CT 8 29a Aṣ - Tarē m-Agade Gift Donation ṣ Nu ubtum Samsu-Ditana ṣ ā 101 JNES 21(65) 72 Sd 11/2/20 Hašijaṭṭ X Sold Purchase 102 BE 6/1 116 Sd 17/12/- Aštumu Gift Donation X 103 CT 45 55 - broken Gift Wedding Undated 104 CT 47 78 - Aja-Tillati Gift Donation X Abi-Liburram X 105 CT 45 97 - Ilumma-itti-abi Part of table 106 CT 48 61 - Lamassani X Sold + marriage Purchase X 107 CT 2 23 - Aja-Šemeat Gift Donation Inim-d(?)-SU(?) Kani Šamaš- B ltišītum-tillati L -mnūriti Akijatumē Ummiībūr -Šamašiā A i-liblu Naplussa-Mudammiq Inaḥ - n-b ṭl-ilišu-damiq B ltum-k ma-abi a īunu ē ē ī Ḥ ḥ 98 108 CT 6 25b A i-liburam In list Inventory Dummuq-B ltim 109 MHET 921 Aššumijaḥ - r Donated Inheritance 110 Dalley, 1979 A atani ē Gift Dowry X M d-dumuqlībūša Danḥ - missa Amatā -amurrum Iltaniē Munawwirtum I tar-damqat Atkalšum-liblu 111 MHET 720 ḥt-Šamaš-q du-[…] Gift Inheritance B lti-ummi-qadumṭ 112 MHET 921 MamiŠā -r m niā Gift Inheritance 113 PBS 8/2 256 Zabitumē - list 114 OLA 21 73 A ssunuē ē Gift Dowry 115 VS 9 214+216(?) - Ali-a[…] ? Inheritance 116 VS 9 221 - Zabbatuḥā Inherited List 117 VS 13 34 - Aja-baniti Inherited Inheritance X 118 VS 8 15/16 - Muti-bašti Given as wife Donation 119 VS 8 69/70 - S niq-qabuša X Gift Donation ā 99 C. LIST OF THE TABLETS BY GENRE AND THE APPEARANCE OF MU.NI.IM AND NADĪTU PUBLICATION DATE MU.NI.IM? NADĪTU? Adoption – manumission 1 CT 48 46 a 8 X X 2 CT 8 48a a 28/7/11 3 BAP 97 Ḥa 31 X 4 CT 8 29b AḤ 1/-/- 5 CT 8 29a AḤ - 6 CT 8 49a Aṣ - X 7 BE 6/1 17 Aṣ - X ṣ Donation ṣ 8 CT 45 6 Sm 20/-/- 9 CT 8 34b, MHET 117 Sm 25/01/11 10 SFS, 98 sq Sm - 11 CT 47 30 a 10/3/20 X 12 VS 8 123/124 a 14/-/- 13 CT 48 33 Ḥa 34/2/14 X 14 BAP 7 Ḥa 39/-/- 15 CT 4 43a Ḥa - 16 VS 9 163 Ḥa - 17 TLB I 229 SiḤ 3/9/20+x 18 CT 2 24 AeḤ -/4/10 19 BE 6/1 95 A 13/10/20 20 CT 8 29a A - X 21 BE 6/1 116 Sdṣ 17/12/- X X 22 CT 2 23 - ṣ 23 CT 45 105 - 24 CT 45 112 - 25 CT 47 78 - X X 26 VS 8 15/16 - X 27 VS 8 69/70 - X Dowry 28 BE 6/1 84 Ad 31/12/30 29 CT 48 55 Ad 48 55 30 BE 6/1 101 A 12/11/15 31 Dalley, Iraq 42, 10 - X 32 OLA 21 73 - ṣ Exchange 33 CT 8 6a Si 23/11/1 X X Inheritance 34 BDHP 14 Im - 35 VS 8 12/13 Za - 36 CT 8 25a Sm 7/-/- X 37 CT 8 4a Sm - 38 CT 8 16a, MHET 106 Sm - 100 39 CT 8 20a Sm - X X 40 MHET 99 Sm - 41 SFS 112 Sm - 42 SFS 118 Sm - 43 CT 8 50a a 2/-/- X 44 MHET 143 a 3/-/- 45 CT 47 30/30a Ḥa 10/-/- X 46 CT 8 13c Ḥa 14/7/11 47 VS 9 144/145 Ḥa 24/11/10 X 48 MHET 224 Ḥa 26/12/6 49 MHET 853 Ḥa 29/10/- 50 BE 6/1 28 Ḥa 29/11/3 51 TCL I 89 Ḥa 30/-/- 52 MHET 248 Ḥa 32/4/- 53 MHET 616 Ḥa 32/4/- 54 CT 8 5b Ḥa 33/-/- 55 TCL I 98/99 Ḥa 37/5/22 56 CT 2 41 Ḥa 38/6/13 X 57 CT 8 5a Ḥa 41/6/11 X 58 CT 47 47 Ḥa 43/1/- 59 MHET 257 Ḥa -/-/34 60 CT 45 29 Ḥa - 61 MHET 333 Ḥa - 62 VS 8 52/53 Ḥa - 63 CT 47 58 SiḤ 6/10/22 64 TJDB 10-13 SiḤ 7/8/- X 65 CT 6 33a Si 8/4/- 66 CT 45 34 Si 15/5/1 67 CT 47 65 Si 25/12/30 68 BE 6/1 62 Si 26/7/11 X 69 MHET 449 Si 28/11/2 70 CT 47 67 Si -/12/- 71 CT 6 31b Si - 72 MHET 460 Si - 73 BAP 107 A 16/1/30 74 OLA 21 71 A 13/7/20 75 BAP 107 Aṣ 16/1/30 X 76 CT 48 59 Aṣ - 77 CT 6 28a - ṣ X 78 CT 45 79 - ṣ X 79 MHET 570 - 80 MHET 720 - 81 MHET 921 - 82 VS 8 52/53 - 83 VS 9 214/215 - 84 VS 13 34 - X 85 Dalley 1979, (16) - X X Hire 86 CT 8 42b Sm -/4/8 X 87 VS 8 99/100 a 3/-/- X 88 VS 9 63/64 a 37/5/1 X 89 CT 48 64 Ḥa 38/9/10 X 90 BA 5 11 Ḥa 42/12/20 X Ḥ Ḥ 101 91 VS 9 109/110 a 42/12/30 92 PBS 8/2 199 Si 4/12/1 93 TCL I 176 SiḤ 5/12/- X 94 BE 6/2 80 Si 8/3/22 X 95 CT 8 12c Si 20/-/- 96 CT 8 15c Si 21/-/16 X 97 CT 45 58 A 9/10/1 98 OLA 21 90 - X X ṣ List 99 CT 45 27 a 20/1/35 100 TCL I 98 a 37/5/20 101 TCL I 97 Ḥa 37/6/11 102 VS 9 221 Ḥ Ḥ Litigation 103 CT 48 30, CT 48 28b, CT 48 47b Sli - 104 MHET 18 Sli - 105 CT 45 17 Sm 17/-/- X 106 YOS 14 163 Sm - X 107 VS 13 32 a 13/2/2 108 CT 6 47b a 24/12/24 109 OLA 21 24 Ḥa 40/-/- 110 CT 48 2 Ḥa -/-/30 X X 111 BAP 100 SiḤ 2/10/5 112 CT 6 7a SiḤ 5/12/15 X 113 BE 6/1 58 Si 11/3/6 114 OLA 21 96 Si 22/-/30 115 CT 45 37 Si 27/10/3 X 116 CT 6 29 Ad 1/4/25 117 CT 48 24 - X X 118 YOS 14 163 Purchase 119 BE 6/1 18 Sm 1/-/- X X 120 CT 8 45a Sm - X 121 CT 2 25 a 10/6 /28 X 122 CT 2 14 a 11/-/- 123 CT 8 22b Ḥa 12/2/3 X X 124 CT 8 43c Ḥa 18/9/24 X X 125 CT 8 22c Ḥa 21/10/35 X 126 CT 33 38 Ḥa 34/6/3 X X 127 CT 48 65 Ḥa 37/4/30 128 CT 48 62 Ḥa 40/10/25 X X 129 CT 8 35b Ḥa - X 130 VS 9 164 Ḥa - X 131 BDHP 63 SiḤ 1/12a/4 X 132 CT 47 53 SiḤ 2/1/23 X 133 CT 47 54 Si 4/9/27 X X 134 CT 47 61/61a Si 8/11/12 X 135 OLA 21 2 Si 8/11/13 X 136 CT 48 28 Si 9/6/10 X 137 CT 47 52 Si 17/6/1 X X 138 BDHP 20 Si 18/12/18 X 102 139 CT 48 60 Si 24 X 140 MHET 444 Si 27/2/7 X 141 BDHP 46 Si 33/-/11 X 142 CT 48 63 Si - X 143 CT 8 27a Ae -/1/6 X 145 CT 45 44 Ad 2/12/14 146 CT 33 41 Ad 4/1/20 147 CT 45 45 Ad 4/-/20 148 TCLI 156 Ad 37/12/11 149 