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Notes and References 1 General Influences on Bangladesh’s Foreign Policy 1. The South Asian region is usually defined as consisting of seven states: Bangla- desh, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan and the Maldives. 2. For an analysis of east-wing subordination see W.H. Morris-Jones, ‘Pakistan Post Mortem and the Roots of Bangladesh’, in M.M. Khan and H.M. Zafarullah, Polit- ics and Bureaucracy in a New Nation: Bangladesh, Dacca, 1980, pp. 26–34. 3. B. Sen Gupta, Regional Cooperation and Development in South Asia, Vol. 1, New Delhi, 1986, p.19. 4. Ainslee Embree points out that this partial borrowing also can be coloured with admiration for the values and attitudes of the former rulers. A.T. Embree, Imagin- ing India, Delhi, 1989, p. 188. 5. In pre-British times, Bengal enjoyed relative autonomy. Although Bengal became part of the Mughal empire in 1576, it was ruled independently of the central government virtually until the death of Aurangzeb (1707), the last signi- ficant Mughal ruler. See D.A. Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Rela- tions (1971–1975), New Delhi, 1988, p. 17. 6. P. Ghosh applies to the South Asian states the notion that differing stages of political development lead to conflicting strategic and diplomatic positions. P.S. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict in South Asia, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 3, 14 and 229. 7. C. Clapham, and W. Wallace (eds), Foreign Policy Making in Developing States, Westmead, 1977, p. 174. 8. B. Buzan, ‘Peace, Power and Security: Contending Concepts in the Study of International Relations’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 21, no. 2, 1984, p. 121. 9. H.A. Kissinger, ‘Domestic Structure and Foreign Policy’, in J.N. Rosenau, Interna- tional Politics and Foreign Policy: A Reader in Research and Theory, New York, 1969, pp. 261–2. 10. T. Maniruzzaman, The Security of Small States in the Third World, Canberra, ANU, 1982, p. 15. 11. The problems associated with diplomatic recognition of Bangladesh were most pronounced in relation to the Islamic states. For a detailed discussion see: Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Relations, pp. 221–42. 12. The Bangladesh Observer, 2 May 1976. 13. Ibid., 25 March 1982. 14. C. Thomas, In Search of Security: The Third World in International Relations, Boul- der, 1987, p. 7. Thomas particularly points to the United States for its lack of understanding in dealing with ‘third world’ states. 15. For a succinct discussion of the basis for this factionalism, see M. Rashiduzza- man, ‘Changing Political Patterns in Bangladesh: Internal Constraints and External Fears’, in Khan, Zafarullah, Politics, pp. 176–95. 16. For example, in 1995, the strength of the Bangladesh army, navy and air force personnel was, 156 000, 8000 and 6500, respectively, whereas the Indian equival- ent was vastly greater: 1.14 million, 55 000, and 110 000, respectively. Further- more, compared with India’s arsenal in 1995 of 2600 tanks, Bangladesh had 140. 179 180 Notes and References See The Statesman’s Year-Book: A Statistical, Political and Economic Account of the States of the World for the Year 1996–1997, London, 1996, pp. 182–3, 641–2. 17. For examples of proponents of this view, see: H. Wiberg, ‘The Security of Small Nations: Challenges and Defences’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 24, no. 4, 1987, p. 340. However, Wiberg does stress that the military dimension is not the only one. [See p. 354.] See also R.G.C. Thomas (ed.), The Great Power Triangle and Asian Security, 1983, p. 71, and B. Buzan (et al.), South Asian Insecurity and the Great Powers, New York, 1986, pp. 8–30. 18. See M. Rahman Shelley, Emergence of a New Nation in a Multi-Polar World: Bangla- desh, Washington, D.C., 1978, p. 19, and K. Subrahmanyam, ‘India and Its Neighbours: A Conceptual Framework of Peaceful Co-existence’, in U.S. Bajpai (ed.), India and Its Neighbourhood, New Delhi, 1986, p. 109. 19. The ‘primordialist/instrumentalist’ debate became prominent particularly due to the writings of two South Asia specialists, Paul Brass and Francis Robinson. See P.R. Brass, Language, Religion and Politics in North India, London, 1974, and F. Robinson, Separatism among Indian Muslims: The Politics of the United Provinces’ Muslims, 1860–1923, London, 1974. 20. For a discussion specifically related to the pre-Pakistan period, see A. Roy, ‘The Bengal Muslim “Cultural Mediators” and the Bengal Muslim Identity in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. 10, no. 1, 1987, pp. 11–34. 21. See D.A. Wright, ‘Islam and Bangladeshi Polity’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. 10, no. 1, 1987, p. 15. 22. P.R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison, New Delhi, 1991, p. 74. 