Notes and References

1 General Influences on Bangladesh’s Foreign Policy 1. The South Asian region is usually defined as consisting of seven states: Bangla- desh, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan and the Maldives. 2. For an analysis of east-wing subordination see W.H. Morris-Jones, ‘Pakistan Post Mortem and the Roots of Bangladesh’, in M.M. Khan and H.M. Zafarullah, Polit- ics and Bureaucracy in a New Nation: Bangladesh, Dacca, 1980, pp. 26–34. 3. B. Sen Gupta, Regional Cooperation and Development in South Asia, Vol. 1, New Delhi, 1986, p.19. 4. Ainslee Embree points out that this partial borrowing also can be coloured with admiration for the values and attitudes of the former rulers. A.T. Embree, Imagin- ing India, Delhi, 1989, p. 188. 5. In pre-British times, Bengal enjoyed relative autonomy. Although Bengal became part of the Mughal empire in 1576, it was ruled independently of the central government virtually until the death of Aurangzeb (1707), the last signi- ficant Mughal ruler. See D.A. Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Rela- tions (1971–1975), New Delhi, 1988, p. 17. 6. P. Ghosh applies to the South Asian states the notion that differing stages of political development lead to conflicting strategic and diplomatic positions. P.S. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict in South Asia, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 3, 14 and 229. 7. C. Clapham, and W. Wallace (eds), Foreign Policy Making in Developing States, Westmead, 1977, p. 174. 8. B. Buzan, ‘Peace, Power and Security: Contending Concepts in the Study of International Relations’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 21, no. 2, 1984, p. 121. 9. H.A. Kissinger, ‘Domestic Structure and Foreign Policy’, in J.N. Rosenau, Interna- tional Politics and Foreign Policy: A Reader in Research and Theory, New York, 1969, pp. 261–2. 10. T. Maniruzzaman, The Security of Small States in the Third World, Canberra, ANU, 1982, p. 15. 11. The problems associated with diplomatic recognition of Bangladesh were most pronounced in relation to the Islamic states. For a detailed discussion see: Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Relations, pp. 221–42. 12. The Bangladesh Observer, 2 May 1976. 13. Ibid., 25 March 1982. 14. C. Thomas, In Search of Security: The Third World in International Relations, Boul- der, 1987, p. 7. Thomas particularly points to the United States for its lack of understanding in dealing with ‘third world’ states. 15. For a succinct discussion of the basis for this factionalism, see M. Rashiduzza- man, ‘Changing Political Patterns in Bangladesh: Internal Constraints and External Fears’, in Khan, Zafarullah, Politics, pp. 176–95. 16. For example, in 1995, the strength of the Bangladesh army, navy and air force personnel was, 156 000, 8000 and 6500, respectively, whereas the Indian equival- ent was vastly greater: 1.14 million, 55 000, and 110 000, respectively. Further- more, compared with India’s arsenal in 1995 of 2600 tanks, Bangladesh had 140.

179 180 Notes and References

See The Statesman’s Year-Book: A Statistical, Political and Economic Account of the States of the World for the Year 1996–1997, London, 1996, pp. 182–3, 641–2. 17. For examples of proponents of this view, see: H. Wiberg, ‘The Security of Small Nations: Challenges and Defences’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 24, no. 4, 1987, p. 340. However, Wiberg does stress that the military dimension is not the only one. [See p. 354.] See also R.G.C. Thomas (ed.), The Great Power Triangle and Asian Security, 1983, p. 71, and B. Buzan (et al.), South Asian Insecurity and the Great Powers, New York, 1986, pp. 8–30. 18. See M. Rahman Shelley, Emergence of a New Nation in a Multi-Polar World: Bangla- desh, Washington, D.C., 1978, p. 19, and K. Subrahmanyam, ‘India and Its Neighbours: A Conceptual Framework of Peaceful Co-existence’, in U.S. Bajpai (ed.), India and Its Neighbourhood, New Delhi, 1986, p. 109. 19. The ‘primordialist/instrumentalist’ debate became prominent particularly due to the writings of two South Asia specialists, Paul Brass and Francis Robinson. See P.R. Brass, Language, Religion and Politics in North India, London, 1974, and F. Robinson, Separatism among Indian Muslims: The Politics of the United Provinces’ Muslims, 1860–1923, London, 1974. 20. For a discussion specifically related to the pre-Pakistan period, see A. Roy, ‘The Bengal Muslim “Cultural Mediators” and the Bengal Muslim Identity in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. 10, no. 1, 1987, pp. 11–34. 21. See D.A. Wright, ‘Islam and Bangladeshi Polity’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. 10, no. 1, 1987, p. 15. 22. P.R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison, New Delhi, 1991, p. 74. 23. Financial loans and a vastly unequal trading relationship have made Bangladesh a major debtor to India. See C. Baxter, ‘Bangladesh at Ten: An Appraisal of a Decade of Political Development’, The World Today, vol. 38, no. 2, February 1982, p. 78. 24. M. Franda, Bangladesh: The First Decade, New Delhi, 1982, p. 281. 25. T.A. Keenleyside, ‘Nationalist Indian Attitudes Towards Asia: A Troublesome Leg- acy For Post-Independence Indian Foreign Policy’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 55, no. 2, 1982, p. 210–1. 26. Ibid., p. 211. 27. R. Tagore, Towards Universal Man, London, 1961, p. 57. 28. Ibid., p. 91. 29. Ibid., p. 249. 30. Ibid., p. 66. 31. Keenleyside, ‘Nationalist Indian Attitudes’, p. 214–15. For some of Nehru’s com- ments on Asian unity and India’s role, presented at the Inter-Asian Conference, New Delhi in March 1947, see: S. Gopal (ed.), Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Second Series, vol. 2, New Delhi, pp. 501–9. 32. L. Ziring (ed.), The Subcontinent in World Politics: India, Its Neighbors, and the Great Powers, New York, 1978, p. 85. 33. M.A. Bhatty, ‘Strategic Balance In South Asia Including the Adjacent Ocean’, World Review, vol. 31, no. 1, 1992, p. 26. 34. R. Kumar, ‘India’s Political Identity: Nation-State or Civilisation-State’, Indian Ocean Review, vol. 4, no. 4, 1991, pp. 23, 26. Ravinder Kumar is the Director of the Nehru Memorial Museum, New Delhi. 35. A.T. Embree, ‘Indian Civilization and Regional Cultures: The Two Realities’, in P. Wallace (ed.), Region and Nation in India, New Delhi, 1985, pp. 19–39. Notes and References 181

36. Ibid., p. 21. Ravinder Kumar makes the point that the unity and character of Indian society is determined not so much by the Brahmanical ‘high culture’ as it is later by the ‘middle’ traditions of devotional theism, as embodied in the bhakti movement which became prominent after the first millennium C.E.R. Kumar, ‘The Past and the Present: An Indian Dialogue’, Nehru Memorial Museum and Lib- rary, Occasional Papers on Perspectives on Indian Development, no. I, New Delhi, March 1989, p. 23 (unpublished). 37. Embree, ‘Indian Civilization and Regional Cultures’, p. 24. 38. Ibid., pp. 25–6. 39. Ibid., p. 24. 40. Ibid., p. 34. 41. Ibid., p. 35. 42. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 37. 43. Bangladeshi concerns about Indian interference were manifested within months of achieving independence as exemplified by their insistence that Indian troops be withdrawn from Bangladesh. This was despite their much-needed assistance in the wake of the war. For details, see Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Relations (1971–1975), pp. 125–31. 44. C. Bateman points to Indian activities in Sri Lanka, Sikkim, Bhutan and Nepal as immediate examples of such meddling. See C. Bateman, ‘National Security and Nationalism in Bangladesh’, Asian Survey, vol. 19, no. 8, August 1979, p. 784. Even India’s assistance to Bangladesh in 1971 was, certainly from Pakistan’s point of view, a form of meddling. Much is said of India’s humble wish simply to preserve the status quo in South Asia, but such semantics do not negate, for example, the many repercussions of Indian assistance in Bangladesh’s war of independence. 45. S. Mansingh, India’s Search For Power: Indira Gandhi’s Foreign Policy 1966–1982, New Delhi, 1984, p. 263. See also n. 44. 46. Stephen Cohen interprets the militarisation of India as a corrosion of its ‘political soul’, as personified by Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. S.P. Cohen, ‘Dimensions of Militarism in South Asia’, Defence Journal (Karachi), no. 7, July 1984, p. 9, cited in, Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 221. 47. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 221. 48. Times of India (Bombay), 8 November 1975. 49. P.K. Mishra, South Asia in International Politics, Delhi, 1984, p.148. See also K. Subrahmanyam, ‘India and Its Neighbours: A Conceptual Framework of Peaceful Co-existence’, in Bajpai (ed.), India and its Neighborhood, pp. 123–4, where Subrahmanyam states: ‘A number of people in this country readily accept the apparently plausible thesis advanced in our neighbouring countries that a large and militarily powerful India constitutes a threat to them and is hegemon- istic. Historically this thesis is untenable in terms of India’s pattern of behaviour in the last four decades.’ See also pp. 125–6. 50. Mansingh, India’s Search, p. 262. 51. Buzan, ‘Peace, Power and Security’, p. 123. 52. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 57. 53. Buzan, ‘Peace, Power and Security’, pp. 110–11. 54. See Chapters 7 and 8. 55. East-wing feelings of insecurity were exacerbated particularly during the 1965 war between India and Pakistan, where East Pakistan was left defenceless against a possible Indian attack. For details, see D.A. Wright, India–Pakistan Relations: 1962–1969, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 99–100. 182 Notes and References

56. B. Prasad, India’s Foreign Policy: Studies in Continuity and Change, New Delhi, 1979, pp. 107–8. 57. Mansingh, India’s Search, p. 269. 58. W.H. Morris-Jones, ‘India – More Questions Than Answers’, Asian Survey, vol. 24, no. 8, 1984, p. 809. 59. P.V.N. Rao, Reflections on Non-Alignment, New Delhi [1992], p. 8. 60. N. Jetly, ‘India and the Domestic Turmoil in South Asia’, in U. Phadnis (ed.), Domestic Conflicts in South Asia, Vol. 1: Political Dimensions, New Delhi, 1986, p. 80. 61. The Bangladesh Observer, 13 August 1976. 62. Ibid., 14 August 1976. 63. Mansingh, India’s Search, p. 262. 64. ‘As Mrs Gandhi Sees It’, interview with Indira Gandhi by Fatma Zakaria, Times of India (New Delhi), 14 August 1983. 65. T. George et al., Security in Southern Asia 2: India and the Great Powers, Aldershot, 1984, p. 204. 66. Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries in the world. The Europa World Year Book 1996, Volume 1, London, 1996, p. 502. See also Table 1.1. 67. The Grameen Bank currently works in 36 000 villages in Bangladesh (almost half the total number of villages) and annually gives out 4 million loans to the rural poor, operating through 62 000 lending centres with staff of over 12 000. 94 per cent of these loans are given to female heads of households. M. Yunus, Towards a Poverty-Free World, paper delivered at the ‘Bangladesh: Democracy and Develop- ment’ Conference organised by the National Centre for South Asian Studies, Mel- bourne, held at the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (22–23 March 1997). 68. ‘Persistence of Poverty in Bangladesh’, Grameen Poverty Research, vol. 2, no. 1, January 1996, p. 2. According to another report, produced by the ‘independent Pakistan-based Human Development Centre, headed by a former Pakistan finance minister, Mr Mahbub ul Haq’, South Asia was ‘going backwards in all main social development indicators, despite higher rates of economic growth’, the benefits of which had not ‘trickled down’ to the poor. The report also concluded that South Asian poverty eclipsed even that of sub-Saharan Africa. Admittedly, the report was produced partly in response to the Australian government’s decision in 1996 to cut aid to South Asia, while maintaining funding for Africa. The Sydney Morning Herald, 19 April 1997. 69. Ibid. 70. See Table 1.1. 71. According to the World Bank, Bangladesh’s population growth rate between 1990–1995 was 1.6 per cent. Bangladesh Country Overview (updated 22 January 1977, cited 7 February 1997) World Bank Group: . 72. Population Reference Bureau: 1995 World Population Data Sheet – Bangladesh (updated 5 February, cited 7 February 1997): . 73. For a history of the pro-aid/anti-aid debate, see Anisul Islam, ‘Foreign Aid and Economic Development’, in H. Zafarullah et al. (eds), Policy Issues in Bangladesh, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 107–8. 74. S. Rahman, ‘Bangladesh in 1989: Internationalization of Political and Economic Issues’, Asian Survey, vol. 30, no. 2, 1990, p. 155. The obvious response which could be made to this criticism is that the donors have not allowed for the real conditions in Bangladesh. Notes and References 183

75. Islam, ‘Foreign Aid’, pp. 97–135. 76. T. Maniruzzaman, ‘The Fall of the Military Dictator: 1991 Elections and the Pro- spect of Civilian Rule in Bangladesh’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 65, no. 2, 1992, p. 217. 77. Islam, ‘Foreign Aid’, p. 97. By contrast, the ratio of aid to GDP for India was only 2 per cent in 1990. Ibid., p. 101. 78. Ibid., pp. 100–1. 79. Ibid., p. 98. 80. Commodity aid grants declined from 84 per cent in 1972 to 30 per cent in 1990 and project aid grants dropped from 53 per cent to 38 per cent in 1990. Ibid., p. 100. 81. Ibid., p. 105, and The Europa World Year Book 1996, p. 502. 82. Islam, ‘Foreign Aid’, pp. 105–6. 83. R. Sobhan, ‘Bangladesh and the World Economic System: the Crisis of External Dependence’, in S.R. Chakravarty, and V. Narain (eds), Bangladesh, Vol. 3: Global Politics, New Delhi, 1988, p. 30. 84. Ibid. 85. Ibid. 86. Ibid. 87. Ibid., p. 31. 88. Ibid. 89. Ibid., p. 43. 90. Maniruzzaman, ‘The Fall of the Military Dictator’, p. 218. 91. Ibid. 92. Ibid. 93. Unpaid loans from Development Financing Institutions (DFIs) amounted to 11 000 million Taka in 1991 (approximately US$290 million). Ibid., p. 219. 94. Sobhan, ‘Bangladesh’, p. 43. 95. Ibid., pp. 43–4. 96. Islam, ‘Foreign Aid’, p. 104. 97. B.N. Ghosh, Political Economy of Neocolonialism in Third World Countries, New Delhi, 1985, p. 21. 98. Ibid., p. 36. 99. Ibid., p. 32. 100. Sobhan, ‘Bangladesh’, pp. 30–50. 101. At the end of 1993, India’s total external debt was US$91 781 million.The cost of debt servicing for India is also high, being 28.4 per cent of export earnings in 1993. The Europa World Year Book 1996, Volume 1, p. 1539. 102. For example, severe flooding and loss of life occurred in Bangladesh in 1985, 1987, 1988 and 1991. 103. Islam, ‘Foreign Aid’, p. 103. 104. Ibid. 105. Ibid. For a similar viewpoint see M.M. Khan and S.A. Husain (eds), Bangladesh Studies: Politics, Administration, Rural Development and Foreign Policy, Dhaka, 1986, pp. 250–54. 106. E. Ahamed (ed.), Foreign Policy of Bangladesh: A Small State’s Imperative, Dhaka, 1984, p. 89. 107. The Europa World Year Book 1996, Volume 1, London, 1996, p. 502. 108. C. Baxter, ‘Bangladesh in 1990: Another New Beginning?’, Asian Survey, vol. 31, no. 2, 1991, p. 151, and The Europa World Year Book 1993, Volume 1, London, 1993, p. 453. 184 Notes and References

109. R. Sobhan, The Crisis of External Dependence: The Political Economy of Foreign Aid to Bangladesh, London, 1982, pp. 142, 240. The United States supplied US$577 million in aid during the same period. See also Islam, ‘Foreign Aid’, p. 104. 110. Islam, ‘Foreign Aid’, p. 102. 111. Canada has more than doubled its aid to Bangladesh, increasing its share of total aid from 2.7 per cent in 1972 to 5.7 per cent in 1990. Ibid. 112. Franda, Bangladesh, p. 282 and Z.R. Khan, Leadership in the Least Developed Nation: Bangladesh, Syracuse, 1983, pp. 165–6. For details of one of Zia’s trips to obtain Islamic support and aid, see The Bangladesh Observer, 22 May 1976. 113. Franda, Bangladesh, p. 280. 114. The Bangladesh Observer, 27 August 1980, 31 August 1980. 115. See for example Zia’s address to the United Nations General Assembly in August 1980, when he presented his 10-point plan for the ‘restructuring of the global economic order’ in order to ‘remove the ever widening disparity between the developed and the developing nations’. Ibid., 27 August 1980. 116. Ibid., 8 March 1977, 5 July 1979, 8 November 1979. 117. Ibid., 16 May 1980. 118. Ibid., 8 December 1985. 119. Ibid., 30 October 1983. 120. New York Times (New York), 11 April 1982. 121. For example, Chinese links with Bangladesh were continually publicised with great fanfare in the Bangladesh press. See The Bangladesh Observer, 4 November 1983, 16 June 1987, 11 December 1988. 122. Jetly, ‘India’, p. 73. 123. M. Franda and A. Rahman, ‘India, Bangladesh and the Superpowers’, in P. Wal- lace (ed.), Region and Nation in India, New Delhi, 1985, p. 263. 124. See Chapter 6.

