Perspectives on Sustainable Development in the Moose River Basin

RICHARD J. PRESTON, McMaster University FIKRET BERKES, University of Manitoba PETER J. GEORGE, McMaster University

INTRODUCTION For several years now, as principal investigators in the Research Program for Technology Assessment in Subarctic Ontario (TASO), we have been identifying and analyzing the environmental, economic and sociocultural determinants of sustainable development in the Cree com­ munities of the Mushkegowuk region of the Hudson and James Bay lowlands. We believe that a combination of traditional land-based activities, increased wage and proprietorial income, and transfer payments will constitute the economic base of viable Cree communities in the future. A number of fundamental concepts have guided TASO's work, two of which we want to discuss in this paper. First, we contrast some conflicting perspectives on the meaning of sustainable development, and second, we advance the notion of cumulative cultural impact assessment (Preston 1994). Specifically, we discuss Cree perspectives on sustainable development versus industrial developers' perspectives on sustainable development, by addressing the question: sustaining what, to develop whatl The answer depends on whose interests are being served. It also depends on what factors are contributing to the actual events of these developments. Environmental, technological, economic, political and cultural factors all cumulatively effect the course of development. Documenting and evaluating the whole context of development is the purpose of cumulative environmental and cultural impact assessment. We are presently attempting to frame a methodology for a more complete and appropriate assessment of industrial developments in the Moose River region. The starting point for an analysis of sustainability and development is the issue of world view, the way in which a culture looks at and orders the world around it. We regard the crucial question as being, whose 380 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE world view determines sustainable development in the Moose River region? Different perspectives on the world have differently guided human activities in the region, ranging from the holistic perspective of the indigenous peoples to the more specialized perspectives of those who came into the region with a particular, specialized purpose. While our main purpose here is to contrast the perspectives of the contemporary Cree and Ontario Hydro, we will briefly describe three historically relevant perspectives — those of the 19th-century Cree, the Hudson's Bay Company, and the companies building railways into the region — before turning to our primary task.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT The "traditional" (19th-century) Cree perspective was focussed on sustaining family and community life by hunting and the use of other land-based natural resources. The concept of development seems foreign to this milieu, except in terms of the ideal of enjoying a long life with many surviving children to carry on the small personal community after one's life on the earth was ended (Hallowell 1955). The meaning of "holistic" in characterizing the traditional Cree perspective can be given some specification by working interpretively from oral tradition and written documents. For example, It was thought by some of the elders interviewed by John Long in the 1980's, that the Indians taking part in the treaty negotiation intended to mean that the Indians go with the land, as a part of the land's "dressing", which includes the animals, trees, rivers — all that is on the land. (Preston 1990b) Essentially, the meaning here is a Cree cultural gloss: that there is a vital connection or integrity of all creatures with each other and with the land. For our reader's clarity of understanding, we note that for the term ecosystem there is a comparably holistic scientific meaning, though it has a more limited and secular sense. We would say that the Hudson Bay Lowlands ecosystem is a combination of diverse physical (abiotic and biotic) components, some of which are human, and that the perspective of ecosystemic science is that all of components are interrelated in a condition of dynamic equilibrium. From either of these holistic perspectives we can see that the Cree signing the treaty responded to the pressures they felt from southern PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 381 intruders and from hardships arising from scarcity of food animals. They felt that these pressures on the people and on the land were beyond their ability to deal with effectively, and so they were giving over to the king (kihci-okimaw) their responsibility for "looking after" the integrity of the ecosystem, including the people who lived there. By this means they hoped to be able to live unmolested. There is an important comparison to be made here. The fact that many Cree and ecologists share a holistic perspective does not mean that modern ecological concepts are necessarily identical with traditional aboriginal ones. The issue of aboriginal responsibility for the integrity of the ecosystem is currently being disputed (Martin 1978, Krech 1981, Brightman 1993, Koenig 1994). We have learned that discerning aboriginal conservation practices is more subtle than trying