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UPPSALA PAPERS in ECONOMIC HISTORY Continuity And UPPSALA PAPERS IN ECONOMIC HISTORY 1999 RESEARCH REPORT NO 47 Continuity and Change in the Rise of Labour: Working-class Politics in Plymouth, 1890-1920 Mary Hilson Department of Economic History ISRN UU-EKHI-RR-47--SE ISSN 02814560 Uppsala universitet Repro Ekonomikum, Uppsala 1999 Contents Introduction: The rise of Labour and the decline of the Liberal Party.........5 Context:PlymouthandDevonport.............................................................. .9 Tradeidentities andindustrial relationsin the dockyard........................... .12 AlternativeVisions:The Co-operative Society......................................... .19 The Movement for Independent Labour Representation........................... .25 Conclusion:The Roots of PolititalChange in Plymouth.......................... .3 1 References.................................................................................................. .38 Introduction: The rise of Labour and the decline of the Liberal Party’ Until recently, historians largely agreed that the changing politital align- ments of early twentieth century Britain, notably the rise of Labour, were related to the emergence of social elass as a basis for politital alignments. Debate was concentrated on the timing of the maturation of elass experi- ence into politital consciousness, rather than disputing it altogether. For some, the failure of the Liberal Party to accommodate working-elass de- mands made the rise of independent labour politics inevitable, even before 1914.’ Anti-trade union legal judgements in the early twentieth century strengthened the convictions of trade unionists that supporting the Liberal Party was becoming increasingly inappropriate, and led them to establish first the Labour Representation Committee and then the Labour Party as a serious electoral threat to the Liberals in the pre-war period.3 Other schol- ars, however, although accepting that elass did become an important factor in defining politital alignment during the early twentieth century, argued that the Liberals, as the traditional working-elass party, were able to re- ’ This article summarises the main tindings of my thesis, ‘Working-Class Politics in Plymouth. 1900-1920’ (University of Exeter PhD, 1998). 1 would like to thank Dr Joseph Melling and Dr Andrew Thorpe who supervised this work, also Dr David Harvey for his tomments on earlier drafts of this article. ’ Henry Pelling, The Orig% of fhe Labour Party, 1880-1906 (1954); idem.. A Short History of the Lobour Party (1961); idem.. ‘Labour and the Downfall of Liberalism’ (1968); Paul Thompson, Socialists, Liberals and Labour: The Struggle for London 18&1911 (1967); Alun Howkins, ‘Edwardian Liberalism and Industrial Unrest: A Glass View of the Decline of Liberalism’ (1977); D Howell, British Workers and the Independent Labour Party, 1888-1906, (1983); George L Bernstein, ‘Liberalism and the Progressive Alliance in the Constituencies, 1900-1914: Three Case Studies’ (1983). ’ John Saville, ‘Trade Unions and Free Labour: The Background to the Taff Vale Decision’ (1967). 5 spond adequately to intensitied elass consciousness before 1914. Peter Clarke, for example, argued that the ‘New Liberalism’ expressed in a se- ries of major social reforms from 1906, was able to rally working-elass support for the Liberals before the war.4 It was the strains of the war itself, and the resulting split in the Liberal Party which eventually led to Labour’s ascendancy over the Liberals. Some progress was made by Labour imme- diately before the war, but no body of contemporary opinion believed that Labour was on the verge of a breakthrough: “no shred of evidente existed anywhere which might suggest that within ten years the Labour Party would be forming the government of the country.“5 Further debate has taken place over the nature of the elass conscious- ness which motivated the founders of the early Labour Party. For those coming from a Marxist perspective, the problem has been to explain the failure of the Party, whilst in office, to remain consistent to its working- elass roots.6 The disastrous govemment of 1929-3 1 in particular has been interpreted as a betrayal in these terms. Yet for others, the party behaved entirely consistently with the elass consciousness of those, predominantly trades unionists, who founded it. It was interpreted as the product of a particular type of working-elass awareness; not socialism, but a socially conservative, defensive working-elass identity which was cultivated by the trade unions, and expressed for example through the associational leisure activities in which many workers took part.’ Thus the Labour Party could be essentially characterised as a bureaucratic trade unions’ party, where loyalty to the movement replaced socialist ideology: “this was a trade- union code of behaviour; so were the politital aims of the Labour Party essentially trade-union enes.