LOUIS ST-LAURENT When Governments Got Things Done
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Rt. Honourable Paul Martin by Tahreem Fatima
Rt. Honourable Paul Martin By Tahreem Fatima Former Prime Minister Paul Martin is optimistic about the role of indigenous youth in the future but says there is much work still to do on the indigenous file. Although 82 and retired from politics, Martin continues to play a significant role designed to provide indigenous people with opportunities and resources to succeed. "I created a foundation when I stepped down from government. The purpose of the (foundation) is to work with Canada's indigenous people in terms of the various matters that they face, primarily education but also, economic issues with the indigenous people." Martin played various political roles: he was a member of Parliament for 20 years, finance minister for a decade and was the 21st prime minister of Canada from 2003- 2006. After retiring from a full political career spread over nearly three decades, he is now busy with his foundation, Martin Family Initiative. It is a charity aimed at improving education, health and well-being outcomes for Indigenous children and youth in Canada. Looking back, Martin points to the Kelowna Accord as his most significant achievement as prime minister. The accord was a series of agreements between the Government of Canada, first ministers of the provinces, territorial leaders, and the leaders of five national Aboriginal organizations in the country. It was a 10-year plan, with a $5-billion agreement to close the social and economic gap within five years between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Canadians. The purpose of the accord was to improve Aboriginal peoples' education, employment, and living conditions with government funding and other programs. -
John G. Diefenbaker: the Political Apprenticeship Of
JOHN G. DIEFENBAKER: THE POLITICAL APPRENTICESHIP OF A SASKATCHEWAN POLITICIAN, 1925-1940 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon by Methodius R. Diakow March, 1995 @Copyright Methodius R. Diakow, 1995. All rights reserved. In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for a Postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the Head of the Department for the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copying or pUblication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis in whole or part should be addressed to: Head of the Department of History University of Saskatchewan 9 Campus Drive Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5A5 ii ABSTRACT John G. Diefenbaker is most often described by historians and biographers as a successful and popular politician. -
Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
Dealing with Crisis
Briefing on the New Parliament December 12, 2019 CONFIDENTIAL – FOR INTERNAL USE ONLY Regional Seat 8 6 ON largely Flip from NDP to Distribution static 33 36 Bloc Liberals pushed out 10 32 Minor changes in Battleground B.C. 16 Liberals lose the Maritimes Goodale 1 12 1 1 2 80 10 1 1 79 1 14 11 3 1 5 4 10 17 40 35 29 33 32 15 21 26 17 11 4 8 4 2015 2019 2015 2019 2015 2019 2015 2019 2015 2019 2015 2019 BC AB MB/SK ON QC AC Other 2 Seats in the House Other *As of December 5, 2019 3 Challenges & opportunities of minority government 4 Minority Parliament In a minority government, Trudeau and the Liberals face a unique set of challenges • Stable, for now • Campaign driven by consumer issues continues 5 Minority Parliament • Volatile and highly partisan • Scaled back agenda • The budget is key • Regulation instead of legislation • Advocacy more complicated • House committee wild cards • “Weaponized” Private Members’ Bills (PMBs) 6 Kitchen Table Issues and Other Priorities • Taxes • Affordability • Cost of Living • Healthcare Costs • Deficits • Climate Change • Indigenous Issues • Gender Equality 7 National Unity Prairies and the West Québéc 8 Federal Fiscal Outlook • Parliamentary Budget Officer’s most recent forecast has downgraded predicted growth for the economy • The Liberal platform costing projected adding $31.5 billion in new debt over the next four years 9 The Conservatives • Campaigned on cutting regulatory burden, review of “corporate welfare” • Mr. Scheer called a special caucus meeting on December 12 where he announced he was stepping -
Trinity 2018
Canadian Association of Rhodes Scholars Volume LXVII, I ISBN 0821/039X Trinity 2018 1 CONTENTS From the Editor 3 From the President of CARS 4 Sailing Weekend Invitation 6 Oxford through the years 8 Letter from Oxford My Next Step 1968, 50 Years On Conversations with… 12 Jonathan Wilkinson MP, North Vancouver Andrew Wilkinson MLA, Vancouver-Quilchena Canadian Rhodes Scholars Foundation update 19 Rhodes Trust announcements 21 Elizabeth Kiss appointed as Warden and CEO Richard Pan named Canadian National Secretary Scholars in the News 25 In Memoriam 26 CARS Membership Renewal 28 2 FROM THE EDITOR Dear Readers, Those eagle-eyed among you will note a refreshed look for the CARS newsletter. Continuing in the fine (recent) tradition of physicians editing a newsletter that historically has mostly been about current affairs and politics, I am delighted to take the rein from Luke Pike (Newfoundland & St. John’s 2007) with this, my first issue of the CARS newsletter as editor. We have an all-new CARS Executive as well, and have spent the last half year getting to know each other and locating the bylaws in various basements and shoeboxes around the country (see our President’s letter for more details). My sincere thanks to Mark Schaan (Prairies and New 2002) for his leadership as President over these past few years and to Katie Sheehan (Prairies and Merton 2002) for her guidance in putting together this newsletter. You will note that Steve Aylward describes this process as ‘cat-herding’; as a proud born-and-raised Albertan I would prefer ‘cattle-herding’ or something to that effect, but the metaphor is ultimately the same. -