to discover current principles of environmental management in an aboriginal guise. What we do find are traditional cultural institutions that support sustainable animal populations, for the good reason that people wanted to be able to return year after year to find their living. And we find that the traditional Cree ethics of relations with animals that are their food includes notions that apply to the well-being of animal populations. The "traditional" (19th-century) Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) perspective was focussed on the development of trade of particular land- based natural resources (mainly fur) for profit. The Company's method was firstt o get the Indians to bring their furs in to the post for trade, and secondly to increase the intensity of fur-harvesting activities. The HBC records for the east side of James Bay, for example, frequently express concern about how they can persuade the Indians to spend less time on caribou hunting (a major source of food) and more on the "productive" activity (from the HBC perspective) of fur trapping (Francis and Morantz 1983). HBC notions corresponding to sustainability may have been of the European farm management type, focussing on trying to maintain a population of breeders and avoiding the destruction of mothers and the very young, though we have not determined to what extent this was a concern for particular post managers. It is difficult to say if the demands placed by the HBC on hunters resulted in their harvesting non-sustainable quantities of beaver and other fur resources. Elsewhere we have postulated that the intensification of harvesting may have resulted in the 382 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE emergence of a tighter cultural institution, with family-controlled territories and "beaver bosses" acting as stewards, in place of a looser, communal territory system (Berkes 1989). The major episodes of beaver scarcity coincide with periods of competition between fur companies and fur harvesters, as happened in the early 1800s. Fur returns and thus profitability gradually declined until 1821 when the HBC absorbed its rival, the North West Company. Fur harvests reached a low in 1825-29 in the Rupert's River District (James Bay); presumably the recovery phase followed the amalgamation, to return to a high in 1830-34 (Francis and Morantz 1983:130). Both in the 1800s and in the later fur depletion episode of the 1920s, beaver were overhunted as a result of the breakdown of the Cree institution of beaver hunting territories and beaver bosses, by incursions from the outside (Feit 1986), essentially creating open-access conditions leading to a "tragedy of the commons" (Berkes 1989). How did the HBC react to the depletion of beaver? Brightman (1993) has documented that the HBC responded to the crisis of 1820-30 by instituting conservation measures to protect mother beavers and the very young. And we know that at this time HBC Governor Simpson ordered a beaver preserve to be set up on Charlton Island (Frantz and Morantz 1983:129). These conservation measures probably represent the first European-style management regulations. But without detracting from the value of these activities, we would argue that success in sustaining the recovery of fur-bearer populations was dependent on the recovery of aboriginal institutions for the regulation of land use and for proper conduct of the hunt. The "modern" railway developer's perspective was focussed on getting and sustaining access in order to transport natural resources from the north, and to transport immigrants into the north, and then to transport merchandise to them. Opening the Northern Ontario frontier by constructing railroads had more direct results than the developers anticipated, because of the discovery of very valuable mineral deposits in the process of excavating the roadbed. Other direct results were deliberately anticipated, such as choosing railway routes that passed close to sites with identified potential for mining and hydroelectric construction. The impact of the presence of many hundreds of railway and hydro PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 383 construction labourers in the region was partly environmental, partly technological, partly economic, partly political, and partly cultural. Native people were no longer physically or culturally secure on their land, as the ethics of relations with other people and relations to the animals were not shared or respected by most of the intruders. When confronted with a large number of people who did not share their understanding of the desirable way to respect each other's rights, or the desirable way to treat animals, the natives lacked effective means for protecting their hunting environment. In consequence, the sustainability of their hunting culture was seriously challenged. In the case of the most directly impacted group, the New Post band, the consequences were quite lethal; all but two of the families who took treaty in 1905 had died out by 1943. These people were the victims of cumulatively destructive impacts, including cultural impacts. While we lack an adequate statement of the methodology needed for cumulative cultural impact assessment, its importance is highlighted by our documentation of the New Post case (Schuurman et al. 1992).