TCL I 147 Ad -/4/1 X 150 TCL I 170 A -/11/15 X 151 BAP 3 A 3/7/3 X X 152 JNES 21 (65) 72 Sdṣ 11/2/20 X 153 CT 48 98 - ṣ 154 CT 48 61 - X 155 OLA 21 75 - X 156 VS 9 219 - X 157 VS 9 227 - Silver loan 158 BDHP 37 Im - 159 CT 48 47 Ae -/12/14 160 CT 48 66 Ad 22/7/10 161 BAP 4 A 10/5/6 162 Edzard, TeD 31 - ṣ Wedding 163 TCL I 90 a 33/4/- X 164 CT 45 55 Sd - 165 VS 8 4/5 -Ḥ X Other 166 CT 2 28 a - 167 CT 33 39 a 41/7/12 168 CT 66 49b SiḤ 6/10/22 169 CT 47 63 SiḤ 14/11/20 X 170 OLA 21 21 Ad -/diri6/20 171 BE 6/1 93 A 2-3/8/5 172 Edzard, TeD 45 A 2/8/20 173 CT 4 41a - ṣ 174 CT 45 97 - ṣ 175 Edzard, TeD 31 - 176 Edzard, TeD 129 - 103 D. SLAVES IN THE CODEX ḤAMMURABI Probably the best known document of the Old Babylonian period and undoubtedly the most famous document of the reign of king ammurabi, is his renowned law code. The stela discovered in 1901 on the Acropolis of Susa (Veil 2005: 9), is carved in diorite and exhibit at the Louvre Museum in Paris. King HammurabiḤ is celebrated as a lawgiver, whose code is the best know and most eloquent testimony of the legal thoughts of the people of the ancient Middle East (VAN DE MIEROOP 2005: vii). His 275 up to 300 laws44 prescribe what to do in many areas of the daily lives of the people whom he ruled. By numerous people, it is regarded to as the earliest expressions of ideas of justice. Of the corpus of about 300 laws, 32 deal with slaves and slavery and the last part is exclusively dedicated to persons belonging to this social category. An overview45 is given below. While the slave as legally seen ‘as a mere chattel’ and as ‘movable property’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 64), both law and society were forced to take into consideration the constantly self-asserting humanity of the slave, creating a highly ambiguous situation. On the one hands, the slave was considered as possessing the qualities of a human being, while on the other hand, he was recognized as being void of the same and regarded as a mere ‘thing’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 64). Overview of the law codes mentioning slaves I LEGAL PROCEEDINGS (§ 1-5) No slaves mentioned. II OFFENSES AGAINST PROPERTY (§ 6-25) §7 Šumma awīlum lu kaspam lu ḥurṣam lu wardam lu amtam lu alpam lu immeram lu imēram u lu mimma šumšu ina qāt mār awīlim u lu warad awīlim balum šībī u riksātim ištam u lu ana maṣṣarūtim imḥur, awīlum šû šarrāq iddâk. If a man [has bought]: gold, a slave, a slave girl, on ox, a sheep, a donkey and anything else out of the hand of a man’s son or a man’s slave, without properly witnessed receipts, even if he has accepted them just to look after them, that man is a thief, and shall be killed. §15 Šumma awīlum warad ekallim lu amat ekallim lu warad muškēnim lu amat muškēnim abullam ušteṣis, iddâk. If a man has taken a slave or a slave girl from the palace or from a workman outside the city gate, he shall be killed. §16 Šumma awīlum lu wardam lu amtam ḥalqam ša ekallim u lu muškēnim ina bītišu iraqīma ana šitīt nāgirim la uštīṣiam, bēl bītim šû iddâk. If a man has hidden a slave or a slave girl who has disappeared from the temple or from a workman in his house and does not produce them when the alarm is raised, the owner of that house shall be killed. §17 Šumma awīlum lu wardam lu amtam ḥalqam ina ṣērim iṣbatma ana bēlišu irtediaššu, 2 šiqil kaspam bēl wardim inaddiššum. 44 The exact number of laws is unknown because a set of columns was erased in the twelfth century (Van de Mieroop 2005: 101). 45 The transcription/transliteration is based on the work of E.S.J. Bergmann (1953), A.S.J. Pohl et. Al. (1950) and D.H. Veil (2005a/b). 104 If a man has found a lost slave or slave girl in the open country and has brought them back to their owner, the owner of the slave shall give him two shekels of silver. §18 Šumma wardum šû bēlšu la izzakar, ana ekallim ireddīšu. Warkassu ipparrasma ana bēlišu utarrūšu. If that slave will not declare the name of his owner, to the temple authorities he shall bring him back, were his record can be examined, and they shall return him to his owner. §19 Šumma wardam šuāti ina bītišu iktalāšu, warka wardum ina qātišu ittaṣba, awīlum šû iddâk. If he has held that slave captive in his house and later the slave is found in his possession, that man shall be killed. §20 Šumma wardum ina qāt ṣābitānišu iḥtaliq, awīlum šû ana bēl wardim nīš ilim izakkarma ūtaššar. If a slave has escaped from the hand (= possession) of his captor, the man [involved] shall solemnly swear by the god to the slave’s owner and shall be innocent. III FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS (§ 26-126) §116 Šumma nipûtim ina bīt nēpīša ina maḥāṣim u lu ina uššušim bēl ûtimnip tamkāršu ukšanma. Šumma mār awīlim mārašu idukkū.