2 1975–81: Indo–Pakistani Rivalry and Indian Party Politics 1. S.S. Bindra, Indo–Bangladesh Relations, New Delhi, 1982, p. 62. 2. C.J. Gulati, Bangladesh: Liberation to Fundamentalism (A Study of Volatile Indo– Bangladesh Relations), New Delhi, 1988, p. 221. 3. U.S. Bajpai (ed.), India and Its Neighbourhood, New Delhi, 1986, p. 294. 4. There is a tendency for pro-Indian analysts to consider the ‘external influences’ upon Bangladesh’s foreign policy to include Pakistan but not India. 5. P. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict in South Asia, New Delhi, 1989, p. 1. 6. L. Lifschultz, Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution, London, 1979, p. 102. 7. Within days of the 7 November coup, China extended its ‘warm support to the new Government of Bangladesh’, already having extended diplomatic recognition in October, shortly after Mujib’s assassination. See The Bangladesh Observer, 12 November 1975. 8. New York Times, February 2, 1976. 9. Times of India (New Delhi), 8 November 1975. 10. Ibid. 11. The Bangladesh Observer, 24 November 1975. 12. Ibid. 13. New York Times, February 2, 1976. The tension between India and Pakistan was eased by the signing of the Simla Agreement in 1972 and diplomatic relations Notes and References 185

between India and Pakistan were restored in July 1976. Nevertheless, relations have tended to remain cool and wary to the present day. 14. These included: the drawn-out negotiations over the return of POWs to Pakistan and the debate over the holding of war crimes trials which provided useful lever- age for the Indian government against Pakistan. See D.A. Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Relations (1971–1975), New Delhi, 1988, pp. 169–89. 15. New York Times, December 31, 1975. 16. Times of India (New Delhi), 31 January 1976. For the Bangladesh government’s response to India’s denial of assistance to the ‘miscreants’ and to the accusation of anti-Indianism, see The Bangladesh Observer, 1 February 1976. 17. For an in-depth history of the dispute, see A. Lamb, Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy, 1846–1990, Hertingfordbury, 1991. 18. Lamb, Kashmir, p. 231. 19. According to Richard Sisson and Leo Rose, India had ‘compromised its non- alignment principles and involved the Soviet Union – and, for a few years in the 1950s, China – in South Asia as a counter force to the United States. [This was particularly in response to Pakistan’s military alliances involving the United States via SEATO and CENTO]. Kashmir was by no means the only critical issue in these developments, but it assumed a major symbolic role for both the Indian and Pakistani governments’. R. Sisson and L.E. Rose, War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh, New Delhi, 1990, p. 40. 20. Lamb, Kashmir, p. 241. 21. See L. Ziring, ‘Pakistan and India: Politics, Personalities, and Foreign Policy’, Asian Survey, vol. 18, no. 7, 1978, pp. 714–15. 22. The demise of the Janata Party’s unity was caused partly by ideological factionalism. For an analysis, see L.I. Rudolph and S.H. Rudolph, ‘Rethinking Secularism: Genesis and Implications of the Textbook Controversy, 1977–79’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 56, no. 1, 1983, pp. 15–37. 23. According to the Janata government’s minister for external affairs, A.B. Vajpayee, the government’s emphasis on non-alignment represented the restoration of ‘idealism and principled behaviour in the conduct of India’s foreign policy’. A.B. Vajpayee, ‘India’s Foreign Policy Today’, in B. Prasad, India’s Foreign Policy: Studies in Continuity and Change, New Delhi, 1979, p. 9. 24. J. Das Gupta, ‘The Janata Phase: Reorganization and Redirection in Indian Polit- ics’, Asian Survey, vol. 19, no. 4, 1979, p. 396. 25. Once in power, the Desai government made a series of gestures of friendship to the Carter administration in the USA and these were quickly reciprocated. See New York Times, July 5, 1977, where Desai explained that since being installed as prime minister, he and President Carter had exchanged private letters regularly, expressing similar values with regard to a wide variety of subjects. 26. Relations between India and China had already started to improve under Mrs Gandhi with India and China agreeing to exchange ambassadors on 15 April 1976. New York Times, April 16, 1976. In further improving ties with China, Desai’s government aimed to off-set excessive Soviet influence and hence pursue a more independent foreign policy. See W.K. Andersen, ‘India in Asia: Walking on a Tightrope’, Asian Survey, vol. 19, no. 12, 1979, p. 1249. 27. See Ziring, ‘Pakistan and India’, p. 728. 28. The Bangladesh Observer, 8 April 1977. 29. Ibid. For a comment in the western press on Desai’s attempts to reassure India’s neighbours, see The Times (London), 31 March 1977. 186 Notes and References

30. The Bangladesh Observer, 8 April 1977. 31. The Bangladesh Observer, 11 June 1977. 32. See ibid. and The Times (London), 30 August 1977. 33. The Bangladesh Observer, 30 November 1977. 34. For a thorough analysis of the rationale behind the Indian government’s decision to construct the barrage, see B. Crow (et al.), Sharing the Ganges: The Pol- itics and Technology of River Development, New Delhi, 1995, pp. 55–74. 35. Wright, Bangladesh, p. 154. 36. For a detailed study of the effects (which range from disrupted fishing, navigation and irrigation to salination of farming soil), and the Indian government’s generally unsympathetic responses, see see Crow (et al.), Sharing the Ganges, pp. 124–8, and K. Begum, Tension over the Farakka Barrage: A Techno-Political Tangle in South Asia, Stuttgart, 1988, pp. 128–51. See also The Bangladesh Observer, 12 February 1976, in which many of the perceived ill-effects of the barrage were described. India’s tendency to disregard Bangladeshi fears with regard to the barrage is exemplified by the following, somewhat glib, statement made by India’s minister for external affairs, Yeshwantrao Chavan: ‘According to the best information and expert assessment available with the Government of India, any withdrawal of the waters of the Gan- ga in Bangladesh or in India ought not to have any adverse consequences for either country because of the abundance of water throughout the year, except for the lean season of mid-March to mid-May. In fact, no adverse effects in Bangladesh during the lean season last year were observed by the Indian members of the joint teams of experts that had been set up under the Agreement of 18th April, 1975.’ Lok Sabha Debates, 9 March 1976. Whatever observations were made by the Ban- gladesh experts are conspicuous by their absence in the minister’s statement. 37. The following comment appeared in The Bangladesh Observer, 6 February 1976: ‘A fresh agreement has to be reached if India wants to withdraw water through her Farakka Barrage during the ensuing dry season. Therefore, the Statesman [Calcutta] report on the withdrawal of 40,000 cusecs long before the beginning of the lean months without prior agreement with her lower riparian counterpart is not only surprising but also shocking’. See also The Bangladesh Observer, 14 September 1976 and The Times (London), 23 March 1976. 38. The Farakka Barrage issue became the focus of considerable attention in Bangla- desh from February 1976, not long after Zia came to power, when the dry season operation of the barrage had begun to take effect. See The Bangladesh Observer, 12, 15, 19, 24, 29 February 1976, 6, 14, 18, 24, 26 March 1976. 39. Ibid., 23 June 1976. 40. Ibid., 26 August 1976. 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid., 14 September 1976. 43. The Statesman (Delhi), 11 September 1976. 44. This statement was made by the United Nations following a debate held in November 1976, which had been prompted by Bangladesh’s appeal in Septem- ber to the UN for an impartial hearing on the Farakka issue. See The Statesman (Delhi), 26 November 1976. See also The Bangladesh Observer, 30 September 1976 and 16 November 1976. 45. For details of the talks, held between December 1976 and January 1977, see The Bangladesh Observer, 7 December 1976, and 16, 24 January 1977. See also The Statesman (Delhi), 9 December 1976 and 24 January 1977. 46. The Statesman (Delhi), 25 January 1976. Notes and References 187

47. Three rounds of inconclusive talks had already been held between November 1976 and January 1977. 48. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 19 April 1977. See also The Bangladesh Observer, 19 April 1977, for a more cautious appraisal of the announcement. 49. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 22 April 1977. See also The Times (London), 8 September 1977. Criticism of the accord was not restricted to West Bengal, com- ing also from those in the opposition parties (including Mrs Gandhi) and even some members of the ruling Janata Party. See K. Singh, India and Bangladesh, Delhi, 1987, pp. 118–19, 124. 50. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 22 April 1977. 51. For details of the accord and an account of the history of the Farakka dispute, see The Bangladesh Observer, 6 November 1977. A full copy of the agreement is also available in Singh, India and Bangladesh, pp. 162–6. 52. Khushida Begum dismisses the five-year accord as failing ‘to ease the situation’. Begum, Tension, 1988, p. 187. 53. The Bangladesh Observer, 12 October 1977. For the West Bengal press reply, see Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 15 October 1977. 54. The Bangladesh Observer, 20 December 1977. 55. For details of the various proposals for augmentation of the Ganges – which range from the construction of dams on Ganges tributaries to the building of a link canal from the Brahmaputra to the Ganges, see M.R. Islam, ‘The Ganges Water Dispute: An Appraisal of a Third Party Settlement’, Asian Survey, vol. 27, no. 8, 1987, pp. 922–6. See also map 7 (p. 00). 56. The Bangladesh Observer, 19 April 1979. For an equally optimistic comment from the Indian press, see Times of India (New Delhi), 18 April 1979. 57. New York Times, April 19, 1979. 58. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 21 January 1980. 59. Ibid. 60. For example, see Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 4 March 1980, The Bangladesh Observer, 4 March 1980, 9 April 1980 and 9 January 1981. 61. For example, see The Bangladesh Observer, 23 January 1980 and 15 February 1980. 62. Moreover, other matters were receiving greater attention and providing more useful political mileage for Zia and Mrs Gandhi, such as the crackdown on illegal immigration of Bangladeshis into Assam and the ownership dispute over New Moore Island in the Bay of Bengal. 63. The Bangladesh Observer, 24 March 1980, 12 July 1980, 9 January 1981 and 10 January 1981. 64. Begum, Tension, p. 191. 65. For details of the October 1982 accord, see Asian Recorder, November 5–11, 1982, p. 16871. For details of the slight advantage to India, see Singh, India and Bangla- desh, p. 137. 66. The name ‘Neumoor’ (which later became ‘New Moore’) was first given to the island by the British Admiralty in 1971. When the dispute over the island’s ownership flared between India and Bangladesh in 1980, India renamed the island ‘Purbasha’, while Bangladesh called it South Talpatty. The name ‘New Moore’ has been used because it carries a less biased connotation than the others. 67. According to a communiqué appearing in the Asian Recorder, the two leaders ‘discussed the delay in the implementation of the land boundary agreement of 1974 and agreed that all necessary measures be taken to overcome the difficulties in order that the agreement could be implemented as speedily as possible . . . The 188 Notes and References

two sides noted that their ‘fruitful and constructive’ discussions had contributed greatly towards increasing mutual trust and friendship between the two countries’. The Asian Recorder, May 28–June 3, 1979, p. 14903. See also Times of India (New Delhi), 18 April 1979. 68. For a detailed account, see Gulati, Bangladesh, pp. 174–83. 69. Lok Sabha Debates, vol. 21, no. 22, 20 December 1978, pp. 244–5. 70. Between early July and mid-August 1981, 8000 Bangladeshis on the two enclaves were encircled and besieged by armed Indians alleged to be receiving assistance from the Border Security Forces. The Bangladesh Observer, 11 August 1981. Accord- ing to the same report, several Bangladeshis had died of starvation in the siege. 71. Lok Sabha Debates, vol. 21, no. 22, 20 December 1978, p. 22. 72. The West Bengal government also played upon the issue, using legal action to delay the Indian government from handing over the corridor until 1990. See A.K.M. Abdus Sabur, ‘Bangladesh–India Relations: An Overview’, in B. Bastiam- pillai (ed.), India and Her South Asian Neighbours, Colombo, 1992, p. 167. 73. A ‘char’ is a term for a silted islet formed in a river. The Muhuri Char is situated on the Indo–Bangladesh border, between Noakhali and Tripura districts, near the Indian town of Belonia. (see map 5, p. 46.) For a history of the dispute, see Bindra, Indo–Bangladesh Relations, pp. 48–53. 74. The Bangladesh Observer, 7 November 1979. 75. Ibid. 76. Ibid. 77. Ibid., 5 December 1979. 78. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 13 November 1979. 79. For example, Bindra, Indo–Bangladesh Relations, p. 49, where the date given for the required demolition of the spurs should have been 20 October 1979, instead of 2 October. See The Bangladesh Observer, 7 November and 5 December 1979. 80. It is commonplace and predictable that the Bangladeshi and Indian press should present accounts which favoured their respective governments, clouding whatever may have been the reality. The contrasting viewpoints can be compared between those given in The Bangladesh Observer, and those in the Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta). See The Bangladesh Observer, 7 November and 6 December 1979, and Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 6–10, 13, 18–19, 21 November 1976. 81. I. Hossain, ‘Bangladesh–India Relations: Issues and Problems’, Asian Survey, vol. 21, no. 11, 1981, p. 1124. 82. Lok Sabha Debates, 30 January 1980. 83. Should be 45 acres. 84. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 13 November 1979. 85. New York Times, December 29, 1979. 86. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 9 November 1979. 87. New York Times, December 3, 1979. 88. Ibid. 89. The Bangladesh Observer, 7 November 1979. 90. The size of the island has been given a wide range of interpretations, varying from 2 square kilometres: Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 162, to 288 square kilometres: Hossain, ‘Bangladesh–India Relations’, p. 1124. According to a report in The Ban- gladesh Observer, 26 May 1981, the figure of 228 square kilometres was an estim- ate of how large the island would become by 1991. Also complicating matters was the controversy over whether or not New Moore island was in fact com- prised of two separate islands. See The Bangladesh Observer, 2 July 1980. Notes and References 189