THE CASE OF THE MOOSE RIVER HYDROELECTRIC EXPANSION Now we consider the contemporary Cree and Ontario Hydro perspectives, and the contrast between them. The "modern" hydroelectric perspective is focussed on developing new (or re-developing old) generating stations and transporting a sustainable quantity of energy for the purposes of large scale extracting and processing of natural resources in the north, and providing energy for southern industrial and consumer markets. In 1990, Ontario Hydro released their long term (25-year) Demand/ Supply Plan Report. Proposals included new generating sites and the re­ development of existing sites in the Moose River drainage basin (Fig. 1). From Ontario Hydro's perspective, this part of their plan seemed fairly non-controversial, and even modestly beneficial, since Ontario Hydro would provide employment benefits to the natives in the region. The main points of Hydro's perspective are as follows: a) Hydroelectric power development is seen as using an otherwise wasted water resource, as the northern rivers flow into Hudson and James Bays. Exploiting the power potential of northern Ontario's 384 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE

, James Bay 0

Moosonee ^j ^\ ^**

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Hearst

Kapuskasing

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mins cf) \ Missinaibi River 5 Mattagami River 6 Kapuskasing River 7 Onakawana River Mobsonee 8 Ivanhoe River 'A. 9 Groundhog River Renison f 10 Mattagami River X, Allan Rapids Abitibi River Kipling/ 0 11 #&" I-Nin Sane Mild Rapids-e Rapid.s 12 Little Abitibi River Smoky Falls • ^otlerBlacksmit.RaPhic Rapid's s 13 North French River Little Long ~apk' 14 Lake Abitibi Kapuskasing ,Q ids H\r~- Abitibi Canyon Figure 1: The CypresMooss eFall Rives r Basin and its major tributaries. Inset: Locations of proposed development sites (squares), and existing sites (circles) on the Mattagami, Abitibi and Moose rivers, according to Ontario Hydro's "Hydraulic Plan". Source: Ontario Hydro (1989). PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 385 rivers initially made mineral extraction and later pulp-and-paper development in the north practical and profitable. Compared to Quebec's and Manitoba's Hudson and James Bay watershed mega- projects, very little hydro development exists in Ontario. Yet there is considerable hydro potential; thus, the resource is under-utilized. b) Water is a renewable resource, unlike the other sources of electric power (coal, natural gas, nuclear fuel), and so is an indefinitely sustainable source of energy generation. As well, hydro development does not involve the burning of fossil fuels, a source of atmospheric pollution. c) The proposed impoundments in the Moose River drainage are not extensive, and this area already has some older hydro plants. Additional flooding is on the order of thousands of hectares, not thousands of square kilometers as in Quebec's Baie James develop­ ment (Table 1). Thus, the additional environmental impacts are probably negligible in the larger picture, and the environment can sustain these impacts without significant changes. d) Water impoundment and flow regulation diminish the hazards of flooding during breakup, and additional dams therefore provide a safety benefit to the communities downriver, not to mention other community economic benefits from construction work, road access and other developments. e) The area of proposed developments is a huge and empty land, as can be seen from a map. Human use of the area is probably negligible. By exempting the major recreational river of the area (the Missinaibi) from the construction plans, the major social impact of Moose River basin development can be addressed.

Once the Ontario Hydro plan was made public in 1990, the Cree response was swift and unequivocal. To fight the project, the Moose River/James Bay Coalition was formed, representing all seven aboriginal agencies of the area (Omushkegowuk Harvesters Association, MoCreebec First Nation, Moose Factory First Nation, Moose Factory Island Local Services Board, Moosonee Metis Association, Mushkegowuk Tribal Council, and New Post First Nation). The Coalition expressed strong 386 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE

Table 1. Details of Ontario Hydro's "Hydraulic Plan" for the Mattagami, Abitibi and Moose rivers. Source: Ontario Hydro (1989).

Proposed Development Existing Developments on River

Sites River Flooding Incremental Number of Total Required Capacity Developments Installed (ha) (MW) Capacity (MW)

DEFINITION PHASE: Mattagami Complex Kipling 0 68 Smoky Falls 35 182 Harmon 0 68 Little Long 0 61 All sites combined Mattagami 35 379 9 471

CONCEPT PHASE: Abitibi Complex Abitibi Canyon 0 463 Otter Rapids 0 174 Nine Mile Rapids 473 295 All sites combined Abitibi 473 932 5 561

Renison Moose 440 135 0 0 Blacksmith Rapids Abitibi 801 140 5 561 Sand & Allan Rapids Abitibi n/a 262 5 561 Cypress Falls Mattagami 550 42 9 471 objection to the Ontario Hydro proposal, pointing out the vulnerability of the local land-based economy and the damage caused by past projects. The Coalition encouraged elders to speak out, and rejected the notion that Ontario Hydro's Demand/Supply Plan should determine the fate of the region's communities. As the Cree position evolved, the Coalition demanded a thorough assessment of cumulative impacts of development in the Moose River region (Table 2). This was intended to cover all past as well as proposed hydro development in the region. Further, the assessment should cover other industrial development activities, their impact on the Cree com­ munities, and their cumulative effects on the much larger Hudson Bay region. Any future development projects should be assessed in the context of other kinds of developments, including the role of aboriginal activities, commercial trapping and fishing, tourism and other potential kinds of activities. PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 387

Table 2. Excerpts from MRJBC's Position on Cumulative Impact Assessment for the Moose River Basin