Šumma warad awīlim 1/3 mana kaspam išaqqal u ina mimma šumšu mala iddinu ītelli. If the secured person has died on the property of the creditor after a beating or cruelty, the owner of the secured person shall prove the merchant involved guilty. If it was the man’s son, they shall kill his son. If it was the man’s slave, he shall pay a third of a mana of silver. Moreover he shall forfeit his right to anything at all that he has given. §118 Šumma wardam u lu amtam ana kiššātim ittandin tamkārum ušetteq, ana kaspim inaddin ul ibbaqqar. If he has given a slave or a slave girl into bound service, the merchant may pass them and sell them for silver. The person cannot be reclaimed. §119 Šumma awīlam e’iltum iṣbassuma amassu ša mārī uldušum ana kaspim ittadin, kasap tamkārum išqulu bēl amtim išaqqalma amassu ipaṭṭar. If a man is gripped in poverty and has sold his slave girl for silver after she has born him sons, the slave girl’s owner may pay back the silver the merchant has loaned and redeem his slave girl. IV WOMAN, MARRIAGE, FAMILY PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE (§ 127-194) §129 Šumma aššat awīlim itti zikarim šanîm ina itūlim itta ṣbat ikassûšunūtima ana mê inaddûšunūti. Šumma bēl aššatim aššassu uballaṭ, u šarrum warassu uballaṭ. If the wife of a man has been caught copulating with another male, they shall tie them and throw them into the water. If the husband of the woman, allows his wife to live, similarly the king may allow his slave to live. §146 Šumma awīlum nadītam īḥuzma mārī la ušaršīšuma ana šugītim aḥāzim panīšu ištakan, awīlum šû šugītam iḥḥaz. Ana bītišu ušerrebši. Šugītum šî itti nadītim ul uštamaḥḥar. If a man has married a nadītu priestess and she has given a slave girl to her husband and she has born sons, but afterwards that slave girl takes over the position of her mistress because she has born sons, her mistress may not sell her for silver. She shall put on her the mark of slavery and she shall be treated as a slave girl. §171a U šumma abum ina bulṭišu ana mārī ša amtum uldušum, ‘mārūa’ la iqtabi, warka abum ana šīmtim ittalku ina makkūr bīt abim mārū amtim itti mārī ḥīrtim ul izuzzū. Andurār amtim u mārīša ištakan. Mārū ḥīrtim ana mārī amtim ana wardūtim ul iraggumū. However, if the father has not stated while he was alive to the sons the slave-girl bore 105 him, ‘my sons’, the slave girl’s sons shall not share the treasures in the father’s house with the first wif’s sons afer the father has passed to his destiny. An emancipation shall be arranged for the slave girl and her sons. The first wife’s sons shall have no rights of slavery over the slave girl’s sons. §175 Šumma lu warad ekallim u lu warad muškēnim mārat awīlim īḥuzma mārī ittalad, bēl wardim ana mārī mārat awīlim ana wardūtim ul iraggum. If a slave of the palace or the slave of a working man marries a man’s daughter and she bears sons, the slave’s owner shall have no right of slavery over any son of the daughter of the man. §176 U šumma warad ekallim u lu warad muškēnim mārat awīlim īḥuzma inūma īḥuzuši qadum šeriktim ša bīt abiša ana bīt warad ekallim u lu warad muškēnim īrubma ištu innemdū bītam īpušū bīšam iršû warkānumma lu warad ekalli m u lu warad muškēnim ana šīmtim ittalak, mārat awīlim šeriktaša ileqqe. U mimma ša mussa uî šištu innemdū iršû ana šinīšu izuzzūma mišlam bē : wardim ileqqe. Mišlam mārat awīlim ana māriša ileqqe. Šumma mārat awīlim šeriktam la išu, mimma ša mussa u šî ištu innemdū iršû ana šinīšu izuzzūma mišlam bēl wardim ileqqe. Mišlam mārat awīlim ana mārīša ileqqe. Moreover if the slave of the temple or the slave of the working man has married the girl and after he has married her she entered the house of the slave of the temple or the slave of the working man with a dowry from her father’s house, and after they have settled down, built a house and acquired property, subsequently the slave of the temple or the slave of the working man has passed to his destiny, the man’s daughter shall keep her dowry. Then they shall divide into tow that which she and her husband acquired after they had settled down: the slave’s owner shall take half and the man’s daughter shall take half for her sons. V ASSAULT (§ 195-214) §199 Šumma īn warad awīlim uḥtappid u lu eṣemti warad awīlim ištebir, mišil šīmšu išaqqal. If he (= a man, § 196) has destroyed the sight of another man’s slave or broken a bone of another man’s slave, he shall pay half his value in silver. §205 Šumma warad awīlim lēt mār awīlim imtaḥaṣ, uzunšu inakkišū. If a man’s slave has struck the cheek of another man, they shall cut off his ear. § 213 Šumma amat awīlim imḥaṣma ša libbiša uštaddīši, 2 šiqil kaspam išaqqal. If he (= a man, § 209) has