91. See M.H. Rahman, ‘Delimitation of Maritime Boundaries: A Survey of Problems in the Bangladesh Case’, Asian Survey, vol. 24, no.12, 1984, pp. 1302–17. 92. This provided an additional reason for Bangladesh’s claim to the island, since it could have been created largely from Bangladeshi soil. See Rahman, ‘Delimita- tion’, p. 1308. 93. The amount of sea bed which it was claimed India stood to gain varied from approximately 25 000 square kilometres to 65 000 square kilometres. See Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 170. 94. M. Franda, Bangladesh: The First Decade, New Delhi, 1982, p. 294. 95. The Bangladesh Observer, 2 July 1980. 96. India’s ‘evidence’ appeared in The Bangladesh Observer, 26 May 1981: ‘“All the documents show that the island belongs to us and there is no question of a dispute or Bangladesh having a claim on it”, a Foreign Office spokesman said . . . Data derived from satellite have established that the New Moore island lies 5.2 kms from the nearest point on the mainland coast of India while the distance from Bangladesh coast is 7.5 kms.’ 97. Asian Recorder, 2–8 July 1981, p. 16101. 98. During Desai’s visit to Dhaka, he emphasised the need to ‘resolve the questions of maritime boundary on a mutually satisfactory basis’. The Bangladesh Obser- ver, 19 April 1979. 99. For examples see Far Eastern Economic Review, ’Unilateral annexation: 164 square kilometres’, 2 May 1980, p. 38, and The Bangladesh Observer, 8 April 1981. 100. Far Eastern Economic Review, 2 May 1980, p. 38. The Indian flag was hoisted on 12 March 1980. 101. Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 164. 102. The Bangladesh Observer, 19 August 1980. 103. Ibid. 104. Ibid., 18 August 1980. 105. The Statesman (Delhi) 18 August 1980, The Bangladesh Observer, 18 August 1980. 106. The Bangladesh Observer, 6 December 1980. 107. Ibid. 108. Ibid., 8 April 1981. 109. Ibid. 110. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 17 May 1981. 111. The Bangladesh Observer, 18 May 1981. 112. Ibid. 113. Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 20 May 1981. 114. The Indian Express, quoted in The Bangladesh Observer, 20 May 1981. For a summary of another example of an Indian opinion opposed to the Indian government’s handling of New Moore, see The Bangladesh Observer, 19 July 1981. 115. The issue gave Sheikh Hasina, daughter of Mujibur Rahman and leader of the Awami League (H) opposition party, the opportunity both to criticise her rival, Ziaur Rahman, and to counter her pro-Indian reputation in Bangladesh. Returning from six years of asylum in India, Hasina launched her political activities in Bangladesh during the New Moore island dispute, declaring India’s actions to be a ‘gross violation of all international laws and the principle of coexistence’. The Bangladesh Observer, 21 May 1981. 116. For the complete text of the White Paper, see ibid., 27 May 1981. 117. Ibid. Parliament also put on record its strong protest against the actions of the Indian government, considering them to be ‘in clear violation of the agreements 190 Notes and References

and understanding reached with the Government of Bangladesh and of inter- nationally accepted norms and practices’. Ibid. 118. Ibid., 28 May 1981. 119. Zia was assassinated on 30 May 1981, barely three days after Parliament’s res- olution on New Moore Island had been passed. In the opinion of some scholars, Zia’s political position was particularly shaky at the time, causing him to take a strong anti-Indian stance over the New Moore Island issue in order to create a diversionary focus and thereby consolidate his support. For examples, see Bindra, Indo–Bangladesh Relations, pp. 61–2, and N. Jetly, ‘India and the Domestic Turmoil in South Asia’, in U. Phadnis (ed.), Domestic Conflicts in South Asia, vol. 1: Political Dimensions, New Delhi, 1986, p. 73. 120. For example, in June 1981, at the Islamic Foreign Minister’s Conference in Baghdad, the Bangladesh government formally aired its grievances against India with regard to New Moore Island, but with little obvious impact. See The Bangladesh Observer, 12 and 15 June 1981. 121. In the months following Zia’s assassination, a few standard calls were made for a joint survey of the island. For examples, see ibid., 24 and 29 July 1981. 122. Territorial and water-sharing issues are still notable sources of friction between the two states in the 1990s. 123. F.A. Vali, Politics of the Indian Ocean Region: The Balances of Power, New York, 1976, p. 237. 124. Bindra, Indo–Bangladesh Relations, p. 62. 125. See Chapter 5.

3 1982–4: A New Beginning or the Darkest Hour? 1. S. Mansingh, India’s Search For Power: Indira Gandhi’s Foreign Policy 1966–1982, New Delhi, 1984, p. 262. 2. S. Tharoor, Reasons of State: Political Development and India’s Foreign Policy Under Indira Gandhi, 1966–1977, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 361–2. 3. Ibid., pp. 54–5. 4. J. Manor (ed.), Nehru to the Nineties: The Changing Office of Prime Minister in India, London, 1994, p. 8. 5. N. Chakravartty, ‘Bangladesh’, in U.S. Bajpai (ed.), India and Its Neighbourhood, New Delhi, 1986, p. 294. 6. For example, see N. Chakravartty, ‘Bangladesh’, p. 294, and C.J. Gulati, Bangla- desh: Liberation to Fundamentalism (A Study of Volatile Indo–Bangladesh Relations), New Delhi, 1988, p. 78. 7. See P.S. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict in South Asia, New Delhi, 1989, p. 96 and Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 85. According to analyst William Richter, Ershad was less ant- agonistic to India than Zia was, but ‘considerably less pro-India than Mujib’. W.L. Richter, ‘Mrs. Gandhi’s Neighborhood: Indian Foreign Policy Toward Neighboring Countries’, Journal of Asian and African Studies, vol. XXII, nos. 3–4, 1987, p. 254. 8. P.S. Ghosh states: ‘The fall of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman marked the watershed in Indo–Bangla relations and the growth of religious fanaticism and Bangladesh’s change of stance in foreign policy seriously impaired [those relations].’ P.S. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 88. Ghosh also describes military rule in Ban- gladesh as having a negative impact on Indo–Bangladesh relations. Cooperation and Conflict, p. 95. 9. L. Ziring, Bangladesh: From Mujib to Ershad, An Interpretive Study, Oxford, 1992, p. 153. Notes and References 191

10. The shift in Bangladesh’s foreign policy following Mujib’s assassination has been described as a ‘slap in the face of India’. See L. Lifschultz, ‘New Delhi’s ‘views’ on the Dacca Coups’, Far Eastern Economic Review, November 28, 1975, p. 17. 11. Examined in detail in Chapter 5. 12. Times of India (New Delhi), 25 March 1982. 13. Ibid. Mrs Gandhi’s reaction was in glaring contrast to her response to Ziaur Rah- man’s coup which prompted her to declare: ‘[T]hings happening in “our neighbourhood were not entirely good and cause us grave concern.”’ Times of India (Bombay), 8 November 1975. See also Chapter 1, n. 55. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid. 19. According to D.A. Wright, even Zia’s critics within Bangladesh ‘have admitted that oppression was not a characteristic of his government’. D.A. Wright, ‘Ban- gladesh and Its Indian Ocean Neighbours’, Bangladesh Bulletin, vol 6, no. 2, May 1979, p. 5. 20. See Chapter 6. 21. R.L. Hardgrave, ‘India in 1984: Confrontation, Assassination, and Succession’, Asian Survey, vol. 25, no. 2, 1985, p. 131. 22. P. Ghosh, Cooperation and Conflict, p. 64. The ‘other’ political forces to which Ghosh refers include the Islamic orthodox, Marxists and the military. 23. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 25 March 1982. 24. S. Ganguly, ‘The Prime Minister and Foreign and Defence Policies’, in Manor, p. 154. 25. Tharoor, Reasons of State, p. 351. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid. 28. Ibid., p. 350. 29. At the conclusion of his visit, Rao expressed ‘India’s firm belief in “nurturing” a relationship with Bangladesh based on friendship, co-operation and mutual respect for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity’. Times of India (New Delhi), 23 May 1982. For further details of Rao’s visit to Dhaka and the wide range of issues discussed, see The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 23–24 May 1982 and Times of India (New Delhi), 23–24 May 1982. 30. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 14 October 1982. 31. Ibid., 15 October 1982. 32. Times of India (New Delhi), 16 October 1982. 33. The reason for this was that the 1977 agreement was, after all, a temporary, non- binding one and could be revoked upon its expiry – as Khurshida Begum has pointed out. K. Begum, Tension over the Farakka Barrage: A Techno–Political Tangle in South Asia, Stuttgart, 1988, pp. 184–5. 34. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 8 October 1982. 35. Times of India (New Delhi), 9 October 1982. 36. The lease was subsequently challenged legally by residents of West Bengal, thwarting the implementation of the lease and protracting the issue. Gulati, Ban- gladesh, p. 182. In late June 1992 India finally leased (maintaining sovereignty over) the corridor to Bangladesh for 999 years. The Europa World Year Book 1996, Volume 1, London, 1996, p. 501. 192 Notes and References

37. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 8 October 1982. 38. Ibid. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibid. 41. According to Kuldeep Singh, the MOU placed India in a better position than previ- ously because the agreement stipulated that during periods of exceptionally lean flow the water would be divided via consultations between both governments, rather than by a guaranteed minimum of 80 per cent to Bangladesh, as had applied with the 1977 agreement. K. Singh, India and Bangladesh, Delhi, 1987, p. 137. India’s argument was that the MOU allowed for greater flexibility during times of extreme drought. See Editorial, Times of India (New Delhi), 9 October 1982. 42. These proposals had been put forward in 1974, but more formally in 1978, in response to the need for long-term planning outlined in the 1977 Agreement. See K. Begum, Tension, p. 192, and B. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges: The Politics and Technology of River Development, New Delhi, 1995, p. 106. 43. See Lok Sabha debates, vol. 17, no. 16, 7 August 1978, pp. 86–7, and The Bangla- desh Observer (Dhaka), 31 May 1979. See also B.M. Abbas, The Ganges Waters Dis- pute, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 118–24. Begum, Tension, pp. 197–8. The rejection of each other’s option continued throughout the remainder of Zia’s regime. See Asian Recorder, 19 February 1981, p. 15891. 44. Begum, Tension, p. 202. 45. Ibid., pp. 202–3. For Begum’s summary of the possible side-effects of the link canal, see pp. 197–8. 46. Begum, Tension, p. 198. 47. Pro-canal arguments were boosted by the World Bank’s unperturbed approval of the scheme, describing it as ‘practical and reasonable’. S.S. Bindra, Indo–Bangladesh Relations, New Delhi, 1982, p. 120. 48. For example, Singh, Bangladesh, p. 924. For a pro-canal viewpoint, see C.J. Gulati, India and Bangladesh, p. 120–3. 49. Begum, Tension, p. 204. 50. India’s preference for a bilateral approach was made clear during the UN discussions on Farakka in November 1976, where Indian Foreign Secretary, Mr Jagat Mehta insisted that the UN should avoid interfering directly in the Farakka issue and instead allow India and Bangladesh to resolve their differences via bilateral negotiations. See The Statesman (Delhi), 18 November 1976. 51. Times of India (New Delhi), 25 March 1982, pp. 210–15. In reviewing Begum’s study of the Barrage, Kazi Mamun criticises Begum for not emphasising that Indian qualms about including Nepal in the augmentation talks with Bangla- desh were because of Nepal’s advantageous, upper-riparian position on the Brah- maputra. See ‘Book Reviews’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 62, 1989, pp. 414–15. 52. By May 1984, the expiry date of the MOU, the Farakka augmentation plans had not advanced beyond the stalemate level of 1978. See The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 7 May 1984 and Asian Recorder, June 17–23, 1984, p. 17798. 53. Perhaps the most worrysome outcome of the link canal for Bangladesh was the likelihood that India would have control over the canal offtake and outfall, thus placing Bangladesh in a similar position of vulnerability as had been created by the Farakka Barrage itself. See Singh, India and Bangladesh, p. 130. 54. Begum, Tension, pp. 228–9. 55. Times of India (New Delhi), 9 October 1982. 56. Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 85. Notes and References 193

57. S.D. Muni, Pangs of Proximity: India and Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Crisis, New Delhi, 1993, p. 21. 58. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 20 October 1982. 59. See Times of India (New Delhi), 9 October 1982 and New York Times (New York), 29 July 1982. 60. Such as the intensifying autonomy demands of the Sikh political group, the Akali Dal. 61. Muni, Pangs of Proximity, pp. 27–8. 62. See Chapter 2. 63. Mansingh, India’s Search, p. 299. 64. Bindra, Anglo–Bangladesh Relations, p. 86. 65. P.J. Bertocci, ‘Bangladesh in 1984: A Year of Protracted Turmoil’, Asian Survey, vol. 25, no. 2, 1985, pp. 155–68. For details of the trade agreement renewal which went a little further to redress the trade imbalance against Bangladesh, see Asian Recorder, 4–10 November 1984, p. 18017. 66. W.H. Morris-Jones, ‘India – More Questions Than Answers’, Asian Survey, vol. 24, no. 8, 1984, p. 811. 67. Ibid., pp. 813–4. Many other analysts have also made this point. 68. R.L. Hardgrave, ‘India in 1983: New Challenges, Lost Opportunities’, Asian Sur- vey, vol. 24, no. 2, 1984, p. 209. 69. See R.L. Hardgrave, India Under Pressure, Boulder, 1984, p. 4, and W.H. Morris- Jones, ‘India’, pp. 813–14. 70. Hardgrave, India Under Pressure, p. 73. 71. Ghosh, Cooperation and Contact, p. 81. For a similar point of view, see S. Man- singh, India’s Search, p. 271. 72. For sample accounts which describe India’s perspective of the disturbances in Assam and Tripura, see The Statesman (Delhi), 11 July 1980 and Amrita Bazar Patrika (Calcutta), 22 October 1980. In the latter account, Mrs Gandhi also added the ‘foreign hand’ ingredient, accusing ‘certain foreign powers’ of exploit- ing the unrest at India’s expense. 73. M. Weiner, Sons of the Soil: Migration and Ethnic Conflict in India, New Jersey, 1978, p. 80. 74. Population in Assam grew between 1961 and 1981 at an average of 35.52 per cent while the rest of India grew at an average 24.76 per cent. Census of India, 1981, Series 1, India, Paper 1 of 1981, cited in Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 140. 75. Weiner, Sons of the Soil, pp. 75–143. 76. Morris-Jones, ‘India’, p. 811. This view is held by other analysts, such as Weiner, Sons of the Soil, p.83, and C.J. Gulati who has conducted a detailed study of the Assam problem and Bangladeshi infiltration. See Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 130. 77. Morris-Jones, ‘India’, p. 811. 78. Ibid. Morris-Jones also points out that Assam has been impoverished by the central government’s failure to compensate Assam adequately for the substantial contri- bution its products (oil and tea, in particular) have made to the national income. 79. Hardgrave, ‘India in 1983’, p. 210. 80. Morris-Jones, ‘India’, p. 811. See also The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 28 Febru- ary 1983, and Times of India (New Delhi), 28 February and 6 March 1983. According to the New York Times, August 28, 1983, at least 5000 were killed in the election violence. 81. Hardgrave, ‘India in 1983’, p. 210. 82. Times of India (New Delhi), 4 April 1983. 194 Notes and References