MRJBC maintains that in order for the concerns and interests of all people living in the Moose River Basin to be protected and promoted, there is a need to assess the cumulative and long-term impacts of development in the Moose River Basin. Cumulative assessment must involve looking at the whole range of development alternatives for the Moose River Basin which at all times must be done from the perspective that the culture of the people living in the Basin will be protected or enhanced. This broad-ranging assessment must look not only at Ontario Hydro's proposed new hydraulic developments, and at non-utility generation. It must also look at Ontario Hydro's proposed redevelopments and extensions and at the infrastructure that would be associated with all of these hydraulic projects. Just as important in the assessment is consideration of all other regional development scenarios for the Basin. Those scenarios would include, for example, looking at the role of traditional aboriginal activities, commercial trapping and fishing,tourism , and other options for the Basin. The cumulative impact assessment cannot be done in a vacuum, taking as its starting point the current status of the Basin. A proper cumulative assessment must examine what has happened in the past to our communities as a result of Ontario Hydro's activities and the activities of other developers. It will attempt to identify measures to mitigate and compensate for past damages. Our decision must be made out of a basic respect for the land, the waters and the life sustained by them, and not out of a view that the land and waters are here to be exploited for their power potential, and that everything else is treated as secondary or not important. The cumulative assessment for the Moose River Basin must be done from precisely the opposite perspective; namely, that the lands, waters and the life and people sustained by them are primary and that developing power potential is only one of the possible uses for the Moose River Basin.

Further, the Coalition argued that assessment must be done from the perspective that the culture of the people living in the basin must be protected or enhanced. The Hydro perspective was evaluated as focus­ sing on the exploitation of the land and water resources: for their power potential, and that everything else is treated as second­ ary or not important. The cumulative assessment for the Moose River Basin must be done from precisely the opposite perspective; namely that the lands, waters and the life and people sustained by them are primary and that developing power potential is only one of the possible uses for the Moose River Basin. (MRJBC n.d.:3) In May 1990, shortly after our TASO research team was notified of the award of a research grant from the Social Science and Humanities 388 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE

Research Council of Canada, we were asked by representatives of the Coalition to direct our research to assisting the people of the region. We agreed, with the understanding that the research would serve the purposes of both the Coalition and TASO. The compilation of maps that document land harvesting in the Moose River basin, and community profiles for New Post, Moose River Crossing, Moosonee and Moose Factory were the first specific projects requested. The Coalition then made their case in an application to the Ontario Environmental Assessment Board, received intervenor funding, and their Scientific Co-ordinator retained over 40 scientific consultants. These scientists prepared very substantial documentation that raised many issues that had been ignored or passed over by Ontario Hydro, including cumulative environmental impacts for the region as a whole (as opposed to the localized impacts of individual dams), effects on native land use and subsistence, cultural impacts, aboriginal rights, natural capital loss, and more. In short, the Coalition saw the Hydro development as non- sustainable.

THE NEED FOR CUMULATIVE CULTURAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT The position developed by the Coalition in the Moose River hydro case illustrates the "modern" Cree perspective which focusses on the economic and cultural value of protecting land and animal resources, thereby sustaining traditional pursuits and new uses for land-based natural resources. Here we find a combination of wishing to maintain cultural continuity with their holistic traditional world view, and, at the same time, to direct the contemporary transformations of Cree culture and economy through the control and selective use of the land. Many Cree believe that participation in traditional harvesting activi­ ties is the most direct and effective way to maintain cultural values and attitudes. And probably most Cree believe that the present and forseeable future requires some additional economic activities as a practical and necessary part of adapting to the "outside world". But again sustaina- bility is the focus, because the goal is an authentic adaptation, through Cree-directed cultural transformations. Traditional harvesting activities are being successfully sustained, transformed with the use of new technology (such as snowmobiles) and PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 389 new social forms (brief individual sorties into the bush rather than extended residence by families or clusters of families), as our recent research has documented (Berkes et al. 1994, Cummins 1992, George et al. 1995). Our documentation of other types of Cree cultural transfor­ mation is proceeding, although many aspects are still only schematic at this time (Blythe et al. 1985, Fulford 1994, George and Preston 1987, Graham 1988, Logotheti 1991, Preston 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1990a, Schuurman et al. 1992, Schuurman 1994). Here the focus is on sustaina- bility in the midst of multiple, rapid developments. What perspective of sustainable development can be offered that is consistent with the modern Cree view, and that addresses issues of local and regional culture, society, economy and environment? Our analysis is that there are four major elements of such a perspective. First, we need more sensitive tools to diagnose the consequences of development, through a comprehensive cumulative environmental and cultural impact assessment. Second, beyond the assessment of past developments and their consequences, we need a more comprehensive view of sustainable development, one that also accounts for cultural sustainability. Third, we need a recipe for a development strategy that fulfills both cultural needs and modern economic needs. Fourth, people should be able to determine their own priorities and the fate of their communities. We deal with each in turn. Cumulative effects are said to occur:

when at least one of two circumstances prevail: persistent addition of a material, a force, or an effect from a single source at a rate greater than can be dissipated; or compounding effects as a result of the coming together of two or more materials, forces, or effects, which individually may not be cumulative. (CEARC 1987) Figure 2 sketches two functional pathways that may result in cumulative effects. The pathway on the right, or "compounding effects involving two or more processes", is the more likely pathway for the Moose River Basin development case. Whether these impacts are "additive" or "inter­ active" is more difficult to determine, but synergistic or interactive relationships of a series of impacts seem likely. The methodology of cumulative impact assessment has not yet been worked out. But limited experience shows that there has not usually been a cultural component to 390 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE

PATHWAY 1 PATHWAY 2 PATHWAY 3 PATHWAY 4

SLOWLY MULTIPLE SYNERGISTIC MAGNIFICATION DISSIPATIVE IMPACTS RELATIONSHIPS

(additive) (interactive) (additive) (interactive)

\ / \ /

PERSISTENT ADDITIONS COMPOUNDING EFFECTS

FROM ONE PROCESS INVOLVING TWO OR MORE PROCESSES

\ /

PATHWAYS THAT LEAD TO

CUMULATIVE EFFECTS

Figure 2: Basic functional pathways that contribute to cumulative effects. Source: CEARC (1987). impact analyses. The task, therefore, is to add a socio-cultural component to any future cumulative impact assessment in the region. Sustainable development — that is, development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs — is often considered to have three major dimensions: ecological, economic and social sustainability. But little work has been done on social sustainability and even less on cultural sustainability, even though the question of cultural health is essential to any development planning in the north that involves aboriginal peoples. There is a need to expand the definition of sustainability to include culturally sustainable development:

development that meets the material needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to retain their cultural identity, social relationships and values, and allow for change recog­ nized and guided in ways that are consistent with existing cultural principles of a people. (Berkes et al. 1994) PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 391

CONCLUSION There is a basic dilemma for development planning in the Moose River region, and indeed for much of the Canadian north. On the one hand, culturally sustainable development requires keeping the traditional land-based economy in a healthy state. On the other hand, the traditional economy by itself cannot provide the cash income and jobs needed for a healthy regional economy, especially since the collapse of fur markets in the 1980s. The recipe for a viable development strategy for the region could involve continued reliance on transfer payments and investment in renewable resource-based industry and local services, while protecting and enhancing the traditional economy. We see the mixed economy not as a transition stage to the ideal of a resource export and wage economy, but as a culturally, ecologically and economically sustainable arrangement in its own right (Berkes et al. 1994, 1995). The concept of mixed economy, defined to include the imputed value of the produce of the traditional economy, presents a more accurate depiction of the full range of economic opportunities available to the Cree than does the conventional emphasis on market-based activity alone. In our view, the Cree themselves should decide on the definitions of economic opportunities and the benchmarks of economic performance appropriate to their present and future circumstances. TASO's work on the traditional economy provides a key piece of information missing until now, to help make these decisions informed ones. The combination of low measured income and some continuing dependence on transfers, even in the presence of some Cree outmigration, does not establish convincingly the non-viability of Cree communities. Indeed, the significant and apparently robust contributions of traditional non-measured economic activities to real incomes warrant much greater emphasis in assessing economic performance and viability. The ability of the Cree to meet their expectations about real incomes and other economic and cultural benchmarks depends upon the renewable natural resource base and access to it. Keeping Cree culture intact (the meaning of cultural sustainability) inheres in keeping the stock of natural capital intact (biological sustainability). Only then can the traditional bush activities continue to serve as an economically productive and 392 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE

culturally essential cornerstone of the mixed economy, one that is too often overlooked by the proponents of resource development. Finally, the issue of self-government has been in the forefront of much discussion of aboriginal affairs. In an area such as the Moose River basin, the jurisdiction of self-government needs to include the vast area in which the traditional land-based economy continues. Co- management or the sharing of jurisdiction for resource management between the government and the local community is one of the ways in which self-government can be implemented (Berkes et al. 1991), and Ontario has recently formally recognized First Nations participation as a reviewer representing an aboriginal level of government in the environmental assessment process. In the 1990s the Omushkegowuk Harvesters Association developed a capability for land resources management in the region, including the ability to monitor animal harvesting activities. The re-establishment of traditional hunting and trapping relations was a major goal of the Association. This was not seen as a return to bows and arrows, but rather a practical and culturally congenial transformation of traditional ethics, to guide present and future activities. Looking to traditional institutional arrangements to inform political policy formulation and implementation at the regional and local level regarding direction and regulation of the mixed economy may well be one of the abiding legacies of cultural sustainability for the Muskegowuk Cree.

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