struck a man’s slave girl and made her lose her unborn child, he shall pay two shekels of silver. §214 Šumma amtum šî imtūt, 1/3 mana kaspam išaqqal. If that slave girl (§ 213) has died, he shall pay a third of a mana of silver. VI PROFESSIONAL FEES AND RESPONSIBILITIES (§ 215-240) §217 Šumma warad awīlim, bēl wardim ana asîm 2 šiqil kaspam inaddin. If it was a slave (cf. § 215: a physician safe the life of a person), the slave’s owner shall give the physician two shekels of silver. §219 Šumma ašum simmam kabtam warad muškēnim in akarzilli siparrim īpušma uštamīt, wardam kīma wardim iriab. If a sphysician has made a deep incision with a surgeaon’s knife on a working man’s slave and has caused his death, he shall make recompense with slave for slave. §220 Šumma nakkaptašu ina karzilli siparrim iptēma īnšu uḥtapid, kaspam mišil šīmišu išaqqal. If he has opened up his eye-socket and destroyed his sight, he shall pay half of his 106 value in silver. §223 Šumma warad awīlim, bēl wardim ana asîm 2 šiqil kaspam inaddin. If it was a man’s slave (cf. § 221: a physician mended a broken bone or freed a painful joint), the slave’s owner shall pay the doctor two shekels of silver. §226 Šumma gallābum balum bē : wardim abbutti wardim la šêm ugallib ritti gallābim šuāti inakkisū. If a barber has shaved away the mark of a slave without knowing the slave owner, they shall cut off the hand of that barber. §227 Šumma awīlum gallābam idāṣma abbutti wardim la šêm ugdallib,īlam aw šuāti idukkūšūma ina bābišu iḥallalūšu. Gallābum ina idû la ugallibu itammāma utaššar. If a man has tricked the barber and he has shaved away the mark of a slave which is not his own, they shall kill that man by hanging him in his doorway. The barber shall swear: ‘I did the shaving without proper information’, and he shall go free. §231 Šumma warad bēl bītim uštamīt, wardam kīma wardim ana bēl bītim inaddin. If it has caused the death of a slave of the owner of the house, he shall give a slave for the slave to the owner of the house. VII AGRICULTURE (§ 241 – 267) §252 Šumma warad awīlim, 1/3 mana kaspam inaddin. If it was the slave of a man (§ 251: slave that was killed by an ox), he shall give a third mana of silver [to the owner]. VIII RATES OF HIRE (§ 268 – 277) No slaves mentioned. IX SLAVES (§ 278 – 282) §278 Šumma awīlum wardam amtam išāmma waraḥšu la imlāma benni elišu imtaqut ana nādinānišu utârma šayyimānum kasap išqulu ileqqe. If a man has bought a slave or a slave girl and before they have finished the first month, sickness has struck them down, he shall return them to the seller and the purchaser shall take back any silver he has paid. §279 Šumma awīlum wardam amtam išāmma baqrī irtaši nādinānšu baqrī ippal. If a man has bought a slave or slave girl and then claims are found to exist, the one who sold to him shall be responsible for the claims. §280 Šumma awīlum ina māt nukurtim wardam amtam ša awīlim ištām inūma ina libbū mātim ittalkamma bēl wardim u lu amtim lu warassu u lu amassu ūteddi. Šumma wardum u amtum šunu mārū mātim, balum kaspimma andurāršunu iššakkan. If a man in a foreign country has bought a slave or a slave girl from someone, and when he is travelling in the home land the owner of the slave or the slave girl has told him that it is his slave or his slave girl, he shall arrange the emancipation of such slaves and slave girls without payment provided, they are sons (= citizens) of the land. §281 Šumma mārū mātim šanītim, šāyyimānumma ina maḥar ilim kasap išqulu iqabbīma, bēl wardim u lu amtim kasap išqulu ana tamkārim inaddinma, lu warassu lu amassu ipaṭṭar. If they are sons (= citizens) of a different land, the purchaser shall state the amount of silver the pain in the presence of the god and the owner of the slave or the maid shall pay the silver to the merchant and redeem his slave or his slave girl. §282 Šumma wardum ana bēlišu ul bēli atta iqtabi, kīma warassu ânšuma uk bēlšu uzunšu inakkis. If the slave has stated to his master ‘you are not my master’, his master shall prove that it is his slave and cut off his ear. 107 E. THE SIGN OF A SLAVE In the Old Babylonian period, the terms for chattel slaves are ‘ìr’ for the male slaves and ‘géme’ for the slave women, usually preceded by the neutral term ‘sag’, rēšu or qaqqadu in Akkadian and to be translated as ‘head’ or ‘person’46. While this term is rather general, it is quite obvious in its application to slaves. It is used for male and female individuals without any qualification. It is attested from the Pre-Sargonic times onwards and its use was continued during the Sargonic and Ur III era. However, it mainly emerges in legal texts and rarely appears in administrative texts (GELB 1982: 89). This phenomenon, combined