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A. LEO OPPENHEIM Oi.Uchicago.Edu Oi.Uchicago.Edu oi.uchicago.edu STUDIES PRESENTED To A. LEO OPPENHEIM oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu STUDIES PRESENTED To A. LEO OPPENHEIM June j, 1964 THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO I964 oi.uchicago.edu © 1964 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved Published 1964. Composed and printed by THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A. oi.uchicago.edu FOREWORD The essays composing this volume are offered as a tribute to one of the most pro­ ductive and versatile Assyriologists today. So much is standard praise. Perhaps Professor Oppenheim's unique and overriding quality, however, is an impatience with the accepted paradigm of the discipline, a determination both to expand its field of action and to examine critically some of its most fundamental assumptions. Whether collaborating with chemists in studies of ancient glass or with economists on institutions of marketless trading, he continues a vigorous, wide-ranging search for new methods of study and new areas of relevance. At the same time, in emphasiz­ ing (characteristically, in an anthropological journal) the canonical distortions and limitations of the recorded stream of tradition with which Assyriologists deal, he calls for a reappraisal of the structure of the field itself. These facets of his outlook and activities converge in his editorship of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary; without such a tool, it is difficult to see how a new generation will appear that can either test and modify the paradigm further or meet the challenge of the flood of new material and the increasing interest on the part of other disciplines. It is only fitting that the contributors to this volume all have been junior collabo­ rators or former students of Dr. Oppenheim and that the initiative in conceiving and editing it has remained entirely in their hands. Principal responsibility for initiating it rested with Rivkah Harris, Anne D. Kilmer, and E. V. Leichty, while the papers were edited by R. D. Biggs and J. A. Brinkman. ROBERT M, ADAMS Director, The Oriental Institute v oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu TABLE OF CONTENTS Robert D. Biggs AN INSCRIPTION OF ILUM-GAMIL OF TJRUK 1 /. A. Brinkman MERODACH-BALADAN II 6 Giorgio Buccellati THE ENTHRONEMENT OF THE KING AND THE CAPITAL CITY . 54 Richard I. Caplice, S.J, AKKADIAN "UD(D)U" 62 M. Civil A HYMN TO THE BEER GODDESS AND A DRINKING SONG 67 A. K. Grayson AMBUSH AND ANIMAL PIT IN AKKADIAN 90 William W. Hallo THE SLANDERED BRIDE 95 Rivkah Harris THE NADITU WOMAN 106 Hans Hirsch EANNATUM VON LAGAS UND SARGON VON AGADE 136 Anne Draffkorn Kilmer THE USE OF AKKADIAN DKS IN OLD BABYLONIAN GEOMETRY TEXTS 140 Erie Leichty THE COLOPHON 147 Oswald Loretz DAS HEBRAISCHE VERBUM LPT 155 Edith Porada AN EMACIATED MALE FIGURE OF BRONZE IN THE CINCINNATI MUSEUM 159 Erica Reiner THE PHONOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION OF A SUBSYSTEM IN THE AKKADIAN SYLLABARY 167 Aaron Shaffer "KITRU/KITERRU" : NEW DOCUMENTATION FOR A NUZI LEGAL TERM 181 Appendix BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PUBLICATIONS BY A. LEO OPPENHEIM 195 vii oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu AN INSCRIPTION OF ILUM-GAMIL OF URUK ROBERT D. BIGGS The Oriental Institute, University of Chicago One of the more obscure periods in Mesopotamian history is that between the end of the Third Dynasty of Ur and the reign of Hammurapi of Babylon. A recent study of D. Edzard1 has done much to further our knowledge concerning the king­ doms which flourished during the early part of this period. The history of one of these kingdoms, Uruk, has now been further elucidated by texts excavated in Uruk in the palace of Sin-ka&id, the founder of the independent dynasty of Uruk, and studied by A. Falkenstein.2 Among the more than three hundred tablets and fragments, mostly from the reigns of Anam (a reading Dingiram is also possible) and Irdanene, were found a document with a date formula and a fragmentary letter giving evidence for the reign of a previously unknown king of Uruk, Ilum-gamil. Like Sin-gamil, he was a son of Sin-iribam, long known as a king of Uruk.3 His reign was very brief, probably not longer than a year, dated by Falkenstein, using Sidney Smith's "middle" chronol­ ogy, to about 1823 B.C.4 No royal inscription from his reign has been known.5 The text published here6 will fill a small gap in our meagre sources for the middle years of the Uruk dynasty. It is an inscription in Sumerian of a servant of Ilum- gamil recording work done on the temple of ISkur which he carried out as a votive offering. It seems likely that the structure in question is a shrine or a part of the 1 D. O. Edzard, Die "Zweile Zwischmzeit" Babyloniens, Wiesbaden, 1957. 