83. Times of India (New Delhi), 4 April 1983. 84. Hardgrave, ‘India in 1983’, p. 210. 85. Ibid. After the February violence in Assam, illegal immigrants were reported as opting to move into areas such as Bihar and West Bengal instead, hence the Indian government’s decision to fence the entire Indo–Bangladesh border. See New York Times, August 28, 1983. 86. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 3 August 1983. 87. Ibid. 88. Times of India (New Delhi), 22 August 1983. 89. L.R. Baral, ‘SARC, But No ‘Shark’: South Asian Regional Cooperation in Per- spective’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 58, no. 3, 1985, p. 412. 90. Times of India (New Delhi), 13 August 1983. 91. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 3 September 1983. For details of the fence announcement see Times of India (New Delhi) 13 August 1983. 92. Times of India (New Delhi), 22 August 1983. 93. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 15 August 1983. Ershad’s stand lacked credib- ility and according to most analysts of the issue, considerable numbers of Ben- gali Muslims and Bangladeshis have entered Assam illegally, especially since 1970. Morris-Jones has described the post-1970 migration as a ‘veritable invasion’. Morris-Jones, India, p. 811. According to Indian officials, more than 9,000 ‘infiltrators’ from Bangladesh were arrested between January and June 1983. New York Times, August 28, 1983. 94. Hardgrave, ‘India in 1983’, p. 210. 95. New York Times, August 28, 1983. 96. Although kept on a tight rein, political parties were beginning to unify their opposition to Ershad’s enforcement of martial law, with a hartal demanding a return to democratic government being held on 1 November 1983. The Bangla- desh Observer (Dhaka), 2 November 1983. 97. Asian Recorder, 22–28 October 1983, p. 17421. 98. See The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 22–26 April and 29 October 1984, New York Times, April 22 and 25, 1984 and Times of India (New Delhi), 22 and 24–26 April 1984. 99. Times of India (New Delhi), 27 April 1984. 100. The fence was located provocatively 9 inches within Indian territory. The Eco- nomist, V. 291, 28 April 1984, p. 47. 101. It was, in fact, 1981. 102. Times of India (New Delhi), 25 April 1984. 103. According to the Economist, V. 291, 28 April 1984, p. 47, the fence would ‘almost certainly add a new item to the smugglers’ inventory: barbed wire’. 104. Ibid. 105. Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 182. 106. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 27 October 1984. Part of the tension between India and Pakistan arose from India’s accusations that Pakistan was giving assistance to Sikh separatists in the Punjab. 107. According to official data, communal incidents and the number of persons killed in India has risen ‘alarmingly’ since the mid-1980s. For example, in 1975, 205 incidents were recorded, while in 1985 there were 525. See S.D. Muni, ‘Ethnic Conflicts, Federalism and Democracy in India’, in S.D. Muni (ed.), Understand- ing South Asia: Essays in the Memory of Late Professor (Mrs) Urmila Phadnis, New Delhi, 1994, p. 149. Notes and References 195

4 1985–90: The ‘New Era’ of Regional Amity and Cooperation 1. N.D. Palmer, The New Regionalism in Asia and the Pacific, Lexington, 1991, p. 2. 2. Ibid., p. 17. 3. Ibid., p. 11. In December 1987, US Secretary of State George Schultz commented: ‘regional associations . . . are fast becoming an important and effective new milieu for political and economic interactions in the world . . . Regional, political, and religious blocs of nations . . . now provide platforms for a number of countries to exercise influence in global affairs’, cited in Palmer, The New Regionalism, p. 16. 4. This comment was made by Peter Lyon, cited in Palmer, The New Regionalism, p. 75. 5. The SARC organisation was launched formally in August 1983 by the seven South Asian foreign ministers, but the December 1985 summit was attended by all the heads of government, giving greater stature to the organisation. See The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 8 December 1985. 6. In 1980, the share of intra-SAARC trade of the SAARC member countries was on average only 3.2 per cent. By 1989, the figure had actually dropped – to 2.9 per cent. ‘SAARC Regional Study on Trade, Manufactures and Services’, cited in, S.D. Muni (ed.), Understanding South Asia: Essays in the Memory of Late Professor (Mrs) Urmila Phadnis, New Delhi, 1994, p. 231. 7. Times of India (New Delhi), 9 December 1985. 8. Ibid., 10 December 1985. 9. The following assessment was made in a recent overview of SAARC’s achieve- ments: Thus it is to be observed that, in ten years of existence, SAARC has provided itself with an institutional framework, has seen the development of numerous programmes of cooperation in the economic, cultural, scientific and technical domains, has made it possible to increase contacts at the highest political levels and has given experts, scholars and academicians the opportunity to exchange ideas at innumerable conferences and seminars on SAARC. This is a far from negligible and virtually unexpected balance, if it is seen in comparison with bilateral political relations, which have not always been on a fair course’. G. Boquerat et al., SAARC Economic and Political Atlas, Pondy Papers in Social Sciences, No. 20, Pondicherry, 1996, p. 17. 10. Such as the control and use of rivers. 11. As an example: Rajiv Gandhi viewed SAARC as ‘pointing the way to collective self-reliance in order to overcome problems of poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition and disease in the area’, Times of India (New Delhi), 8 December 1985, and Ziaul Haq commented that SAARC would ‘make a signal contributor to the consolidation of peace and stability in the area’. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 9 December 1985. 12. For details of the reasons for the shift in India’s foreign policy, see Harish Kapur, ‘India’s Foreign Policy Under Rajiv Gandhi’, The Round Table, vol. 304, 1987, pp. 469–79. 13. Glasnost (openness) and Perestroika (restructuring) were policies implemented in the late 1980s by the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev. They were aimed at making the Soviet government more open and answerable to the public and at implementing political and economic reform in the Soviet Union. 14. Kapur, ‘India’s Foreign Policy’, p. 471. 15. The United States was prepared to offer some sensitive defence technology to India, but in the long term, the USSR was considered by India as a more 196 Notes and References

reliable source of military equipment and spare parts. Kapur, ‘India’s Foreign Policy’, pp. 470–1. 16. A. Kapur, ‘Indian Foreign Policy: Perspectives and Present Predicaments’, The Round Table, vol. 295, 1985, p. 236. 17. Warmer relations between China and the Soviet Union culminated in May 1989, with Mikhail Gorbachev’s historic visit to China. 18. Kapur, ‘Indian Foreign Policy’, 236. 19. Some confidence-building measures were eventually implemented on India’s part to improve relations, such as Rajiv’s ice-breaking trip to China in December 1988, the first such visit since Nehru’s in 1954. According to The Bangladesh Observer, 25 December 1988, Rajiv’s trip had ‘broken the ice in Sino–Indian relations’, but the road to friendship between the two ‘Asian giants’ was ‘still paved with doubts’. The ever-present tension over border deliniation was further rein- forced in April and May 1987, when Himalayan border clashes occurred between Indian and Chinese forces. 20. H. Kapur, India’s Foreign Policy, 1947–92: Shadows and Substance, New Delhi, 1994, p. 206. The potential for conflict erupting between China and India has also extended to the naval sphere with each expanding its naval capability since the 1980s. China continues to put pressure on India by supplying Pakistan with weaponry, such as surface-to-surface missiles, which China has been sending regularly to Pakistan since 1991. R. Thakur, The Politics and Economics of India’s Foreign Policy, London, 1994, p. 74. 21. S. Ganguly, ‘The Prime Minister and Foreign and Defence Policies’, in J. Manor (ed.), Nehru to the Nineties: The Changing Office of Prime Minister in India, London, 1994, p. 155. 22. Times of India (New Delhi), 27 February 1986. (Article by Girilal Jain, ‘Rajiv Gan- dhi’s Personality’). 23. Kapur, India’s Foreign Policy, p. 194. 24. Far Eastern Economic Review, vol. 131, 2 January 1986, p. 29. 25. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 18 October 1985. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid., 19 October 1985. 30. Ibid., 19 October 1985. 31. B. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges: The Politics and Technology of River Development, New Delhi, 1995, p. 201. 32. Ibid., pp. 203–4. 33. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 11 December 1985. 34. B.G. Verghese, Waters of Hope: Integrated Water Resource Development and Regional Cooperation within the Himalayan–Ganga–Brahmaputra–Barak Basin, New Delhi, 1990, p. 366. 35. The issue of tribal insurgency will be discussed in detail in Chapter 6. 36. Times of India (New Delhi), 10 December 1985. 37. Far Eastern Economic Review, vol. 131, 2 January 1986, p. 29. The announcement was made on 17 December 1985. 38. Times of India (New Delhi), 10 December 1985. 39. Far Eastern Economic Review, vol. 131, 2 January 1986, p. 29. 40. The visit was planned for April 1986, but was cancelled due to increasing Indo– Pakistani tension over alleged Pakistani assistance to Sikh extremists in the Punjab. Notes and References 197

41. Far Eastern Economic Review, vol. 131, 2 January 1986, p. 29. 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid. 44. For a summary, see S. Wolpert, A New History of India, 4th edn, New York, 1993, pp. 426–7. According to Wolpert, Rajiv ousted the finance minister, V.P. Singh from the cabinet because of Singh’s attempts to uncover embarrassing and cor- rupt government dealings, such as the Bofors defense contract. 45. Wolpert, A New History, p. 427. Of particular concern to Rajiv’s party was the loss of the Haryana by-election, Haryana state being considered a long-time bastion of Congress-I support. 46. Ibid. 47. Ganguly, ‘The Prime Minister’, p. 155. 48. Kapur, India’s Foreign Policy, pp. 196–7. 49. Ganguly, ‘The Prime Minister’, p. 156. 50. Ibid. 51. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 18 March 1986. 52. Times of India (New Delhi), 9 December 1985. 53. Far Eastern Economic Review, vol. 131, 2 January 1986, p. 29. 54. See Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, vol. XXI, December 1985, p. 34052 and ibid., vol. XXXII, July 1986, p. 34483. 55. Ibid., December 1985, p. 34052. 56. New York Times (New York), 18 January 1986. 57. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 10 April 1986. 58. Ibid. 59. Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, vol. XXXII, July 1986, p. 34483. 60. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges, p. 202. 61. Ibid., p. 189. 62. The Bangladesh government’s role will be examined in Chapter 6. 63. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges, p. 202. 64. Ibid. 65. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 18 November 1986. 66. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges, p. 206. 67. Ibid. 68. Ibid., p. 207. 69. Ibid., p. 208. 70. Ibid., pp. 194–5. 71. Ibid., p. 195. 72. Ibid. 73. Verghese, Waters of Hope, p. 209. 74. Joint Rivers Commission, Dhaka, ‘Position Paper on the Issues of the Memor- andum of Understanding of November 1985’, 19.3.87, cited in Begum, Tension over the Farakka Barrage: A Techno-Political Tangle in South Asia, Stuttgart, 1988, p. 248. 75. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges, p. 191. 76. To be examined in Chapter 6. 77. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges, p. 249. 78. Ibid., p. 216. A new JCE was eventually formed in 1992. 79. For a summary of the arguments see Verghese Waters of Hope, p. 371. Most of the flooding in 1988 derived from the Brahmaputra and Meghna rivers, not the Ganges. 198 Notes and References

80. This was exemplified by the following comment by Ershad: ‘The main source of flood control lies across the geographical bounds of Bangladesh and as such, cooperation of regional countries, India, Nepal, Bhutan and China was vitally necessary to keep Bangladesh from recurring disaster.’ The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 17 October 1988. 81. Verghese, Waters of Hope, p. 373. 82. The Far Eastern Economic Review, 13 October 1988, p. 24. 83. Ibid. 84. Ibid. 85. Verghese, Water of Hope, p. 372. 86. Ibid. The aim of the model was to allow planners ‘to posit the full range of possible flow conditions and test simulated engineering works’. 87. Ibid. 88. For a summary, see S.D. Muni, Pangs of Proximity: India and Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Crisis, New Delhi, 1993, pp. 76–83. 89. Wolpert, A New History, p. 431. 90. For details of Indo–Pakistani relations at that time see S. Yasmeen, ‘India and Pakistan: Why the Latest Exercise in Brinkmanship?’, Australian Journal of Polit- ics and History, vol. 34, no. 1, 1988/89, pp. 64–72. 91. R. Thakur, ‘India After Nonalignment’, Foreign Affairs, Spring, 1992, p. 171. 92. Ganguly, ‘The Prime Ministers’ p. 156. 93. This was the first visit by an Indian External Affairs Minister for three years. 94. The Far Eastern Economic Review, 15 March 1990, p. 29. 95. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 18 February 1990. 96. Ibid., 19 February 1990. 97. The coalition government collapsed in November 1990 largely because of opposition from within by the Hindu extremist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Hindu–Muslim communal tension was exacerbated by the BJP over the Babri Masjid (at Ayodhya), a mosque allegedly built on the ruins of a Hindu temple marking what was believed to be the birthplace of the Hindu deity, Lord Ram. 98. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 18 July 1990. 99. Thakur, Politics and Economics, p. 165. 100. Kapur, India’s Foreign Policy, 1947–92: Shadows and Substance, op. cit., p. 135. 101. In 1988, Pakistan ranked as the fourth largest recipient of US military aid after Israel, Egypt and Turkey. S. Yasmeen, ‘India and Pakistan’, p. 69.

5 1975–81: Military Ascendancy in Bangladesh 1. For a summary of the reasons why Mujib’s popularity plummeted, see L. Jenkins, ‘The Sins of the Father’, Newsweek, August 25, 1975, p. 11. 2. The August 1975 coup against Mujib was carried out by disgruntled elements in the military, although the Majors who killed Mujib were ‘used as pawns by more sophisticated political forces’, L. Lifschultz, Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution, London, 1979, p. 102. Nevertheless, it is unlikely that those forces would have par- ticipated in the coup if Mujib had continued to receive popular support. It is therefore not surprising that Zia went to considerable lengths to cultivate mass appeal. 3. The ‘four pillars’ espoused by Mujib and the principles upon which the 1972 Ban- gladesh constitution was based were: nationalism, secularism, socialism and democracy. These principles followed closely the four principles attributed to Jawaharlal Nehru of India: democracy, socialism, secularism and non-alignment. Nehru’s, and Notes and References 199

hence Mujib’s understanding of a ‘secular’ state was essentially one in which religious minority groups would have equal rights with the majority religious group. See M. Brecher, Nehru: A Political Biography, London, 1959, p. 621. It did not necessarily imply that the Indian or Bangladesh governments should not be based on religious principles. 4. C.H. Bateman, ‘National Security and Nationalism in Bangladesh’, Asian Survey, vol. 19, no. 8, August 1979, p. 781. According to ‘numerous reports’, Pakistani military equipment worth about US$50 million was taken back to India. See M. Rashiduzzaman, ‘Changing Political Patterns in Bangladesh: Internal Con- straints and External Fears’, in M.M. Khan and H.M Zafarullah (eds), Politics and Bureaucracy in a New Nation: Bangladesh, Dacca, 1980, p. 193. 5. The vague wording of Article 9 of the Friendship Treaty caused greatest concern in Bangladesh because it seemed to imply that even a domestic threat to Mujib’s regime could invite Indian intervention: ‘Each of the high contracting parties shall refrain from giving any assistance to any third party taking part in an armed conflict against the other party. In case either party is attacked or threatened with attack, the high contracting parties shall immediately enter into mutual consultations in order to take appropriate effective measures to eliminate the threat and thus ensure the peace and security of their countries.’ Asian Recorder, 15–21 April 1972, p. 10720. 6. L. Lifschultz, ‘New Delhi’s ‘views’ on the Dacca Coups’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 28 November 1975, p. 17. 7. In a Presidential order on 6 June 1975, Sheikh Mujib announced the creation of a national party, known as the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) which was to be the only party allowed under the Constitution. See Asian Recorder, 2–8 July 1975, p. 12659. 8. Zillur Khan explores the process of politicisation of the armed forces in Pakistan, and subsequently Bangladesh, being stimulated particularly by the need to aid the civil administration during crises such as floods, famines and epidemics. Z.R. Khan, ‘Politicization of the Bangladesh Military: A Response to Perceived Shortcomings of Civilian Government’, Asian Survey, vol. 21, no. 5, 1981, pp. 551–64. 9. A.G. Noorani, India, the Superpowers and the Neighbours: Essays in Foreign Policy, New Delhi, 1985, p. 55. 10. J. Uyangoda, ‘Indo–Bangladesh Relations in the 1970s: Bangladeshi Perspect- ives’, in S.U. Kodikara (ed.), South Asian Strategic Issues: Sri Lankan Perspectives, New Delhi, 1990, p. 67. 11. C.P. O’Donnell, Bangladesh: Biography of a Muslim Nation, Boulder, 1984, p. 212. 12. See New York Times, November 18, 1975. According to A. Mascarenhas, the leader of the abortive November 3 coup, Khalid Musharraf, was unfairly accused of attempting a ‘sell-out to India and restoring a Mujibist government in Bangla- desh’, but did nothing to dispel the charge. A. Mascarenhas, Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood, 1986, pp. 104–5. 13. L. Lifschultz, ‘The Crisis Has Not Passed’, Far Eastern Economic Review, December 5, 1975, p. 30. 14. Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Relations (1971–1975), Sterling, 1988, p. 154. 15. The reasons for military politicisation in Bangladesh are numerous and complex and will be discussed in greater depth later in the chapter. They relate largely to the Independence War of 1971, and to Mujib’s attempts to restrain the military. 200 Notes and References