with the sign ìr or géme is characteristic for the OB period (GELB 1982: 89). The syllabic value ‘ìr’ (equated with the sign arad, or the variant ir11, equated with árad47) is more ambiguous. This sign has an identical value with the sign ‘nita’, which was popular in use during the Ur III period. This equivocation used to lead and still leads to numerous confusions (GELB 1982: 82,83). Although the signs ‘arad’ and ‘ír’ both mean ‘slave’, they may express different kinds of dependence (GELB 1982: 87). It was Jacobson who put forward that the term ‘árad’ (written urda) and the Akkadian wardu meant ‘slave’. He equated the word ‘ìr’ with the word tîrum. According to the CAD this word means ‘courtier’ or ‘palace-servant’ (JACOBSON 1953: 37; CAD T sub tîru). Until the Ur III period, this difference might have been under discussion. Probably a change in the use of this sign took place in the following period of time (cf. supra). Gelb wrote in his conclusion that the signs ‘ìr’ and ‘ir11’ reflect two distinct forms of slavery. In this case, ir11 represents the older and native term, referring to a ‘qualified’ slave, while the younger and clearly Semitic-borrowed term ‘árad’ has the meaning of ‘chattel slave’. In other words, the term ‘ir11’ stands for a native-born individual representing a domestic, patriarchal type of slavery, in contrast to the full chattel slavery derived from foreign areas (GELB 1982: 87). Interesting is the remark of Limet, who suggested that the Sumerians borrowed their word for ‘slave’ from the Akkadians, arguing that ‘slavery is something ‘foreign’ in their type of society’ (LIMET 1968: 88). A paleographical development, parallel to the word for male slaves (‘árad’), can be found for the sign ‘géme’, which defines female slaves. The discussion about this sign is less complicated, even though the word ‘géme’ has been more consistently mistranslated than any other (GELB 1982: 91). The meaning ‘female slave’ only appears in contracts dealing with the sale or purchase of individuals, court records, litigations and administrative texts. According to Gelb, in many contexts, the words merely means ‘woman of dependent classes’ (GELB 1965: 238), analogue with the male ‘guruš’. In Akkadian, the word e- ṭlum refers to a man with a social status described as ‘the counterpart of the Sumerian ‘sal’; used for woman of a more or less independent status’ (GELB 1965: 239; GELB 1973: 83). As a conclusion, we can say that we deal with persons who have a semi-free or slave status and who Patterson defines as ‘serf classes’. In the Sumerian literature of the Old Babylonian period, another term for ‘slave’ can be found: ‘šubur’, e.g. the Lugalbanda epos or the Epic of Gilgameš. In lines 177 and 222, Gilgameš indicates Enkidu as his slave. Because this dissertation does not include literature of the OB period, we will extend this discussion. For the same reason, no attention is paid to the 46 Translation is based on the ePSD, the Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary. (cf.: http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/ , search under SAG.) 47 Detailed information about this equalization and the development towards ìr is mentioned by Gelb (1982: 85). 108 occurrence of abstracts and collectives towards slaves. A summary of these terms, especially appearing in the pre-OB period, can be found in the work of Gelb (Gelb 1982: 93—94). F. THE ABBUTTU AND MAŠKANNU As was already mentioned in the introduction, slaves are physically distinguished from free people by the abbuttu or/and the (maš)kannu. In this supplement, we want to further investigate the exact form and content of these words. Greengus also mentions tattoos or brands as an, in this case permanent, way to distinguish slaves from the (half-)free people (GREENGUS 1995: 477). A. ABBUTTU According to the CAD and the AHW, the abbuttu48 is the characteristic hair style of slaves: a lock of hair placed on an undefined part of the head (cf. CAD A1 sub abbuttu, AHW I sub abbuttu). The CAD mentions that in some cases, the term refers to a metal clasp holding the abbuttu lock. This is based on the assumption that abbuttu denotes a lock, curls or tuft of hair growing on that part of the head, which is also called abbuttu (cf. CAD A1 sub abbuttu 4). It was placed upon the head of a free person who was enslaved, in order to make him immediately recognizable as a slave. It was also a punishment of disobedient people, e.g. if an adoptee rejected to recognize his/her new parents (STOL 2004: 810). The abbuttu hairdo was placed upon (šakānu) or shaven into (gullubu) the head. The verb šakānu was used when a free person became a slave, or when an overbearing slave girl was degraded (cf. CH § 146). It could refer to two slightly different activities: the way of cutting the hair so that only the lock of hair remained, or the placing of the metal claps around the abbuttu so that it stood out conspicuously. The verb gullubu can also be used to denote the removal of the lock if an enslaved person is manumitted, e.g. CT 6 29: 13: Elleta abbuttaka gullubat You are free, your abbuttu is shaved/has been shaved. The character of the Ancient Babylonian slave mark is yet not clear. Three main interpretations are suggested49. Based on the meaning of the verb gullubu (to cut, to shear, to shave), Mendelsohn suggests that the abbuttu was a mark incised with a hot iron and that its removal (cf. CH § 226-227) required the skill of a surgeon (MENDELSOHN 1949: 43). Mendelsohn based this interpretation on tablet MSL I, 2 col. Iv 1-15. This tablet deals with a fugitive slave or a fugitive pledge. It states that in case the fugitive is recaptured, the master will shave him and put the abbuttu on him. Esp. the passage ḥalāq ṣabat ina panišu iqqur, translated as ‘[…] in his face, he did cut’ (MENDELSOHN 1949: 43) can be an indication that in the case of a runaway slave, a mark was cut in the slave’s face. The second possibility, regarded as the most plausible theory according to Mendelsohn and based on a translation of Chiera, interprets the abbuttu as a small tablet of clay or metal hung on 48 In some cases it’s written as appatu (cf. CAD K sub kannu B). 49 For the overview of the possibilities, I used the standard work for Mesopotamian Slavery of Mendelsohn (1949). 109 a chain around the neck, wrist or ankle of the slave (MENDELSOHN 1949: 44). This theory is mainly based on slave documents from the city of Nippur, which state that the ‘mark’ was broken after the slaves has been declared manumitted (eg. UMBS VIII 137: 6 BI nam.géme-ni-šu in-gaz. The ‘BI’ of her slavery, she has broken50’.) Evidence of slaves wearing a tag can be found in the Nuzi documents, e.g. nuzi 751 (MENDELSOHN 1949: 45, CHIERA 1927: 42). The mark would usually identify the slave’s owner51. The last option is based on knowledge of slaves in the Neo-Babylonian period52 who where tattooed around the wrist (MENDELSOHN 1949: 44). It was thought that this was a possible way of explaining the abbuttu mark for a slave. We can understand that in this case, the mark was placed (šakānu) or cut, if gubbullu is used as verb. Most likely the tattoo was cut on a visible place of the slave’s body. An overview of several interpretations concerning abbuttu is presented in the following table: ‘Haartracht, etwa in Form eines Zopfes’ DAVID 1927: 50 ‘eine Haarformation oder Haartracht’ KRAUS 1947: 182 ‘tatouage’ SZLECHTER 1949: 404 ‘tattooed mark or tablet around neck’ MENDELSOHN 1949: 44 ‘ slave mark…branded or incised or tattooed in the flesh’ DRIVER ET AL1952: 422 ‘a mark in the in shape of a ring or a tag which was fastened by GOETZE 1956: 149 means of a chain to the body of the slave’ ‘ne désigne pas une coupe de cheveux particulière mais CASSIN 1963 : 116 simplement une marque’ ‘Il parait donc probable que l’abbuttu n’était pas une marque CASSIN 1969 : 136 indélébile…mais plutôt un signe discriminatoire comme pourrait l’être justement une coupe de cheveux d’un type particulier. ‘the slave mark placed on his head’ SPEISER 1963: 69 ‘hair style typically worn by slaves’ LEICHTY 1970: 68 ‘either be places on the feet or on the head’ STOHLMAN 1972: 169 ‘upper part of the skull or scalp’… ‘tuft of hair growing on this CIVIL 1973: 58 part of the head’ ‘characteristic hairdo or lock of hair (originally fetter)’ HARRIS 1975: 333 ‘hair of the back of the head’ FOXVOG ET AL 1975: 6 ‘Haartracht der Sklaven’ BORGER 1979: BAL XLVII ‘tattooed mark or tablet around the neck’ DANDAMAYEV 1984: 234 ‘apparently a kind of hair worn prominently on top of the SNELL 1997: 54-55 head’ ‘une coiffure distinctive’… ‘probablement une mèche qui était JOANNES 2001: 309 coupées solennellement par le barbier si l’esclave était 50 This kind of formulation is not found in Old Babylonian slave documents of the city of Sippar. The ‘BI’, of which the interpretation is unknown, is interpreted as the ‘mark of slavery’ by Chiera and Mendelsohn. 51 Several Aramaic documents refer to this way of marking slaves with their owners name or to another method of identification (LINDENBERGER 2003: 22). Mendelsohn combines the biblical and the Mesopotamian worlds in his study. These two worlds stand for two different cultures and we have to be careful of a too wide generalization towards slavery. In Pharaonic Egypt, both distinctive hairstyles and branding were used to distinguish slaves (BAKIR 1952: 68). 