2 Adam Falkenstein, "Zu den Inschriften der Grabung in Uruk-Warka 1960-1961," Baghdader Mitteilungen 2 (1963) 1-82. 3 Ibid.} p. 34 f. 4 Ibid., p. 21. Following the "low" chronology of Albright and Cornelius, the date would be 1759 B.C. 6 See ibid., p. 51 for an inscription which may, as Falkenstein suggests, belong to this king. To judge from the space and the trace of a sign, [j>WQ]iR-ga-mi-4l seems more likely. If this attribution is correct, Sin-gamil is attested only by the date formulas of his three-year reign. 6 The inscription is the property of a private collector to whom the writer is much indebted for permission to study and publish the text. It is inscribed on a cone of grey-yellow clay measuring 14.5 cm. in length. It is quite probable that the cone came originally from Uruk. It will be noted that the script is strikingly like that of W 16062 (ibid.f pi. 8) and that the scribe of both, probably not completely accustomed to the "monumental" script which he was using, has slightly differing sign forms, such as NAM, within the same inscription. 1 oi.uchicago.edu 2 ROBERT D. BIGGS temple of Kkur, £.UD.GAL.GIM.KI.£U§.A.DU.A, built by Ilum-gamiPs grandfather, Sin-kasid,7 and not another temple of I&kur. Although the inscription is not, strictly speaking, an inscription of the king Ilum- gamil himself, but that of a subject of his who dedicated a temple structure for the king's life and for his own,8 it may nevertheless, following the criteria of Hallo, be considered a royal building inscription.9 1 di§ ku r For Ekur, 2 en nf.gal.an.ki the lord, awesome splendor of heaven and earth, 3 dingir.ra.ni.ir his god, 4 n am . t i for the life of 5 DINGm-ga-mi-il Ilum-gamil, 6 1 uga 1. u n uki. ga king of Uruk, 7 d u m u dEN.ZTj-i-ri-ba-am son of Sin-irlbam, 8 u . ba r-di sku r Ubar-I&kur, 9 arad.da.ni his servant, 10 d u m u a-pil-ku-bi son of Apil-kubi, 11 ^.sag.gi4.a.ni.rkam1 E.SAG.GI4.A.NI.KAM 12 k i. t u s nam.en.na.ni his lordly dwelling-place, 13 mu.na.an.du he built for him, 14 ru] n a m . [t i]. 1 a . n i. s e and for his own life 15 zi.de.es faithfully 16 mu.na.tum.mu he made it suitable for him. 1 For Kkur-Adad in general, see Hans Schlobies, "Der akkadische Wettergott in Mesopotamien," MAOG 1/3, Berlin, 1925. 2 The damaged sign is clearly IM and not GtJ, so that the common epithet of I3kur- Adad, Gti.GAL, is excluded. For n f. g a 1, which often occurs with g & r and its phonetic variants, see A. Sjoberg, Der Mondgott Nanna-Suen in der sume- rischen Vberlieferung, p. 79 n. 16 and J. van Dijk, Sumerische Gotterlieder 2, p. 11. 7 For the relevant inscription of Sin-kasid see ibid,, p. 50 f. The name of the temple is in part restored by Falkenstein on the basis of parallels. A temple of Adad is known in Uruk in Seleucid times (VAS 15 17:6), probably the one called £.H£.NUN.NA (TCL 6 39 rev. 26), but in view of the extensive rebuilding of temples on new sites in this period (cf. Falkenstein, Topographie von Uruk, p. 2), it is doubtful that it can be the same as that of the Old Babylonian period. For details of the most recent excavations in the palace of Sin-kasid, see A. von Haller, UVB 18, pp. 23-29. 8 See the very useful study of William W. Hallo, "The Royal Inscriptions of Ur: a Typology/' Hebrew Union College Annual 33 (1962) 18 for other inscriptions of this type. 9 Cf. F. R. Kraus, "Tonnagel mit Keilinschriften," Halil Edhem Hdtira Kitabi, Ankara, 1947, vol. 1, p. 81 f. and Hallo, op, cit.t p. 21. For a discussion of cones as phallic symbols with religious significance, see Jacques Bernolles, "Quelques considerations anthropomorphiques sur les 'clous' et les anneaux de fondation," RA 57 (1963) 1-20. oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu 4 ROBERT D. BIGGS For the Sumerian pronunciation cf* the phonetic writing in Sumer 13 73:10 ne.qa.al. (However, see Falkenstein, ZANF 21 42 f. for a suggestion that NE here be read n i 6.) We find n I . g a 1 (and the Akkadian equivalent namrirru) used with reference to several deities: Inanna-IStar; ni.gal d inanna.ke4 : nam~ri-ir-ri ia Hs-tar (Macmillan, "Religious Texts/' Bei- trage zur Assyriologie 5, pt.
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