16. The Bangladesh Observer, 15 August 1978. 17. Ibid. 18. The Fifth Amendment to the Bangladesh Constitution, passed on 5 April 1979, contained many checks on the sovereignty of the parliament. In particular, it validated all proclamations and martial law orders given since 15 August 1975 and retained controversial aspects of Mujib’s Fourth Amendment to the constitution by which an all-powerful presidential form of government had been introduced. See A. Haque, ‘Bangladesh 1979: Cry for a Sovereign Parliament’, Asian Survey, vol. 20, no. 2, 1980, p. 221. See also The Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh: As Modified up to 28th February, 1979 [Dacca] [n.d.], p. 23. The military dominance of the elected National Assembly has been pointed out by Zillur Khan, who states that 30 per cent of the representatives were ‘informers of the military regime’. Z.R. Khan, Leadership in the Least Developed Nation: Ban- gladesh, Syracuse, 1983, p. 149. 19. For a comparison between Zia and Ayub, see M.M. Khan and J.P. Thorp (eds), Bangladesh: Society, Politics and Bureaucracy, Dhaka, 1984, p. 107. Zillur Khan goes a step further by pointing out that Zia’s efforts to militarise the government were much more subtle and sophisticated than Ayub’s. Z.R. Khan, Leadership in the Least Developed Nation, p. 149. 20. The JSD had initiated a sepoy revolution in the military and reinstalled Zia as leader of the armed forces, expecting him to instigate their demands for social revolution. 21. S.S. Islam, ‘The State in Bangladesh Under Zia (1975–81)’, Asian Survey, vol. 24, no. 5, 1984, p. 568. For details of Taher’s sentencing in a closed and dubious military tribunal, see The Bangladesh Observer, 18 July 1976. The sentence was carried out also under secrecy on 21 July 1976, to ensure that there would be no interference from Taher’s supporters. Mascarenhas, Bangladesh, pp. 115–17. Also, media censorship appeared to be well in place because the execution was not reported in The Bangladesh Observer. 22. It was normal practice for officer cadets of the JRB to travel to Dehra Dun in India [India’s Sandhurst] to undergo a year-long military course. In January 1975, the force was estimated to be 25 000 (almost half of the combined strength of the Bangladesh army, navy and airforce) and Mujib’s intention was to increase the figure to 130 000. Adding to the military rivalry was the enormous amount of funding provided to the JRB, while the regular army was kept on a tight budget. The JRB was also alleged to have carried out torturing of captives and killing of Mujib’s political opponents. See Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Power to Mujib’s Private Army’, 10 January, 1975. 23. Also spelled ‘Mir Jafar’. Mir Jafar has remained a symbol for treachery in the Ben- gal region because of his opportunistic arrangement with the British under Clive during the Battle of Plassey in 1757. 24. The Bangladesh Observer, 24 November 1975. 25. For press reports, see Times of India (New Delhi), 21, 22 April 1976. See also The Times (London), 21 April 1976 and New York Times, April 22, 1976. 26. For example, in February 1976, the Indian government finally agreed to form a joint inquiry committee with Bangladesh to investigate the guerrilla border activities. While this meant that a step forward in cooperation had been achieved, the limitations of such an inquiry, and the way in which India easily held the upper hand, were obvious from the outset. The Director General of the Indian Border Security Force agreed that border instability existed and needed Notes and References 201

investigating, but he emphatically denied, even before that investigation took place, the possibility that ‘any miscreants were operating from inside Indian territory or that sanctuary was being allowed to any miscreants from Bangladesh’. The Bangladesh Observer, 14 February 1976. Moreover, the final report promised to be ready within thirty days, never eventuated, being shelved after ineffective border talks held in January 1977, ibid., 30 January 1977. 27. Ibid., 30 January 1977. 28. For details of the socialist character of the Bangladesh liberation movement, see: T. Maniruzzaman, Radical Politics and the Emergence of Bangladesh, Dhaka, 1975, pp. 47–55. Maniruzzaman points out that the political orientation of those who fought in the war shifted to a position which was further left than that of the regular Awami League. See p. 49. 29. Committed leftist leader and fellow commander, Abu Taher, was a close friend of Zia’s during the war, although after the 7 November coup, Zia chose to crush the leftist sepoy revolutionaries and execute Taher, seeing their activities as a threat to military stability and his own plans for power consolidation. 30. This statement was part of Taher’s testimony delivered between 12 and 15 July in Dhaka Central Jail to the Special Martial Law Tribunal which sentenced him to be executed on the 21 July. See L. Lifschultz, Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution, p. 87. For the first publication of Taher’s last testimony, see L. Lifschultz, ‘Abu Taher’s Last Testament: Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution’, Economic and Political Weekly (Bombay), Special Number, August 1977, pp. 1303–53. 31. For details of Zia’s crackdown on the JSD and its revolutionary Twelve Demands, see Lifschultz, ‘The Crisis Has Not Passed’, pp. 28–34. 32. Long-time rival of Sheikh Mujib, Maulana Bhashani had become particularly outspoken against Mujib’s economic mismanagement and pro-Indian policy in the last three years of Mujib’s regime. For examples, see Morning News (Dhaka), 19 May 1973 and 15 April 1974. For Bhashani’s explanation of what he meant by ‘Islamic socialism’, see Morning News (Dhaka), 8 August 1973. 33. E. Ahamed, ‘Dominant Bureaucratic Elites in Bangladesh,’ in M.M. Khan and H.M. Zafarullah, Politics and Bureaucracy in a New Nation: Bangladesh, Dacca, 1980, p. 150. 34. Ibid., p. 155. 35. It has been pointed out that Zia’s Islamic emphasis was not of an extreme nature because it was based on the backlash against the discredited Awami League’s secular rule rather than the rise of extreme Islamic fundamentalism. See D.A. Wright, ‘Islam and Bangladeshi Polity’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. 10, no. 2, December 1987, p. 21. 36. Traditionally, the Islam practised in rural Bangladesh was of a more liberal form, being Sufi and Indic-influenced. See D. Walker, ‘Islam and Nationalism in Ban- gladesh’, Hamdard Islamicus, vol. 14, no. 2, 1991, p. 39. 37. The Bangladesh Observer, 14 March 1976. 38. Ibid. 39. Ibid., 2 May 1976. 40. S. Oren, ‘After the Bangladesh Coups’, The World Today, vol. 32, no. 1, January 1976, p. 21. 41. Ibid. 42. A. Roy, ‘The Bengal Muslim “Cultural Mediators” and the Bengal Muslim Iden- tity in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries’, South Asia, vol. 10, no. 1, 1987, p. 28. 202 Notes and References

43. Wright, ‘Islam and Bangladeshi Polity’, pp. 21–2. 44. ‘The Proclamations (Amendment) order, 1977’, in The Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh: As Modified up to 28th February, 1979, pp. 153–4. 45. Ibid., p. 152. See also The Bangladesh Observer, 23 April 1977. 46. ‘The Proclamations (Amendment) order, 1977’, p. 154. 47. The Bangladesh Observer, 23 January 1978. 48. For example, in May 1976, Zia attended an Islamic Foreign Minister’s Confer- ence in Istanbul and afterwards visited Saudi Arabia and Iran, returning delighted with the improved prospects for Muslim aid to Bangladesh. See The Bangladesh Observer, 22 May 1976. Other examples include Zia’s diplomatic visit to Saudi Arabia in 1977, ibid., 29 July 1977; the Iraqi Vice-President’s visit to Bangladesh in 1978, Ibid., 4 July 1978; Zia’s talks with Indonesian President, Suharto in Jakarta in 1978, ibid., 29 July 1978; and in 1980, at a seminar in Dhaka organised by the World Islamic Council, Zia reiterated that Bangladesh was ‘determined to work with the Islamic countries for fostering stronger Islamic unity’, ibid., 25 December 1980. 49. Government of Bangladesh, Ministry of Finance, External Resources Division, ‘Flow of External Resources into Bangladesh’ (as of June 30, 1981), pp. 20–2 and pp. 26–76, cited in M.M. Khan and S.A. Husain (eds), Bangladesh Studies: Politics, Administration, Rural Development and Foreign Policy, Dhaka, 1986, p. 251. See also The 1979 Statistical Yearbook of Bangladesh, Dacca, p. 346. Most of the aid came from Saudi Arabia. 50. The extreme poverty of Bangladesh is best illustrated by examining the state’s per capita GNP. In 1975, Bangladesh, along with Laos and Mali, had the lowest rate in the world, being US$90. In the same year, India had a per capita income of US$140, while Pakistan’s was even higher, at US$160. This has partly resulted from the heavy economic dependency upon agriculture, with 91.2 per cent of Bangladesh’s population living in rural areas in 1974 (as opposed to 79.4 per cent in India). In 1974–5, agriculture provided 63.1 per cent of GDP. See The 1979 Statistical Yearbook of Bangladesh, Dacca, pp. 517, 526–8. 51. H. Evans, ‘Bangladesh: South Asia’s Unknown Quantity’, Asian Affairs, New Series, vol. 19, October 1988, p. 309. 52. The heavy dependence on foreign assistance was reflected in the Bangladesh budget for fiscal year 1979–80 (July–June), whereby it was calculated that the state’s development programmes for the following fiscal year would depend for a ‘relatively high’ 73 per cent of their financing on foreign aid. Also according to this budget, Bangladesh had received foreign aid commitments of US$7.713 billion between December 1971 and June 1979. See S. Kamaluddin, ‘Agriculture’s Growing Pains’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 22 June, 1979, p. 86. According to the New York Times, 6 June 1978, Bangladesh had received, since gaining independence, nearly US$6 billion in aid, including US$1 billion from the United States. 53. Wright, ‘Bangladesh: Foreign Policy For the 1980s’, Bangladesh Bulletin, vol. 14, 1987, p. 22–3. 54. Ahamed (ed.), ‘Dominant Bureaucratic Elites’, p. 12. 55. D.A. Wright, ‘Destructive Features of Bangladeshi Political Life’, Probaho, vol. 1, no. 3, 1991, p. 23. 56. India had been a major contributor of aid to Bangladesh between 1971 and 1974, providing, for example, US$84 million in project-aid. After 1974–5, no project-aid was committed by India, it being provided instead largely by the Notes and References 203

West, Middle Eastern states and the USSR. See The 1979 Statistical Yearbook of Bangladesh, Dacca, pp. 347–8. 57. New York Times, August 29, 1980. 58. Particularly Saudi Arabia and OPEC. See The 1979 Statistical Yearbook of Bangla- desh, Dacca, p. 346. 59. See L. Ziring, ‘Pakistan and India: Politics, Personalities, and Foreign Policy’, Asian Survey, vol. 18, no. 7, 1978, p. 711, and L. Ziring (ed.), The Subcontinent in World Politics: India, Its Neighbors, and the Great Powers, New York, p. 116. 60. The Times (London), 19 March 1981. 61. For details of the speedy reconciliation between Bangladesh and Pakistan once Zia had come to power, see New York Times, February 2, 1976. 62. Within days of the 7 November coup, China extended its ‘warm support to the new Government of Bangladesh’. See The Bangladesh Observer, 12 November 1975. In April 1977, following Zia’s successful goodwill tour of China in January (during which an economic and technical agreement was signed), Premier of the People’s Republic of China, Hua Kuo-feng, expressed confidence that ‘the friendly relations and cooperations between China and Bangladesh would increasingly grow in strength and develop through joint efforts of their two Governments and peoples’, The Bangladesh Observer, 8 April 1977. See also ibid., 4 January 1977. 63. Due to the smuggling of raw jute into India, Bangladesh was believed to have lost about US$50 million in foreign exchange in those years. See Rashiduzza- man, ‘Changing Political Patterns’ p. 193. 64. Ziring (ed.), The Subcontinent in World Politics, p. 10. 65. The Bangladesh Observer, 26 January 1977. 66. New York Times, October 4, 1976. 67. Gulati, Bangladesh, p. 209. 68. R. Sobhan, The Crisis of External Dependence: The Political Economy of Foreign Aid to Bangladesh, London, 1982, p. 125. 69. According to Rehman Sobhan, the OPEC states have ‘invariably’ given untied aid to Bangladesh, allowing Bangladesh to retain maximum flexibility in invest- ment decisions. Sobhan, The Crisis, p. 153. 70. Sobhan, The Crisis, pp. 149–53. Sobhan has provided an astute and balanced assessment of Indo–Bangladesh economic relations in the 1970s, bringing out the complex tie between political and economic considerations in those relations. 71. Indian aid to Bangladesh between December 1971 and June 1972 totalled US$222.7 million, sufficient to avert an impending famine. Sobhan, The Crisis, pp. 139–40. 72. In the late 1970s, Indian jute exports were actually losing ground in the world market due to competition from supplies and synthetic substitutes from Bangla- desh. See Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (comp.), India. A Reference Annual: 1982, New Delhi, 1982, p. 344. 73. Sobhan, The Crisis, pp. 140, 142. 74. For details of why this occurred, see Sobhan, The Crisis, pp. 130–31. 75. The Bangladesh Observer, 13 January 1976. See also Times of India (New Delhi), 13 January 1976. According to the report in the Times of India, trade had declined sharply over the preceding three years, Indian exports to Bangladesh falling from Rs. 58.78 crores in 1973–4 to Rs. 42.17 crores in 1974–5 and Rs. 16.50 crores between July and December 1975. The decline in trade and the trade imbalance are also revealed in the imports from Bangladesh which fell from Rs. 17.05 crores in 1973–4 to Rs. 9.18 crores in 1974–5 and Rs. 9 crores between 204 Notes and References

July and December 1975. The leader of the Bangladesh delegation at the talks, M. Nurul Islam, expressed his satisfaction with the ‘definite, concrete and posit- ive steps’ which had been taken at the talks. 76. The trade agreement was especially congenial for poorer Bangladesh. India’s decision to increase imports from Bangladesh was a reasonably magnanimous ges- ture because those goods were either already oversupplied or had had problems with price and quality control. See Times of India (New Delhi), 13 January 1976. 77. Morarji Desai and the Janata coalition party came to power in India in March 1977, ousting Mrs Gandhi in the national elections. 78. Asian Recorder, 25 June–1 July 1978, p. 14373. 79. Ibid., 25 November–1 December 1980, p. 15759. 80. Such as those associated with disputes over territory and the checking of illegal Bangladeshi immigration into India. For example, see New York Times (New York), October 28, 1980, for a comment on India’s revived ‘anti-immigrant drive’. 81. Particularly by arousing entrenched fears of colonial exploitation, as had been carried out by West Pakistan before 1971. See I. Hossain, ‘Bangladesh–India Rela- tions: Issues and Problems’, Asian Survey, vol. 21, no. 11, 1981, pp. 1116–7. According to Hossain, Mujib’s trade pact with India was ostensibly aimed to pro- mote trade between the two states, but in reality, resulted in large scale smuggling. Ibid., p. 1117. 82. A large increase in aid from the United States was obtained by Zia, particularly from 1976 to 1979, where US$648.1 million was received, as opposed to US$379.5 million provided during the preceding years between 1971 and 1975. See Government of Bangladesh, Ministry of Finance, External Resources Divi- sion, ‘Flow of External Resources into Bangladesh, as of June 30, 1981’, pp. 20–2 and 26–76, cited in Khan and Husain (eds), Bangladesh Studies, pp. 251–2. 83. See New York Times, December 31, 1975. 84. H.A. Kissinger, ‘Domestic Structure and Foreign Policy’, in J.N. Rosenau, Interna- tional Politics and Foreign Policy: A Reader in Research and Theory, New York, 1969, p. 272. 85. Ahamed (ed.), ‘Dominant Bureaucratic Elites’, p. 4. 86. Wright, ‘Destructive Features of Bangladeshi Political Life’, p. 24. 87. B. Buzan et al., South Asian Insecurity and the Great Powers, New York, 1986, pp. 7–8. 88. According to Lawrence Ziring, approximately 26 coup attempts occurred during Zia’s rule, culminating in his assassination by a disgruntled military officer in May 1981. See L. Ziring, Bangladesh: From Mujib to Ershad – An Interpretive Study, Oxford, 1992, pp. 140–1.