52 The practice of tattooing a slave is discussed in depth in the work of Dandamayev (1984: 229-234). The terminology used for these tattoos are šimṭu, šindu or šindu amēlūti. They all have a completely different root than the here mentioned word abbuttu. 110 affranchi’. ‘eine bestimmte Haartracht’. ‘Das Anbringen dieser STOL 2004 :910 Haartracht… ist das Entfernen der Sklavenmarke’. Can the Sumerian language contribute to the exploration of the meaning of the word abbuttu? The CAD mentions the notation qa-ar gàr and uzu.gàr = abbuttu (cf. CAD A1 sub abbuttu). The logographic gàr is amongst other things translated by the ePSD53 as ‘hairstyle and knob’. According to Civil, the Akkadian abbuttu is borrowed from the Sumerian ‘ugu.dù’54, with the phonetic variants ‘ubudu’ and ‘abudu’ (Civil 1973: 34). This word, ‘ugudu’, is mentioned on a lexical list: MSL 9, 53. If we look at the context of this word, we see it appear in a long list of designations for hair and hairstyles. No link can be found towards the interpretation of a tattoo or a ‘pendant’. Moreover, if we take into account § 226-227 of the codex Hammurabi (cf. supplement D), some critical notes can be added to the last mentioned interpretation. These two paragraphs deal with a barber (gallābum) who removes the slave mark by shaving him. If we would interpret abbuttu as a tattoo, it might be hard to ‘shave’ it away the moment a person no longer belongs to the lowest social status. It is very unlikely that the barber could be seen as the surgeon mentioned by Mendelsohn (MENDELSOHN 1949: 43). Since it was not uncommon for a slave to be manumitted, it would be contradictory to permanently mark people as slaves. It might have happened that a fugitive slave received a permanent mark, e.g. in his face, once he/she was recaptured, but then again, the abbuttu is not limited to fugitive slaves. The citation of the codex doesn’t mention the suggested use of a ‘hot iron’ that would brand slaves. If fugitive slaves actually were marked in the face, no matter what kind of sharp object could have been used in order to create scars. Similar problems appear if we interpret the abbuttu as a small tablet, a tag attached to the slave in order to label him/her. When the slave was freed, it is unlikely the scriba would write: ‘they shave the tablet and the slave has been manumitted’. Keeping in mind the evidence of the Codex Hammurabi and the Sumerian information concerning abbuttu, we’re inclined to say that it is evident that the word refers to a hairstyle uniquely used by slaves, thus following the current tendency to accept the definition of the CAD and AHW. Since no (detailed) portrayals of slaves during the OB period are known, it is hard to make an image of this hairdo. Since the Sumerian sign ‘gàr’ also means ‘knot’, we might suggest that the abbuttu hairdo was a small knot of hair left on a shaven head. If this knot was placed on the head or in the neck, is a question that probably shall remain unanswered, unless new textual or illustrative evidence is found. B. (MAŠ)KANNU A second possibility to mark the slave status is the maškannu and/or kannu. The last item mentioned is an object, described by the CAD as a fetter, band, rope, belt or wisp to straw to bind a steaf (cf. CAD K sub kannu Ba). Another possibility to translate this word is a band to tie the hair (cf. CAD K sub kannu Bb). Maškannu is translated as ‘a fetter’ (cf. CAD M1 sub maškannu 5). 53 Cf. http://psd.museum.upenn.edu, search under gàr. 54 Ugu.dù or ugudu is translated by the ePSD as ‘tuft of hair’ and equalized with the Akkadian abbuttu. (cf. http://psd.museum.upenn.edu, search under ugudu or hair). 111 In his general work about Old Babylonian history, Stol concludes that the maškannu can be interpreted as ‘a fetter made of copper’ , while he reads kannu as a ‘footblock’ made of wood (STOL 2004: 911). This sort of insignia of slavery is especially known from the Ešnunna law codes (cf. supra; STOL 2004: 911). § 51 wardam u amtum ša Ešnunaki, ša kannum maškanam u abbuttam šaknu abul Ešnuna ki balum belīšu ūl uṣṣi55. [When] a male or female slave on whom the kannu, maškannu and abbuttu has been laid, shall not go out of the gate of Ešnuna without the owner’s permission. What can we learn about the object itself, based on the textual passages? Unfortunately, a description is nowhere given. Again, the Sumerian precursors of these words can provide us with more information if we look them up in the lexical list. In the list MSL VII, we find the words maškannu and abbuttu on the numbers 201 and 202a, with only the word zuqaqīpu56 mentioned in between. In general, we can describe the context as a summarization of metal objects. Therefore it is acceptable to state that both the maškannu and