The Long Reach of War: Canadian Records Management and the Public Archives
The Long Reach of War: Canadian Records Management and the Public Archives by Kathryn Rose A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2012 © Kathryn Rose 2012 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This thesis explores why the Public Archives of Canada, which was established in 1872, did not have the full authority or capability to collect the government records of Canada until 1966. The Archives started as an institution focused on collecting historical records, and for decades was largely indifferent to protecting government records. Royal Commissions, particularly those that reported in 1914 and 1962 played a central role in identifying the problems of records management within the growing Canadian civil service. Changing notions of archival theory were also important, as was the influence of professional academics, particularly those historians mandated to write official wartime histories of various federal departments. This thesis argues that the Second World War and the Cold War finally motivated politicians and bureaucrats to address records concerns that senior government officials had first identified during the time of Sir Wilfrid Laurier. iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Geoffrey Hayes, for his enthusiasm, honesty and dedication to this process. I am grateful for all that he has done. -
September 16, 2020 Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada Chrystia
September 16, 2020 Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada Chrystia Freeland, Minister of Finance Jonathan Wilkinson, Minister of Environment and Climate Change Seamus O’Regan, Minister of Natural Resources Re: Financial risks of the Trans Mountain expansion project Dear Prime Minister, Minister Freeland, Minister Wilkinson and Minister O’Regan: Since your purchase of Trans Mountain, world oil markets have weakened significantly. According to the International Energy Agency, oil demand has dropped by the largest amount on record and lower oil prices are causing severe financial stress in the oil industry. The International Energy Agency also concludes that demand for oil will have to decline by 30% over the next two decades to meet the Paris climate change commitments, and oil majors including Shell and BP have recently questioned whether demand will ever fully recover in the wake of COVID-19. Even before COVID-19 depressed oil markets, the private sector had been signaling that oil is no longer a wise long-term investment in a world moving to address climate change. Teck Resources pulled the plug on its Frontier oil sands mine and Mark Carney, the former head of the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England, warned that up to one-half of the world’s oil reserves could become stranded assets. At the same time that oil markets are weakening, and the private sector is cutting investment, your government is increasing investments in the oil sector by continuing construction of the Trans Mountain Expansion Project (TMX). The cost of the project has more than doubled to $12.6 billion and the tolls approved by the Canadian Energy Regulator have not been adjusted to cover this higher capital cost. -
Canada and the Middle East Today: Electoral Politics and Foreign Policy
CANADA AND THE MIDDLE EAST TODAY: ELECTORAL POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY Donald Barry Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper came to power in 2006 with little experience in foreign affairs but with a well developed plan to transform his minority Conservative administration into a majority government replacing the Liberals as Canada’s “natural governing party.”1 Because his party’s core of Anglo-Protestant supporters was not large enough to achieve this goal, Harper appealed to non- traditional Conservatives, including Jews, on the basis of shared social values. His efforts were matched by those of Jewish leaders and the government of Israel to win the backing of the government and its followers in the face of declining domestic support for Israel and the rise of militant Islamic fundamentalism. These factors accelerated a change in Canada’s Middle East policy that began under Prime Minister Paul Martin, from a carefully balanced stance to one that overwhelm- ingly favors Israel. Harper’s “pro-Israel politics,” Michelle Collins observes, has “won the respect—and support—of a large segment of Canada’s organized Jewish community.”2 However, it has isolated Canada from significant shifts in Middle East diplomacy and marginalized its ability to play a constructive role in the region. Harper and the Jewish Vote When he became leader of the Canadian Alliance party, which merged with the Progressive Conservatives to form the Conservative Party of Canada in 2004, Tom Flanagan says that Harper realized “The traditional Conservative base of Anglophone Protestants [was] too narrow to win modern Canadian elections.”3 In a speech to the conservative organization Civitas, in 2003, Harper argued that the only way to achieve power was to focus not on the tired wish list of economic conservatives or “neo-cons,” as they’d become known, but on what he called “theo-cons”—those social conservatives who care passionately about hot-button issues that turn on family, crime, and defense. -
Alternative North Americas: What Canada and The
ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS What Canada and the United States Can Learn from Each Other David T. Jones ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004 Copyright © 2014 by David T. Jones All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned, or distributed in any printed or electronic form without permission. Please do not participate in or encourage piracy of copyrighted materials in violation of author’s rights. Published online. ISBN: 978-1-938027-36-9 DEDICATION Once more for Teresa The be and end of it all A Journey of Ten Thousand Years Begins with a Single Day (Forever Tandem) TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 Borders—Open Borders and Closing Threats .......................................... 12 Chapter 2 Unsettled Boundaries—That Not Yet Settled Border ................................ 24 Chapter 3 Arctic Sovereignty—Arctic Antics ............................................................. 45 Chapter 4 Immigrants and Refugees .........................................................................54 Chapter 5 Crime and (Lack of) Punishment .............................................................. 78 Chapter 6 Human Rights and Wrongs .................................................................... 102 Chapter 7 Language and Discord .......................................................................... -
Tories Keep Lead, but Liberal-NDP Merger Could Change Status
For Immediate Release Canadian Public Opinion Poll Page 1 of 8 CANADIAN POLITICAL PULSE Tories Keep Lead, But Liberal-NDP Merger Could Change Status Quo A single centre-left party would provide a real challenge to the Conservatives, but only if it is led by Jack Layton or Bob Rae. [TORONTO – May 31, 2010] – The Conservative Party is holding on to a comfortable lead in KEY FINDINGS Canada's political scene, a new Angus Reid Public Opinion poll has found. ¾ Voting Intention: Con. 35%, Lib. 27%, NDP 19%, BQ 9%, Grn. 8%. The online survey of a representative national sample of 2,022 Canadians also looked at the ¾ Scenarios with a merged Liberal / NDP: way the electorate would behave in the event of a Six-point lead over the Tories under merger between the Liberal Party and the New Layton, Tie under Rae, Second place Democratic Party (NDP) under three different under Ignatieff prospective leaders. ¾ Approval Rating: Layton 30%, Harper Voting Intention 29%, Ignatieff 13%. Across the country, 35 per cent of decided voters ¾ Momentum: Layton -3, Harper -24, (unchanged since late April) would cast a ballot Ignatieff -28. for the Conservative candidate in their riding if a new federal election took place today. Full topline results are at the end of this release. The Liberal Party is second with 27 per cent (-1), From May 25 to May 27, 2010, Angus Reid Public Opinion conducted an online survey among 2,022 randomly selected just one point ahead of the proportion of the vote Canadian adults who are Angus Reid Forum panelists. -
A Perennial Problem”: Canadian Relations with Hungary, 1945-65
Hungarian Studies Review, Vol. XLIII, Nos. 1-2 (Spring-Fall, 2016) “A Perennial Problem”: Canadian Relations with Hungary, 1945-65 Greg Donaghy1 2014-15 marks the 50th anniversary of the establishment of Canadian- Hungarian diplomatic relations. On January 14, 1965, under cold blue skies and a bright sun, János Bartha, a 37-year-old expert on North Ameri- can affairs, arrived in the cozy, wood paneled offices of the Secretary of State for External Affairs, Paul Martin Sr. As deputy foreign minister Marcel Cadieux and a handful of diplomats looked on, Bartha presented his credentials as Budapest’s first full-time representative in Canada. Four months later, on May 18, Canada’s ambassador to Czechoslovakia, Mal- colm Bow, arrived in Budapest to present his credentials as Canada’s first non-resident representative to Hungary. As he alighted from his embassy car, battered and dented from an accident en route, with its fender flag already frayed, grey skies poured rain. The contrasting settings in Ottawa and Budapest are an apt meta- phor for this uneven and often distant relationship. For Hungary, Bartha’s arrival was a victory to savor, the culmination of fifteen years of diplo- matic campaigning and another step out from beneath the shadows of the postwar communist take-over and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. For Canada, the benefits were much less clear-cut. In the context of the bitter East-West Cold War confrontation, closer ties with communist Hungary demanded a steep domestic political price in exchange for a bundle of un- certain economic, consular, and political gains. -
A Tribute to the Honourable R. Gordon Robertson, P.C., C.C., LL.D., F.R.S.C., D.C.L
A Tribute to The Honourable R. Gordon Robertson, P.C., C.C., LL.D., F.R.S.C., D.C.L. By Thomas d’Aquino MacKay United Church Ottawa January 21, 2013 Reverend Doctor Montgomery; members of the Robertson family; Joan - Gordon’s dear companion; Your Excellency; Madam Chief Justice; friends, I am honoured – and humbled – to stand before you today, at Gordon’s request, to pay tribute to him and to celebrate with you his remarkable life. He wished this occasion to be one, not of sadness, but of celebration of a long life, well lived, a life marked by devotion to family and to country. Gordon Robertson – a good, fair, principled, and ever so courteous man - was a modest person. But we here today know that he was a giant. Indeed, he has been described as his generation’s most distinguished public servant – and what a generation that was! Gordon was proud of his Saskatchewan roots. Born in 1917 in Davidson – a town of 300 “on the baldest prairie”, in Gordon’s words, he thrived under the affection of his Norwegian-American mother and grandparents. He met his father – of Scottish ancestry - for the first time at the age of two, when he returned home after convalescing from serious wounds suffered at the epic Canadian victory at Vimy Ridge. He was, by Gordon’s account, a stern disciplinarian who demanded much of his son in his studies, in pursuit of manly sports, and in his comportment. Gordon did not disappoint. He worked his way through drought- and depression-torn Saskatchewan, attended Regina College and the University of Saskatchewan, and in 1938 was on his way to Oxford University, a fresh young Rhodes Scholar.