6 1982–90: Political Manoeuvres and Ethnic Violence 1. Editorial, Times of India (New Delhi), 25 March 1982. 2. L. Ziring, Bangladesh: From Mujib to Ershad, An Interpretive Study, Oxford, 1992, p. 140. 3. While there is still some controversy over the subject, the official explanation was that a disgruntled Freedom Fighter officer, Muhammad Abul Manzur, along with a small group of supporting officers, carried out the assassination. See A. Mascarenhas, A Legacy of Blood, London, 1986, pp. 160–83. 4. Ziring, Bangladesh, p. 144. 5. S. Hassan, ‘Transitional Politics In Bangladesh: A Study of Sattar’s Interim Presid- ency’, India Quarterly, vol. 39, no. 3, 1983, p. 264. Notes and References 205

6. This issue had intensified due to Zia’s civilianising policies. See Z.R. Khan, ‘Ban- gladesh in 1981: Change, Stability, and Leadership’, Asian Survey, vol. 22, no. 2, 1982, p. 165. 7. According to S. Hassan, Zia’s ‘youth, vigour and dedication had earned him the respect of his countrymen’ and his sudden death had thrown the country into ‘chaos and uncertainty’, leaving Sattar’s interim government with little option but to ‘honour Zia’s international commitments and carry forward his domestic policies and objectives’. Hassan, ‘Transitional Politics’, p. 263. 8. The fragility of Sattar’s position is revealed, for example, in the comment by Marcus Franda that Zia’s death had occurred ‘at a point when things had started to go sour but had not yet deteriorated’. M. Franda, Bangladesh: The First Decade, New Delhi, 1982, p. 324. 9. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 25 March 1982. 10. M.A. Rahman, ‘Bangladesh in 1983: A Turning Point for the Military’, Asian Sur- vey, vol. 24, no. 2, 1984, p. 151. 11. M. Ataur Rahman points out that while ‘political, economic and social conditions’ were ‘fast deteriorating’ under Sattar, popular acceptance of Ershad’s coup had resulted more from widespread disillusionment with Sattar’s ‘uninspiring’ regime than anything else. M.A. Rahman, p. 151. 12. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 25 March 1982. 13. Rahman, ‘Bangladesh in 1983’, p. 150. 14. Ibid., p. 151. 15. See also Chapter 3. 16. Times of India, 25 March 1982. 17. See Chapters 3 and 4. 18. See Chapter 8. 19. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 8 June 1988. 20. See S.D. Muni, Pangs of Proximity: India and Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Crisis, New Delhi, 1993, p. 28. 21. B. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges: The Politics and Technology of River Development, New Delhi, 1995. 22. See Chapter 3. 23. The Economist, ‘Bangladesh floods: drowned by politics’, vol. 308, 17 September 1988, p. 38. 24. Crow et al., Sharing the Ganges, p. 193. 25. Ibid., p. 198. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid., p. 193. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid., p. 194. 32. Ibid., p. 198. 33. Ibid., pp. 194–5. 34. Ibid., p. 210. 35. B.G. Verghese, Waters of Hope: Integrated Water Resource Development and Regional Cooperation within the Himalayan–Ganga–Brahmaputra–Barak Basin, New Delhi, 1990, pp. 374–5. 36. See Chapters 2 and 3. 37. For examples, see The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 18 April 1988 (Bangladesh viewpoint); and. K.P. Khanal, ‘Impact of Domestic Conflicts on Regional 206 Notes and References

Cooperation in South Asia’, in B. Sen Gupta, Regional Cooperation and Develop- ment in South Asia, Vol. 2, New Delhi, 1986 p. 195 (Indian viewpoint). 38. Useful sources dealing with the Chittagong Hill Tract tribal insurgency include S.M. Ali, The Fearful State: Power, People and Internal War in South Asia, London, 1993, pp. 162–203; M. Rahman Shelley (ed.), The Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangla- desh: The Untold Story, Dhaka, 1992; U. Phadnis et al. (eds), Domestic Conflicts in South Asia, Vol. 1: Political Dimensions, New Delhi, 1986, pp. 55–83; W. Van Schendel, ‘The Invention of the “Jummas”: State Formation and Ethnicity in Southeastern Bangladesh’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 26, no. 1, 1992, pp. 95–128; Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Intractable hills: autonomy plan fails to appease the rebels’, 5 April 1990, pp. 22–4; and S.S. Ahsan and B. Chakma, ‘Problems of National Integration in Bangladesh: The Chittagong Hill Tracts’, Asian Survey, vol. XXIX, no. 10, October 1989, pp. 959–70. 39. The figure ranges from 11 to 13, depending on the source. See Ali, The Fearful State., p. 166. 40. The figures are based on a variety of sources: 1991 Census, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, cited in Rahman Shelley (ed.), The Chittagong Hill Tracts, p. 50; Ali, The Fearful State, pp. 166–7; Van Schendel, ‘The Invention of the “Jummas”’, p. 95; Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Intractable hills: autonomy plan fails to appease the rebels’, 5 April 1990, p. 24. 41. Van Schendel, ‘The Invention of the “Jummas”’, p. 95. 42. Ibid., p.102. 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid., p. 108. 45. ibid., pp. 102–4. 46. As an example, Van Schendel quotes Abdus Sattar, a prominent Bangladeshi writer on tribal affairs in the 1970s, who described the hill people thus: Their way of life is timeless. Their cultural configuration is still intact, the out- lines still hard and sharply drawn against the contrasting background of civilization with no sign of dimming…If there is no education it will further widen the gap between the civilized and the pre-civilized. Isolated and left behind the tribes will become more inward-looking and aggressive…The tribals are usually simple, credulous and jovial folks. As long as they have enough to eat they are not much bothered by worries…They are of deep interest to any one who wants to discover man in his raw form.’ Abdus Sattar, Tribal Culture in Bangladesh, Dacca, Muktadhara, 1975, pp. 4–7, cited in Van Schendel, ‘The Invention of the “Jummas”’ pp. 103–4. 47. Van Schendel, ‘The Invention of the “Jummas”’, pp. 104–6. 48. Ali, The Fearful State, p. 170. 49. Ibid., p. 175. 50. Ibid., p. 171. 51. For a thorough analysis of the Act of 1900 see Rahman Shelley (ed.), The Chit- tagong Hill Tracts., pp. 73–106. 52. Van Schendel, ‘The Invention of the “Jummas”’, p. 111. 53. Ibid., p. 115. 54. Ibid., pp. 115–16. 55. Ahsan and Chakma put the figure at 98 per cent. Ahsan and Chakma, ‘Problems of National Integration’, pp. 965–6. S.M. Ali puts the figure at approximately 89 per cent. Ali, The Fearful State, p. 167. 56. Van Schendel, ‘The Invention of the “Jummas”’, p. 95. Notes and References 207

57. Ali, The Fearful State, p. 177. 58. Ibid., p. 179. 59. Ibid. 60. Ibid., pp. 181–2. 61. Ibid. See also: Chris Mullin, ‘The CIA Conspiracy’, Far Eastern Economic Review, vol. 36, no. 89, 1975, pp. 149–50. 62. Ali, The Fearful State, p. 182. 63. Ibid. 64. Ibid. 65. The 1971 war resulted in divided loyalties within the tribal groups. Some supported the Mizo and Naga insurgents in India and hence sided with the Pakistan central government. Others joined the Bengali Liberation Army but were not trusted and became disillusioned. Many Montagnards who fled into India during the war found, on their return, that their land had been occupied by Bengali settlers. This resulted in armed conflict over land claims. For further information, see Ali, The Fearful State, pp. 182–3. 66. Ahsan and Chakma, ‘Problems of National Integration’, p. 967. 67. Ibid., p. 968. 68. ‘Larma’s Debate in the Parliament,’ Bangladesh National Assembly Debates, 1:6, 23 January 1974, cited in Ahsan and Chakma, ‘Problems of National Integra- tion’, p. 968. 69. For example, according to an Anti-Slavery report (submitted to a UN human rights subcommission working group on indigenous peoples) about 300 unarmed tribal men, women and children were massacred by Bangladeshi troops and armed Bengali immigrants at the village of Kaokhali Bazar on 25 March 1980. Anti-Slavery Society, The Chittagong Hill Tracts: Militarization, Oppression and the Hill Tribes, Indigenous Peoples and Development Series, Report No. 2, London, Anti-Slavery Society, 1984, p. 55. 70. For example, on 31 May 1984, members of the Shanti Bahini killed 175 settlers, including 33 women. Asian Recorder, 29 July–4 August 1984, p. 17861. See also Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Intractable hills: autonomy plan fails to appease the rebels’, 5 April 1990, p. 23. According to an Amnesty International report, the Bangladesh government was responsible for many human rights abuses in the CHT including deliberate and unlawful political killings. The Bangladesh government categorically rejected these accusations. Amnesty International, Bangladesh: Unlawful Killings and Torture in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, London, 1986, pp. 10–11. 71. Ibid., p. 11. 72. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 23 March 1988. 73. Asian Recorder, 29 July–4 August 1984, p. 17862. 74. Ibid. 75. Ali, The Fearful State, p.193. The figure for surrendered guerrillas varies. Accord- ing to the New York Times, only 2000 had surrendered by October 1986. New York Times, October 23, 1986. 76. See Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, vol. XXXII, July 1986, p. 34483 and vol. XXXIII, December 1987, p. 35574. 77. By June 1986, approximately 20 000 troops and armed police were placed on alert throughout southeast Bangladesh. According to the Madras paper, The Hindu, the Bangladeshi soldiers operating in the CHT were also being trained in counterinsurgency methods by the British Special Air Service (SAS). Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, vol. XXXII, July 1986, p. 34483. 208 Notes and References

78. Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, vol. XXXIII December 1987, p. 35574. India claimed that aproximately 44 000 Chakma refugees were sheltering in five camps in Tripura, while Bangladesh put the figure at much less – about 30 000. See also The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 18 April 1988. According to a report by Amnesty International, the refugee crisis was sparked by the Bangladesh army carrying out ‘thousands of arbitrary arrests’ and killing and torturing ‘innocent tribespeople at will.’ New York Times, October 23, 1986. 79. See Chapter 4. 80. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Intractable hills: autonomy plan fails to appease the rebels’, 5 April 1990, p. 22. 81. Ibid. 82. Ibid., p. 24. 83. For example in May 1988, BNP leader, Begum Khaleda Zia demanded the ‘ousting of the present autocratic government’ for, amongst other things, its ‘failure to ensure security’ of the people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 5 May 1988. 84. The Bangladesh media habitually described the CHT violence in highly emotive terms, without exception placing blame on the Shanti Bahini. The following are a couple of examples of media descriptions: ‘Their [the Shanti Bahini’s] heinous design is manifested in the orgy of repeated violence in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The latest brutal attack…resulting in the death of eleven persons was part of that heinous design’: The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 8 June 1987; and, ‘The villagers found no words to narrate the cold blooded holocaust perpetrated by the Shanti Bahini’, The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 3 May 1988. 85. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Intractable hills: autonomy plan fails to appease the rebels’, 5 April 1990, p. 24. 86. This appears to be a distortion of events. The Chakma refugees had fled into India to escape the large-scale reprisal attacks by Bangladesh forces and armed Bengali settlers which occurred in response to a series of Shanti Bahini killings in the region. See Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Intractable hills: autonomy plan fails to appease the rebels’, 5 April 1990, p. 22. 87. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 6 May 1988. 88. Ibid. See also Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Playing the India Hand’, 26 May 1988. 89. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 6 May 1988. 90. New York Times, October 23, 1986. 91. In June 1989, following further Shanti Bahini attacks, the New York Times put the refugee figure at 51 000, of which 9000 were estimated to have fled to India in the preceding fortnight. New York Times, June 11, 1989. 92. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 14 June 1989 93. Ibid. 94. New York Times, June 11, 1989. According to the New York Times article, Shanti Bahini weapons were also obtained from raids on Bangladeshi military units and by picking up large caches of Chinese semi-automatic weapons during the 1971 war. 95. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Intractable hills: autonomy plan fails to appease the rebels’, 5 April 1990, pp. 23–4. 96. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘In the Tribal Tangle’, 20 August 1987, p. 21. 97. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 9 January 1987. 98. See Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘In the Tribal Tangle’, 20 August 1987, pp. 21–2 and Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Talking with the Tribals’, 1 September 1988, pp. 32–3. Notes and References 209

99. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘In the Tribal Tangle’, 20 August 1987, p. 22. See also ‘Dhaka not training TNV guerillas’, The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 30 January 1988. 100. Between 1976 and 1986, 2000–3000 were estimated to have been killed, while a further 3000 were estimated to have died owing to poor health care in the Tri- pura refugee camps between 1986 and 1989. See New York Times, October 23, 1986 and The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 22 June 1989. Violence, including massacres, have continually occurred in the CHT to the present day. For a recent outbreak and attempts at mediation, see Dhaka Bangladesh (Internet Edi- tion of Daily News), 25 September 1996, 29 January 1997, and 4 February 1997 . 101. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘An ill wind in the East’, 19 December 1985, p. 26. 102. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Intractable hills: autonomy plan fails to appease the rebels’, 5 April 1990, p. 24. 103. Ibid., p. 23. 104. The number of Shanti Bahini had dropped to about 500 by 1990. Ibid. 105. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Talking with the Tribals’, 1 September 1988, p. 32. 106. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 19 February 1990. 107. Ibid. 108. Ibid. 109. The Asian Recorder, 28 May–3 June 1979, p. 14903, and New York Times, April 19, 1979. 110. The Asian Recorder, 28 May–3 June 1979, p. 14903. 111. For example: Khanal, ‘Impact of Domestic Conflicts’, p. 173. 112. T.H. Eriksen, ‘Ethnicity Versus Nationalism’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 28, no. 3, 1991, p. 277. 113. Ibid. 114. According to the 1991 Census, approximately 15 per cent of Bangladesh’s population was non-Muslim. Statesman’s Year-book 1993–1994, London, 1993, p. 190. 115. For examples, see Times of India, 17 July 1987; Khanal, ‘Impact of Domestic Conflicts’, p. 192 and Nancy Jetly, ‘India and the Domestic Turmoil in South Asia’, in U. Phadnis et al. (eds), Domestic Conflicts, pp. 72–3. 116. See Chapter 1.