the abbuttu also refer to metal objects, confirming the interpretation made by Stol (cf. supra). Particularly interesting in this context is the citation of BBVOT I 23:10 mentioned by Stol: Urudu57 kannam u abbuttam iškunanni They placed me a kannu and abbuttu of copper. If we limit the textual sources down to Sippar, we don’t find any passages which mention these two objects. Therefore, there is no evidence of a slave wearing a maškannu or kannu in Sippar (HARRIS 1975: 333). C. ARE THE PHYSICAL FEATURES COMPULSORY? Were the abbuttu, the kannu and the maškannu optional or compulsory for slaves? According to the dictionaries CAD and AHW, all slaves were marked from the moment they entered slavery, as a sign of their social status (DANDAMAYEV 1984: 233). Szlechter, on the other hand, regarded the hairstyle as a sign of punishment only (SZLECHTER 1949: 404). This idea was followed by Yaron, who believes the slave owner was free to choose whether or not he set the abbuttu when he was dealing with a fugitive slave (YARON 1989: 163). Hurowitz mainly uses the Ešnuna law code to answer this question. ‘From the prohibition on a marked servant exiting through the gate alone or without permission, one may learn that unmarked slaves as well roamed the city and that such slaves could come and go at the city gate a will’ (Hurowitz 1992: 60). He concludes that slaves were marked to display their inclination to flee or disobey. Thus, they could be watched with extra care. The study of the Old Babylonian administrative texts clearly shows that not all slaves had the abbuttu. For example, a slave wouldn’t have one if she was given as a second wife. In that case the abbuttu would only be given to the slave in case she refused to recognize her mistress or 55 Transcription and translation based on the publication of the Ešnuna laws by Szlechter (1949: 405) 56 This word can have numerous interpretations. In the context of the MSL list, it refers to a barbed metal point. (cf. CAD Z sub zupaqīpu 4 and MSL VII 201b). 57 Cf. http://psd.museum.upenn.edu, search under urudu. 112 would become disobedient. The following anecdote, found in the lexical series ana ittišu tablet II column 1458 is highly interesting: 3. ugallibsu He has shaven him. 4. abbutta iškunšu He has given him the abbuttu. 5. ana kaspi iddinšu He has sold him for silver. 6. ana bēlīšu ul [imgur] He has not [complied] with his master. 7. ištu bīt bēlīšu ihliq He has fled from his master's house. 8. ištu ihliqu utērūniššu After he fled, he returned him. 9. ištu [ihliqu] utērūniššu After [he fled] he returned him, (and) placed a fetter on his foot. 11. kurṣa ana sēpišu iškun He made him a chain. 12. šeršerata īpassu He handed over the bukannu59 13. bukanna ušētiq ‘He is a runaway, capture him’ 14. halaq ṣabat He incised on his ina pānīšu iqqur face. This text mentions a person who is sold into slavery. At the moment he is about to be sold, the slave merchant (?) shaves the abbuttu hairdo. In my opinion, this text reflects the standard procedure used to designate the new social status. The mentioned slave was disobedient to his master and decided to run away from his house. When he was recaptured, he received a punishment: he was chained, which we can interpret as being held in detention. Since the bukannu was handed over, we can suppose that he was sold to a new household. In order to prevent the slave from running away again and probably to make sure an eye was held on him, he was given an incision in his face. Rather than a textual sign, this could be a certain symbol or drawing. We’re inclined to say this explains the difference between the abbuttu hairdo and the use of the (maš)kannu. Another, more severe, punishment for slaves who misbehave or who are disobedient, is to cut off one of their ears. This is mentioned in the Codex Hammurabi. In § 205, an ear was cut off after a slave struck the check of another (free) man. The same penalty comes to order if a slave doesn’t recognize his master (§ 282), similar to the situation on the above mentioned tablet. Presumably it was the slave owner who could decide which punishment he preferred for his slave. -Adad sent away his slave girl in order to put her in chains of 5 mina of sliver to prevent her to flee, after she claimedSome more not evidenceto be his slave.can be Afound slave in whose the OB owner letters. goes In onthe a letter journey, AbB has I 27, to Awīlundergo the same lot in order to prevent a runaway in letter AbB I 15 and 27. 58 The transcription of the text is based on the publication of the ana ittišu tablet and the work of Hurowitz (1992: 62). 59 We can interpret this as ‘he sold him’, see bukannu in the purchase documents (MALUL 1985: 66- 77). 113