23. Financial loans and a vastly unequal trading relationship have made Bangladesh a major debtor to India. See C. Baxter, ‘Bangladesh at Ten: An Appraisal of a Decade of Political Development’, The World Today, vol. 38, no. 2, February 1982, p. 78. 24. M. Franda, Bangladesh: The First Decade, New Delhi, 1982, p. 281. 25. T.A. Keenleyside, ‘Nationalist Indian Attitudes Towards Asia: A Troublesome Leg- acy For Post-Independence Indian Foreign Policy’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 55, no. 2, 1982, p. 210–1. 26. Ibid., p. 211. 27. R. Tagore, Towards Universal Man, London, 1961, p. 57. 28. Ibid., p. 91. 29. Ibid., p. 249. 30. Ibid., p. 66. 31. Keenleyside, ‘Nationalist Indian Attitudes’, p. 214–15. For some of Nehru’s com- ments on Asian unity and India’s role, presented at the Inter-Asian Conference, New Delhi in March 1947, see: S. Gopal (ed.), Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Second Series, vol. 2, New Delhi, pp. 501–9. 32. L. Ziring (ed.), The Subcontinent in World Politics: India, Its Neighbors, and the Great Powers, New York, 1978, p. 85. 33. M.A. Bhatty, ‘Strategic Balance In South Asia Including the Adjacent Ocean’, World Review, vol. 31, no. 1, 1992, p. 26. 34. R. Kumar, ‘India’s Political Identity: Nation-State or Civilisation-State’, Indian Ocean Review, vol. 4, no. 4, 1991, pp. 23, 26. Ravinder Kumar is the Director of the Nehru Memorial Museum, New Delhi. 35. A.T. Embree, ‘Indian Civilization and Regional Cultures: The Two Realities’, in P. Wallace (ed.), Region and Nation in India, New Delhi, 1985, pp. 19–39. Notes and References 181 36. Ibid., p. 21. Ravinder Kumar makes the point that the unity and character of Indian society is determined not so much by the Brahmanical ‘high culture’ as it is later by the ‘middle’ traditions of devotional theism, as embodied in the bhakti movement which became prominent after the first millennium C.E.R. Kumar, ‘The Past and the Present: An Indian Dialogue’, Nehru Memorial Museum and Lib- rary, Occasional Papers on Perspectives on Indian Development, no. I, New Delhi, March 1989, p. 23 (unpublished). 37. Embree, ‘Indian Civilization and Regional Cultures’, p. 24. 38. Ibid., pp. 25–6. 39. Ibid., p. 24. 40. Ibid., p. 34. 41. Ibid., p. 35. 42. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 37. 43. Bangladeshi concerns about Indian interference were manifested within months of achieving independence as exemplified by their insistence that Indian troops be withdrawn from Bangladesh. This was despite their much-needed assistance in the wake of the war. For details, see Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Relations (1971–1975), pp. 125–31. 44. C. Bateman points to Indian activities in Sri Lanka, Sikkim, Bhutan and Nepal as immediate examples of such meddling. See C. Bateman, ‘National Security and Nationalism in Bangladesh’, Asian Survey, vol. 19, no. 8, August 1979, p. 784. Even India’s assistance to Bangladesh in 1971 was, certainly from Pakistan’s point of view, a form of meddling. Much is said of India’s humble wish simply to preserve the status quo in South Asia, but such semantics do not negate, for example, the many repercussions of Indian assistance in Bangladesh’s war of independence. 45. S. Mansingh, India’s Search For Power: Indira Gandhi’s Foreign Policy 1966–1982, New Delhi, 1984, p. 263. See also n. 44. 46. Stephen Cohen interprets the militarisation of India as a corrosion of its ‘polit- ical soul’, as personified by Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. S.P. Cohen, ‘Dimensions of Militarism in South Asia’, Defence Journal (Karachi), no. 7, July 1984, p. 9, cited in, Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 221. 47. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 221. 48. Times of India (Bombay), 8 November 1975. 49. P.K. Mishra, South Asia in International Politics, Delhi, 1984, p.148. See also K. Subrahmanyam, ‘India and Its Neighbours: A Conceptual Framework of Peaceful Co-existence’, in Bajpai (ed.), India and its Neighborhood, pp. 123–4, where Subrahmanyam states: ‘A number of people in this country readily accept the apparently plausible thesis advanced in our neighbouring countries that a large and militarily powerful India constitutes a threat to them and is hegemon- istic. Historically this thesis is untenable in terms of India’s pattern of behaviour in the last four decades.’ See also pp. 125–6. 50. Mansingh, India’s Search, p. 262. 51. Buzan, ‘Peace, Power and Security’, p. 123. 52. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 57. 53. Buzan, ‘Peace, Power and Security’, pp. 110–11. 54. See Chapters 7 and 8. 55. East-wing feelings of insecurity were exacerbated particularly during the 1965 war between India and Pakistan, where East Pakistan was left defenceless against a possible Indian attack. For details, see D.A. Wright, India–Pakistan Relations: 1962–1969, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 99–100. 182 Notes and References 56.
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