7 1975–81: Catalysts and Covergences of Interest 1. For example, see: S.S. Islam, ‘Bangladesh–Pakistan Relations: From Conflict to Cooperation’, in E. Ahamed (ed.), Foreign Policy of Bangladesh: A Small State’s Imperative, Dhaka, 1984, pp. 52–63; C. Baxter, Bangladesh: A New Nation In An Old Setting, Boulder, 1984, pp. 101–2; C.P. O’Donnell, Bangladesh: Biography of a Mus- lim Nation, Boulder, 1984, pp. 212, 218; S.N. Kaushik, ‘Pakistan’s Relations with Bangladesh: An Overview of the Perception of the Leaders of the Two Countries’, in S.R. Chakravarty and V. Narain (eds), Bangladesh, Volume Three: Global Politics, New Delhi, 1988, pp. 155–69. The chapter by Kaushik contains the most detail, but it is written from a pro-Bangladesh standpoint. 2. S.N. Kaushik does discuss this period. See Kaushik, ‘Pakistan’s Relations’, pp. 156–63. 3. Ibid. 4. Islam, ‘Bangladesh–Pakistan Relations’, pp. 52–3. 210 Notes and References

5. B. Buzan et al., South Asian Insecurity and the Great Powers, New York, 1986, p. 9. 6. Ibid. 7. Ambassadors were exchanged between Bangladesh and Pakistan in January 1976. See Pakistan Times (Lahore), 3 January and 13 January 1976. 8. For a discussion of Bhutto’s reasons for officially recognising Bangladesh, see L. Ziring, ‘Pakistan and India: Politics, Personalities, and Foreign Policy’, Asian Survey, vol. 18, no. 7, 1978, p. 711. 9. Concerning Pakistan’s recognition of Bangladesh, Bhutto declared: ‘I do not say I like this decision. I do not say I want this decision. I do not say I am very happy today’. See The Times (London), 23 February 1974. 10. See Far Eastern Economic Review, 29 August 1975, p. 13. 11. This was largely due to growing disillusionment with Mujib’s policies and his pro-Indian position. 12. Bangladeshi officials declared: ‘We are disappointed that a great opportunity has been missed in taking a giant step forward in reconciliation . . . We found a total lack of response to the problems that are basic’. New York Times, June 30, 1974. 13. New York Times (New York), February 2, 1976. 14. Newsweek, ‘Death of the Bangabandhu’, August 25, 1975, p. 12. 15. This comment was made by a Pakistani government official in Islamabad. See New York Times (New York), February 2, 1976. 16. Ibid. 17. Pakistan Times (Lahore), November 12, 1975. 18. New York Times, February 2, 1976. 19. For an interpretation of Zia ul-Haq’s efforts to use religion in consolidating power see: O. Noman, Pakistan: A Political and Economic History Since 1947, 2nd edn, London, 1990, pp. 144–54. 20. Camilleri and Teichmann make the point that states ‘domesticate religion and morality’ in order to ‘use them in the service of state values and policies’. J. Camilleri and M. Teichmann, Security and Survival: The New Era in International Relations, South Yarra, 1973, p. 15. In the case of Pakistan and Bangladesh, individual leaders, rather than ‘the state’, have used this technique to secure power. 21. Tushar K. Barua, ‘Military Regime in Pakistan and Bangladesh: A Contrast in Political Processes’ in M.M. Khan and J.P. Thorp (eds), Bangladesh: Society, Politics and Bureaucracy, Dhaka, 1984, p. 75. 22. Ibid. 23. Further evidence for this will be provided in the chapter (p. 000). 24. T. Maniruzzaman, The Security of Small States in the Third World, Canberra, ANU., 1982, p. 15. E. Ahamed also writes that the most important objective of foreign policy is the maintenance of the state’s ‘sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity.’ Ahamed (ed.), Foreign Policy, p. 4. 25. K.J. Holsti, International Politics: A Framework for Analysis, 2nd edn, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1972, p. 371. 26. Ibid. 27. C. Hill, ‘Theories of Foreign Policy Making for the Developing Countries’, in C. Clapham (ed.), Foreign Policy Making in Developing States, Westmead, 1977, p. 7. Robert Good put forward the idea that foreign policy has often served to keep an ‘in-group’ in power. Ibid. 28. Ibid. 29. Holsti, International Politics, p. 379. Notes and References 211

30. Ibid. 31. Ibid., p. 380. 32. Hill, ‘Theories’, p. 10. 33. C. Clapham, ‘Conclusion: Comparative Foreign Policy and Developing States’, in Clapham (ed.), Foreign Policy Making, p. 169. 34. Pakistan Times (Lahore), 1 May 1976. 35. Ibid. A memorandum of ‘understanding banking arrangements’ was signed the following day, on 1 May 1976. 36. Ibid., 3 May 1976. 37. Islam, ‘Bangladesh–Pakistan Relations’, p. 57. 38. Pakistan Times (Lahore), 16 May 1976. 39. Ziring, ‘Pakistan and India’, p. 726. 40. In May 1976, for example, Bhutto emphasised the primacy of Islam and its supremacy over political and economic ideology, declaring that ‘while our religion, detached from alien accretions and the workings of obscurantism, sanctions, absorbs and encompasses our economic ideology and political philo- sophy, a political system and economic methodology cannot even pretend to embrace the full range and scope of a religion like Islam. Pakistan Times (Lahore), 15 May 1976. 41. Bangladesh Observer, 31 August 1977. 42. Ibid., 23 December 1977. 43. Asian Recorder, 8–14 January 1978, p. 14109. 44. A Joint Economic Commission between Pakistan and Bangladesh was established in July 1979. Ibid., 3–9 September 1979, pp. 15065–6. 45. Bangladesh Observer, 12 July 1980. 46. Pakistan Times (Lahore), 3 August 1978. 47. Kaushik, ‘Pakistan’s Relations’, p. 164. 48. O’Donnell, Bangladesh, p. 218. 49. For details of the amounts requested, totalling approximately Tk. 257 crore, see Islam, ‘Bangladesh–Pakistan Relations’, pp. 57–9. 50. D.A. Wright, Bangladesh: Origins and Indian Ocean Relations (1971–1975), New Delhi, 1988, pp. 186–7, 193–4. 51. O’Donnell, Bangladesh, p. 218. Ziaur Rahman had commented that the repatri- ation of ‘non-locals’ would start ‘very soon’. Bangladesh Observer, 24 December 1977. 52. Bangladesh Observer, 23 December 1978. 53. Ibid., 26 October 1980. 54. Ibid., 27 October 1980. 55. Ibid. 56. The Bangladesh Times, 11 August 1983, cited in Islam, ‘Bangladesh–Pakistan Rela- tons’, p. 59. 57. Bangladesh Observer, 27 October 1980. 58. L. Ziring et al. (eds), Pakistan: The Long View, Durham, 1977, p. 6. 59. S. Tahir-Kheli, ‘The Foreign Policy of ‘New’ Pakistan’, Orbis, vol. 20, no. 3, Fall 1976, p. 734. 60. Asian Recorder, 4–10 March 1972, p. 10645. 61. Ibid., p. 10648. 62. Tahir-Kheli, ‘The Foreign Policy of ‘New’ Pakistan’, p. 735. 63. As well as consolidating Pakistan’s links with China, Bhutto also reaffirmed Pakistan’s ties with the Islamic states which had supported Pakistan during the 212 Notes and References

war, by offering his thanks in person in his ‘journey among brothers’ in 1972. See Tahir-Kheli, ‘The Foreign Policy of ‘New’ Pakistan’, p. 734. 64. According to Bhutto, this was what the Simla Agreement offered. See Tahir-Kheli, ‘The Foreign Policy of ‘New’ Pakistan’, p. 740. 65. Pakistan Times (Lahore), 20 December 1975. 66. Tahir-Kheli, ‘The Foreign Policy of ‘New’ Pakistan’, p. 753. 67. As referred to in Chapter 5, Article 9 of the Friendship Treaty, signed between Bangladesh and India in March 1972, implied that an anti-Indian regime in Ban- gladesh could be removed legitimately by the Indian government. For details of the treaty, see Asian Recorder, 15–21 April 1972, p. 10720. 68. Pakistan Times (Lahore), 25 November 1975. 69. Ibid., 12 November 1975. 70. Bangladesh Observer, 21 July 1976. 71. Such as Pakistan’s official recognition of Bangladesh and the release of POWs. 72. S.M.M. Razvi, ‘Conflict and Cooperation in South Asia’, The Round Table, no. 299, 1986, p. 269. 73. S.P. Cohen, ‘India, South Asia and the Superpowers: War and Society’ in P. Wal- lace (ed.), Region and Nation in India, New Delhi, 1985, p. 234.

8 1982–90: A Maturing of Relations? 1. Relations between Pakistan and Bangladesh have received little scholarly attention in the literature. For a brief, biased and descriptive account of relations during Ershad’s regime, see S.N. Kaushik, ‘Pakistan’s Relations with Bangladesh: An Overview of the Perception of the Leaders of the Two Countries’, in S.R. Chakra- varty and V. Narain (eds), Bangladesh, Volume Three: Global Politics, New Delhi, 1988, pp. 165–8. See also S.S. Islam, ‘Bangladesh–Pakistan Relations: From Con- flict to Cooperation’, in E. Ahamed (ed.) Foreign Policy of Bangladesh: A Small State’s Imperative, Dhaka, 1984, pp. 52–63. 2. Mainly in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. 3. R.B. Rais, ‘Pakistan in the Regional and Global Power Structure’, Asian Survey, vol. 31, no. 4, 1991, p. 383. 4. T.P. Thornton, ‘Between the Stools? U.S. Policy Towards Pakistan During the Carter Administration’, Asian Survey, vol. 22, no. 10, October 1982, p. 971. 5. W.H. Wriggins, ‘Pakistan’s Search for a Foreign Policy After the Invasion of Afghanistan’, Pacific Affairs, vol. 57, no. 2, 1984, p. 298. 6. Ibid., p. 285. 7. For a relevant article, see Wriggins, ‘Pakistan’s Search’, pp. 284–303. 8. The US assistance included F-16 aircraft, Cobra gunship helicopters, M48A5 tanks and Harpoon missiles. Pakistan became the fourth largest recipient of US military aid after Israel, Egypt and Turkey. S. Yasmeen, ‘India and Pakistan: Why the Latest Exercise in Brinkmanship?’, Australian Journal of Politics and History, vol. 34, no. 1, 1988/89, p. 69. 9. This emphasis was partly in response to the 1979 Iranian Islamic revolution and the ousting of the Shah of Iran. 10. Dawn, 25 November 1981. 11. Ibid. 12. The attachés were found trying, for unexplained reasons, to set fire to 600 rolls of movie film. New York Times (New York), April 11, 1982. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid. Notes and References 213

15. Ibid. 16. Daily News, 21 August 1982, cited in Kaushik, ‘Pakistan’s Relations’, p. 165. 17. See Chapter 7. 18. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 5 October 1982. 19. Ibid., and New York Times (New York), May 18, 1986. 20. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 25 October 1982. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid., 12–13 August 1983. 23. Ibid., 7, 8, and 11 December 1983. 24. Ibid., 12 August 1983. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid. 28. Ibid. 29. For background detail, see Chapter 7. 30. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 13 August 1983. 31. Ibid. 32. Ibid., 7 December 1983. Ummah means the ‘community of believers’. 33. Ibid., 11 December 1983. 34. The organisation, called the Rabita El Alam Al Islami (The World Muslim League) was based in Mecca and was reported to have received pledges from various Arab oil-producing nations to pay for the rehabilitation project. New York Times (New York), July 11, 1988. See also The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 11 July 1988. 35. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 11 July 1988. 36. Ibid., 6 June 1985. Approximately 11 000 people died in the cyclone. Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, vol. XXXI, December 1985, p. 34051. 37. Immediate aid was offered by countries such as Saudi Arabia, Japan, the United States and the United Kingdom. Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, vol. XXXI, December 1985, p. 34051. 38. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 6 June 1985. 39. See Chapter 4. 40. Muhajireen descendants use the same term to describe themselves. For an historical overview of this linguistic, cultural group, see I.H. Malik, ‘Ethno–Nationalism in Pakistan: A Commentary on Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz (MQM) in Sindh’, South Asia, Journal of South Asian Studies, vol. XVIII, no 2, 1995, pp. 50–2. 41. Malik, ‘Ethno–Nationalism’, p. 59. 42. Ibid., pp. 53–4. 43. Yasmeen, ‘India and Pakistan’, p. 69. Communal riots occurring in Karachi from November 1986 to January 1987, primarily between the Muhajireen and the Push- tuns, resulted in over 200 dead and 500 wounded. 44. Ibid. Further violence erupted in Karachi in September 1988, with more than 400 being killed during two days of rioting. Malik, ‘Ethno–Nationalism’, p. 61. 45. Migrant People’s Movement. 46. The Biharis and the Muhajireen shared a common past as both groups originated as refugees who had fled India in 1947, the former moving to East Pakistan and the latter moving to the west wing. No doubt, the MQM wished to expand its support base, but the full explanation for why the MQM decided to take up the Bihari cause after Zia ul-Haq’s death is unclear. Malik, ‘Ethno–Nationalism’, p. 63. 214 Notes and References

47. J. Bray, ‘Pakistan in 1989: Benazir’s Balancing Act’, The Round Table, no. 310, 1989, pp. 194–5. 48. S.V.R. Nasr, ‘Democracy and the Crisis of Governability in Pakistan’, Asian Sur- vey, vol. 32, no. 6, 1992, p. 523. 49. Ibid., p. 525. 50. Ibid., p. 529. 51. Ibid. 52. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 4 October 1989. 53. Ibid., 2 October 1989. 54. Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Left in limbo: Bhutto appears to backtrack on the Biharis issue’, 19 October 1989, p. 23. 55. The Times (London), 25 and 27 October 1989. 56. Ibid. 57. J. Bray, ‘Nawaz Sharif’s New Order in Pakistan’, The Round Table, no. 318, 1991, p. 181. 58. The Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka), 8 June 1988. 59. Nasr, ‘Democracy’, p. 529. 60. P.S. Bhogal, ‘Pakistan’s India Policy: Shift from Zia to Benazir’, India Quarterly, vol. XLV, no. 1, January–March 1989, p. 43. 61. Nasr, ‘Democracy’, p. 529. 62. Ibid., p. 529–30. 63. Ibid., p. 530. 64. Bray, ‘Pakistan in 1989’, pp. 198–9. 65. Nasr, ‘Democracy’, p. 523. 66. L. Ziring, ‘Pakistan and India: Politics, Personalities, and Foreign Policy’, Asian Survey, vol. 18, no. 7, 1978, p. 719. 67. Plans for the SAARC foreign minister’s meeting, scheduled to be held in Islama- bad later in the month, were disrupted by a dispute between Sri Lanka and India. Sri Lanka was insisting that India withdraw the Indian Peace-Keeping Force from its soil or it would refuse to attend the meeting and, furthermore, would not host the following year’s SAARC summit. Bangladesh’s foreign minister, Anisul Islam Mahmud, made an impromptu visit to India and Sri Lanka in an attempt to mediate in the dispute and to persuade Sri Lanka to cease agitation and attend the meeting. As host for the foreign minister’s meeting, Pakistan considered that it had the responsibility to mediate and ought to have been consulted properly by Bangladesh. For details, see Far Eastern Economic Review, ‘Strained relations: Bangladesh initiative over SAARC upsets Pakistan’, 3 August 1989, p. 23. 68. Ibid. 69. Ibid. 70. In August 1992, for example, Bangladesh’s new Prime Minister, Khaleda Zia, revitalised the Bihari issue, along with other outstanding matters such as asset- sharing, to strengthen her domestic popularity. The Pakistan government, then under Nawaz Sharif, was receptive to reopening the Bihari issue because he had the support of the MQM and hoped, in turn, to antagonise and put pressure on his opponent, Benazir, and her Sindhi-based PPP. For details see Far Eastern Eco- nomic Review, ‘The begum’s gambit: Khaleda’s plan to return Pakistani refugees’, 6 August 1992, p. 23. 71. For an analysis of Pakistan’s quest for nuclear capability, see Gowher Rizvi, ‘The Rivalry Between India and Pakistan’ in B. Buzan et al., South Asian Insecurity and the Great Powers, New York, 1986, pp. 120–1. Notes and References 215