“’ The most significant point about elass-based explanations of the rise of Labour is the implicit suggestion that the late nineteenth and early twenti- eth centuries represented a period of fundamental discontinuity within 4 P F Clarke, Lancashire and the New Liberalism (197 1). ’ Roy Douglas, ‘Labour in Decline, 1910-1914’ (1974), p. 125. 6 For example, Ralph Miliband, Parliamentary Socialism: A Srudy in rhe Poliiics oj Labour (1972). ’ ROS McKibbin, The Evolution of the Labour Party 1910-1924 (1974): idem, . Work and Hobbies in Britain 1880-1950’ and ‘Why Was There No Marxism in Great Britain?’ (1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, ‘Working-elass Culture and Working-elass Politics in London 1870-1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Glass’ (1983). ’ McKibbin, The Evolution ojthe Labour Party, p. 247. 6 British politics, when elass replaced older allegiances such as religion, ethnicity, or deferential loyalties as the basis for politital alignment.’ Re- cent work has posed a challenge to this interpretation, attempting instead to explain popular politics in terms of a sustained continuity in popular Radicalism which may be traced through the Chartist movements of the 1830s and 1840s and the popular support for Gladstonian Liberalism, into the early twentieth century and the rise of the Labour Party.” Of central importante to understanding politital formations, it is argued, is the ideo- logital tontent of popular politics. The formative influences on this thesis are thus acknowledged as the work of Peter Clarke and Gareth Stedman Jones in stressing the importante of reconstructing and reasserting the in- tellectual roots of popular politics.” This work is valuable, and much of it is persuasive. The adapted quote used by Biagini and Reid to summarise their thesis - “those who were originally talled Chartists were afierwards talled Liberal and Labour ac- tivists”‘2 - cannot easily be disputed, even if it may only be explained in generational terms. The Labour Party was not fashioned upon an entirely clean sheet. Many of its early activists did indeed express views which may be placed within the Radieal politital tradition, and many of them in- deed supported or were active in the Liberal Party; some of the oldest could no doubt draw on memories of Chartism. Indeed, perhaps the most useful aspect of this new work has been the reassessment of the radieal un- dercurrents infotming the politics of the period 18.50-1880, hitherto ex- 9 Hence the development of a movement for independent Jabour politics from the late nineteenth century has sometimes been referred to as the ‘remaking’ of the working elass. See Andrew Miles and Mike Savage, The Remaking of the British Working Glass, IR-IO-1940 (1994). ” Eugenio Biagini and Alastair Reid, eds., Currents of Radicalism: Popular Radiealism, Organised Labour and Party Politics in Britain, 1850-1914 (1991); Logie Barrow and Ian Bullock. Democratic Ideas in the British Labour Movement, 1880-1914 (1996): Jon Lawrence and Miles Taylor, eds., Par& Stare and Society: Electoral Behaviour in Britain sinte 1820 (1997). ” Stedman Jones, ‘Rethinking Chartism‘ (1983); Clarke, Lancashire and the New LIberalism; idem., Liberals nnd Social Democrats (1978). Jon Lawrence explicitly acknowledges this link, in ‘The Dynamits of Urban Politics, 1867-1914’ (1997), p. 82. ” Biagini and Reid, eds., Currents ofRadicalism. p.1. plained largely as a difticult hiatus within the history of elass struggle, or rather inadequately in terms of a theory of labour aristocracy.” 1 want to suggest, however, that this thesis is inadequate as an explana- tion of the dynamits of popular politics, in that it fails to explain W@ the Labour Party was formed in the first place, and rose to prominente as the main politital party of the left in Britain. In other words, if Liberalism had a genuinely widespread popular appeal, and there seems to be no reason not to go along with the suggestion that in the Gladstonian era at least it did have, why did it fail, after 1900, to accommodate a growing body of working-elass radieals? Or, perhaps more accurately, why did it lose out to the Labour party in some localities, but retained its strength in other areas, notably the south west of England, until the 193Os? This research focuses on the south west town of Plymouth, and explores the changing politital and social formations in the town during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Analysis of social relations and politics in two of the most important institutions in Plymouth, the naval dockyard and the con- sumers’ co-operative society, suggests that the period may in fatt be per- ceived as a major
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