Conclusion 1. K.P. Khanal, ‘Impact of Domestic Conflicts on Regional Cooperation in South Asia’, in B. Sen Gupta, (ed.), Regional Cooperation and Development in South Asia, vol. 2, New Delhi, 1986, p. 192 and Nancy Jetly, ‘India and the Domestic Tur- moil in South Asia’, in U. Phadnis et al., (eds), Domestic Conflicts in South Asia, vol. 1: Political Dimensions, New Delhi, 1986, pp. 72–3. 2. M.E. Carranza, ‘Rethinking Indo–Pakistani Nuclear Relations’, Asian Survey, vol. 36, no. 6, June 1996, pp. 562–3. 3. Despite the post-Ershad upheavals in Bangladesh, a democratic structure is becoming established in Bangladesh and has survived the challenges to date. 4. J.M. Brown, Modern India: The Origins of an Asian Democracy, 2nd edn, Oxford, 1994, pp. 396–7. 5. Ibid., p. 397. 6. S.P. Cohen, ‘India, South Asia, and the Superpowers: War and Society’, in P. Wal- lace (ed.), Region and Nation in India, New Delhi, 1985, p. 241. 7. Carranza, ‘Rethinking Indo–Pakistan Nuclear Relations’, p. 565. 8. In March 1997 India acquired 40 long-range, multi-role Sukhoi-30MK (Su-30) jet aircraft from Russia for approximately US$1.8 billion. These aircraft were purchased to ‘counter the potential threat posed by F-16 and Mirage 2000 fighters in service with Pakistan’. The Su-30s were also more sophisticated than the batch of 70 Su-27s purchased in 1996 by China, allowing India to play ‘an enhanced role across South, South-East and East Asian countries, principally to counter Chinese ambitions’. The Australian (Canberra), 17 March 1997. 9. K.C. Dash, ‘The Political Economy of Regional Cooperation in South Asia’, Paci- fic Affairs, vol. 69, no. 2, 1996, p. 207. 10. The treaty is, nevertheless, controversial, with Opposition parties in both India and Bangladesh raising strong criticisms. Ishtiaq Hossain, Bangladesh–India Gan- ges Water Sharing Treaty: Problems and Prospects, paper delivered at the ‘Bangla- desh: Democracy and Development’ Conference organised by the National Centre for South Asian Studies, Melbourne, held at the Royal Melbourne Insti- tute of Technology (22–23 March 1997). Bibliography

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UNPUBLISHED

Abrar, C.R. State, Regime and Authoritarianism: The Bangladesh Case, paper delivered at the International Seminar on South Asia’s Security in the 1990s: Primacy of its Internal Dimension, organised by the Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS), Dhaka (5–7 January 1992). Choudhury, D. Bangladesh and South Asia, paper delivered at the Sixth National Conference of the Bangladesh Political Science Association held at Jahangirnagar University (16–17 February 1991). 236 Bibliography

Hassan, S. Bangladesh Foreign Policy: Issues and Challenges, paper delivered at the First Annual Conference of the Bangladesh Society of International Studies, Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS), Dhaka (31 January 1989). Husain, A. Ethnicity and Security of Bangladesh, paper delivered at the Regional Sem- inar on South Asia’s Security in the 1990s: Primacy of its Internal Dimension, organised by the Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS) Dhaka, (5–7 January 1992). Hossain, Ishtiaq Bangladesh–India Ganges Water Sharing Treaty: Problems and Pros- pects, paper delivered at the ‘Bangladesh: Democracy and Development’ Confer- ence organised by the National Centre for South Asian Studies, Melbourne, held at the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (22–23 March 1997). Islam, M.N. The Farakka Barrage: A Man–Made Disaster for Bangladesh, paper delivered at the Seventh National Conference (1993) of the Bangladesh Political Science Association held at the University of Chittagong. Kumar, R. ‘The Past as a Mirror of the Future’, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Occasional Papers on History and Society, no. IX, New Delhi, 1983. Kumar, R. ‘The Roots of Democracy in India’, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Occasional Papers on History and Society, no. XXXVII, New Delhi, March 1987. Kumar, R. ‘The Past and the Present: An Indian Dialogue’, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Occasional Papers on Perspectives on Indian Development,no. I, New Delhi, March 1989a. Kumar, R. ‘The Structure of Politics in India on the Eve of Independence’, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Occasional Papers on History and Society, Second Series, no. XVI, New Delhi, January 1989b. Momen, N. Strengths and Weaknesses of Bangladesh’s Diplomacy, paper delivered at a seminar on ‘Bangladesh Foreign Policy: Issues and Challenges’, organised by the Bangladesh Society of International Studies, 31 January 1989 at the Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS), Dhaka. Nuruzzaman, M. Confidence–Building in South Asia: A Bangladeshi Perspective, paper delivered at the Regional Seminar on South Asia’s Security in the 1990s: Primacy of its Internal Dimension, organised by the Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS), Dhaka (5–7 January 1992). Rehman, A.A. Secularism and Secularisation: The Bangladesh Experience, 1971–86, paper delivered at Asian Studies Association of Australia Conference, Sydney (11–16 May 1986). Roy, A. ‘Salience of Islam in South Asian Politics: Pakistan and Bangladesh’, in K. McPherson and Vicziany, M. (eds), Australia and South Asia: A Blueprint For 2001, Draft Report, June 1993, Perth/Melbourne, Indian Ocean Centre For Peace Studies, University of Western Australia and Monash Asia Institute, Monash University, 1988. Wright, D.A. Ziaur Rahman and His Presidency of Bangladesh, paper delivered at Australia–Bangladesh Society Zia Parishad, Sydney, 9 November 1991. Wright, D.A. Towards the New Millennium: Bangladeshi Democracy in the 1990s, paper delivered at the ‘Bangladesh: Democracy and Development’ Conference organised by the National Centre for South Asian Studies, Melbourne, held at the Royal Mel- bourne Institute of Technology (22–23 March 1997). Yunus, M. Towards a Poverty-Free World, paper delivered at the ‘Bangladesh: Demo- cracy and Development’ Conference organised by the National Centre for South Asian Studies, Melbourne, held at the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (22–23 March 1997). Index

Afghanistan, 61, 74, 81, 138, 162–4, Chittagong Hill Tracts 166, 168, 171 (CHT), 128–42, 172 Ahamed, E., 21, 113–14, 119 Chou En-lai, 157 Ahmed, Khondakar Mustaque, 158 Choudhury, Gani, 40 aid, 18–23, 27–8, 91, 113–15, 117 Chowdhury, Humayun Ali, S. Mahmud, 132 Rashid, 91, 137 Arab States, 21–3, 118, 153, 163 Clapham, Christopher, 152 Asian Development Bank, 21 Cohen, S.P., 13, 160 Asianism, 10–11, 13, 15 Cold War, 16, 33, 67, 174–5, 177 Assam, 61, 71–3, 75, 80, 87 Colonialism, 4–5, 7, 141 assets and liabilities, sharing, 166 Commonwealth Heads of Aviation Accord, 154 Government (CHOGM), 35, Awami League, 49, 100, 104, 107–10, 83, 87 112, 118–19, 148 corruption, 72, 115–16 coup, November 7, 104, 107–8 Baluchis, 168 Crow, Ben, 88, 90, 126–7 Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), 47, 87, 106 cultural identity, 8–10, 109–11 Barua, Tushar, 150–2 Begum, K., 66 Dash, Kishore, 177 Bengali nationalism, 109–11 Desai, Morarji, 34–5, 38–43, 52, 56, Bertocci, Peter, 71 65, 94, 140, 174 Bhashani, Maulana, 108, 121 Doha, A.R. Shams-ud, 165–6 Bhopal disaster, 61 Bhutto, Benazir, 168–72, 175 Economic and Social Commission Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali, 146, 148–60, for Asia and the Pacific 170, 176 (ESCAP), 117 Biharis, 87, 148, 154–5, 165, 167–70 Ehsan, Abul, 94 Bofors scandal, 85 Embree, Ainslee, 12 Boghal, P.S., 170 Emergency Proclamation, Border Agreement, 1974, 45, 48 India, 29–30, 43 Border Security Forces (BSF), 47, 49 English East India Company, 131 Brass, Paul, 9 Eriksen, Thomas, 140 Brown, Judith, 176 Ershad, Hussain Muhammad, 7, 22–3, Buzan, B., 147 57–78, 83–5, 89, 91, 123–6, 134–6, 162, 164–7, 170, Canada, 21 172, 173–4 Carranza, M.A., 175 European Economic Commission Central Intelligence Agency (EEC), 21 (CIA), 134 Chakmas, 132, 136–8 factionalism, 7, 68, 90, 103, 106, Chatty, Habib, 167 120–1, 124, 126–8, 140 China, People’s Republic of, 7, 17, Farakka Barrage, 35–43, 55–6, 64–7, 21–3, 29, 34, 56, 58, 61, 63, 69–70, 75, 76, 83–4, 88, 91, 94, 67, 81–2, 86, 92–3, 115, 126–8, 139, 153 157, 163, 174, 177 fence issue, 73–7, 87

237 238 Index flooding, 91–2 Joint Commission of Experts Franda, Marcus, 22–3 (JCE), 84, 88, 90–1 freedom fighters, 107 Joint Economic Commission, 64 Joint Rivers Commission Gandhi, Indira, 13–14, 17, 29–31, (JRC), 65–6, 84 34, 38, 40–3, 45, 49, 52, 54–78, 83, 99–108, 110–11, Kaptai Dam, 132, 135 114, 117–18, 120–2, 148, Kashmir dispute, 32–3, 41–3, 55, 80, 150, 174 86, 93, 158, 175, 177 Gandhi, Rajiv, 79, 82–95, 127, 167 Kaushik, S.N., 147, 150 Ghosh, B.N., 20 Khan, Ayub, 104 Ghosh, P.S., 14, 27, 62 Khan, M.H., 38 Grameen Bank, 18 Khan, Obaidullah, 126–7 Gujral, Inder Kumar, 93, 139 Khan, Sahibzada Yakub, 165–6 Gulati, C.J., 116 Khan, Yahya, 104, 156 Gurkha National Liberation Kipling, Rubyard, 12 Front, 93 Kissinger, Henry, 6, 119 Kumar, Ravinder, 12 Haq, Shamsul, 52, 54, 154 Haq, Zia ul, 84–6, 146–7, 150–3, Language Movement, 8–9 165, 167–72 Larma, M.N., 134 Hardgrave, Robert, 61, 72 Larma, Shantu, 135 Herodotus, 12 Lifschultz, L., 101 Hindu–Muslim rivalry, 12, 33, 61, 109 link canal, 65–7, 84, 88, 91, 126–7 Holsti, K.J., 151–2 Mahmud, Anisul Islam, 94, 126–7 Independence War, 30, 106, 121, Maniruzzaman, T., 19 154, 156, 160, 166, 171 Manor, James, 58 Indian nationalism, 11–13, 15 Mansingh, Surjit, 15, 17, 70 Indo-Bangladesh Friendship Memorandum of Understanding Treaty, 101 (MOU), 65–7, 69, 84, 91 Islam, 9–10, 12–13, 100, 108–12, Morris-Jones, W., 71, 73 125, 160, 164–7, 170–1 Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz Islam, Anisul, 18, 20 (MQM), 168–70 Islam, S.S., 147, 150, 153 Muhajireen, 168 Islamic Democratic Alliance Muhuri Char, 27, 43, 45–9, 87, 174 (IJI), 171 Mukti Bahini, 107–8 Islamic Foreign Ministers’ Muni, S.D., 67–8 Conference, 14th, 166, 177 Musharraf, Khalid, 1–2, 119 Islamic Socialism, 108 Muslim League, 13 Israel, 166 Nasr, S.V.R., 169 Jama’at-e Islami, 170 Nehru, Jawaharlal, 11–12, 32, Janata government, 34, 39–43, 45, 47, 63, 83 49, 52, 56, 65, 117, 140 Nepal, 65–6, 70, 83–4, 88–94, Japan, 21 126, 165 Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal (JSD), 104, New Moore Island, 27, 43, 49–55, 64, 108, 112 76, 86, 93, 174 Jayawardene, 167 non-alignment, 15–16, 22, 32, Jetley, Nancy, 23 34, 62 Index 239

OPEC (Organisation of Petroleum Singh, V.P., 93–4, 174 Exporting Countries), 21, 115–16 Sinhalese–Tamil violence, 61, Operation Blue Star, 77 77, 92–3 Organisation of Islamic Conference smuggling, 116 (OIC), 166–7 Sobhan Rehman, 18–20, 116 South Asian Association for Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), 169–71 Regional Cooperation Palmer, Norman, 79 (SAARC), 22, 79–80, parliamentary elections, 1979, 104 83–90, 93–4, 138, 162, Perestroika, 174 167, 171–2, 177–8 Piracha, Reaz, 154 South Asian Regional Cooperation poverty, 18–19, 22–3, 116 (SARC), 73–4, 76, 165, 167 primordialism, 9 Soviet Union, 7, 15–16, 21, 34, 61, Pushtuns, 168 80, 81–2, 95, 115, 117, 138, 162–4, 171 Radcliffe, Sir Cyril, 44 Sri Lanka, 165, 175 Rahman, Ataur, 23 superpowers, 18, 81, 175 Rahman, M. Habibur, 50 Rahman, Mujibur, 13, 27, 29, 31, Tagore, Rabindranath, 10, 12 34–5, 56, 58, 60, 63, 71, 134, Taher, Abu, 104, 107, 119 140, 145, 147, 149–52, 155–6, Tahir-Kheli, S., 156 158–9, 161, 173–4 Thakur, Ramesh, 94 Rahman, Shah Aziz, 164 Tharoor, Sashi, 58, 62, 70–1 Rahman, Ziaur, 6, 13, 16–17, 21–3, Thornton, T.P., 163 27–31, 33–5, 38–43, 45, 48–9, Tin Bigha Corridor, 43–5, 49, 64, 76, 54–62, 65, 68, 70, 73, 76, 86, 93, 174 99–125, 132, 134–5, 140, Tiwari, Narayan, 138 145–6, 149–60, 162–4, trade, 64, 71, 80, 93, 116–18, 153, 173–4, 176 165, 172 Raj, 131, 140 Tripura National Volunteers Rakkhi Bahini, 101 (TNV), 138–9 Ram, Jagjivan, 39 two-nation theory, 33, 158 Rao, Narasimha, 16, 52–3, 60, 63, 74–5 United Nations, 7, 18, 22, 32, 38–9, Referendum, 1977, 104 42, 87, 114, 171, 177 regime compatibility, 68 United States of America, 7, 17, 21–3, regionalism, 79–80, 93 34, 58, 61, 67, 74, 81, 95, 103, Research and Analysis Wing 115–16, 118, 163, 175 (RAW), 137 Roy, Asim, 111 Vajpayee, A.B., 35 Van Schendel, W., 129 Sattar, Abdus, 124, 164 Venkateswaran, A.P., 86 Saudi Arabia, 21, 58, 63 Verghese, B.G., 92, 128 secularism, 9, 33, 100, 111–12 Vivekananda, Swami, 10 security, 6–8, 10, 13–14, 23–4, 27 Sen, Keshab Chandra, 10 Weiner, Myron, 72 Shanti Bahini, 134–9 World Bank, 21, 23, 92 Sikhs, 61, 71, 77, 93 Wriggins, H.W., 163 Simla Agreement, 145, 157 Sindhodesh, 168 Zone of Peace, 22