Armed Forces As Instruments of Foreign Policy
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ARMED FORCES AS INSTRUMENTS OF FOREIGN POLICY: SOME CASE STUDIES R.K. CAMPBELL A Dissertation in compliance with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 1986 DECLARATION I declare that this dissertation is my own, unaided work. It is being submitted for the degree of Master of Aits in the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted before for any degree or examination in any other University. 20th day of January, 1987. To Mum and Dad? thanks for everything. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Maps Page v List of Diagrams Page vi List of Tables Page vii Introduction Page viii Part 2: Theoretical Framework: Page I Power, War and Strategies Chapter 1: Concepts of Power Page 2 Chapter 2: Theories of War Page T9 Chapter 3; Sea Power Page 62 Chapter 4: Are Power Page 91 Chapter S: United States Nuclear Page 124 Strategy 1945-84 Chapter 6: Soviet Military Doctrine, Page 154 Military Science and Strategy 1945-34 Chapter 7: Wars of National Liberation Face 193 and Counter-Insurgency Three Case Studies Page 234 Chapter d: Case Study I: Page 235 The Sinai War of 1956 Charter 9: Case Study II: Page 311 Sea Power in the Falklands War, 1992 Chapter 10: Case Study III: Page 417 Counter-Insurgency in I'hofar Chapter 11: Conclusion Page 524 Bibliography Page 546 ' ' ' ■ imq 4 LIST OF MAPS j -I MAP 1: The Sinai Peninsula 237 and Operation Kadesh MAP 2s The Battle of Abu Ageila Page 282 MAP 3s The Battle of Rafah Page 293 MAP 4: Argentina, the Falklands Page 314 and the Dependencies 5: The Falkland Islands Page 315 6: Oman and the Arabian Peninsula Page 418 7; Central and Eastern Dhofar Page 419 8: Western Dhofar Page 420 4 1 LIST OF DIAGRAMS STRUCTURE OF TYPICAL INSURGENT Page 201 ORGANISATION ORGANISATIONAL CHART FOR THE VIET CONG Page 202 THE PROCESS OF INSURGENCY Page 206 vii LIST OF TABLES TABLE ONE: STRENGTH AND COMPOSITION Page 328 OF THE ARMADA REPUBLIC* ARGENTINA 1982 MERCHANT SHIPS Page 340 REQUISITIONED AND CHARTERED FOR OPERATION CORPORATEf 1982 TABLE THREE: WARSHIPS, »ND AUXILIARIES IN TF 31/.. 1982 TABLE FOUR: COMPOSITION OF TF 324 Page 348 V ■ x ^ viii INTRODUCTION Traditionally, a State's Aimed Forces have been regarded as its ultimate instruments of power, and war as the extreme form of the application of military force. In more recent times this view has been challenged (see Chapter 1). The purpose of this Dissertation is to examine the effectiveness of Armed Forces, and military power as instruments of foreign policy, in the post-war era. To this end, the Thesis is divided into two sections - Part I and Part II - the former of seven, the latter of four. Chapters. Part i provides the theoretical framework for the Dissertation, which is the essential prerequisite for understanding and evaluating the actual practice of military power. To this end, in Chapter 1, the concept of power itself is examined, for this is the basic concept without which Armed Forces and military power have no meaning or purpose. Following on from this. Chapter 2 focuses on the phenomenon of war, by an examination of the works of some of the great theorists of war. Soecific forms of military power and war are +•' . red - Sea Power (Chapter 3), Air Power (Ctv , U.S. and Soviet Nuclear strategies (Chapter 5 and 6) and Insurgency and Counter-Insurgency (Chapter ?). Having established the nature of power and war, and how Armed Forces should best be employed to obtain the ends desired by the State, it is necessary to examine the application of Armed Forces, and thus military power, in practise. This is the purpose of Part XI, which contains three Case Studies, each of which is directly linked to one of the theoretical Chapters of Part I, and each of which is concerned with the examination of a different type of Armed Service and a different form of military power. Thus Chapter 8 {linked directly with Chapter 2 for the purposes of analysis) examines Conventional land war through a study of the Israeli campaign in the Sinai in 1956. Chapter 9 (linked to Chapter 3) focuses on Saa Power through an analysis of the 1982 Falklands War, and Chapter 10 (linked with Chapter 7) covers the Dhofar campaign ''965-1975} in order to examine the practice oi b Insurgency and Counter-Insurgency. As there have (fortunately) been no nuclear wars to date, there are no Case Studies to examine with regard to Chapters 5 and 6. These analyses of nuclear strategy are included, however, for nuclear weapons form the unavoidable background to contemporary international relations in general and conflicts in particular. Indeed, as will be apparent from Chapter 7, the existence of nuclear weapons has had a direct influence upon the occurrence of the localized wars that have so marked the post-1945 era. Similarly, there is no Case Study specifically for Air Power; this is because of its nearly all t/ervasive presence in modern warfare. Finally, the results of all three Case Studies are brought together, along with the theoretical insights of Part 1, to produce a final conclusion to the Dissertation, in Chapter 11. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK POWER, WAR AND STRATEGIES <*■ - w. .drtfe* w CHAPTER 1: CONCEPTS O F POWER Power is, and lias o.;wnys been, one of the central themes and concornc of interotato relations. One of the earliest recorded oxi'ositionfi of this theme was in the 5th Century BC by Tnucydides, in his The relercnaeria_n__^-.'Which relates how: "In those years the Athenians made their empire more and more string, and greatly added to their own power at home ... So finally the point was reached when Athenia* strength attained a peak plain for all to sue and the Athenians began to encrcaen upon Sparta's allies. It was at this point that Sparta felt the position to be no longer tolerable and decided oy starting this present war to employ a*! her energies in attacking and, if possible, destroying the power of Athens’ (1). Thucydides alec offers us probably one of the tluntes1. statements on the relationship between power and international affairs in the famous Melisn dialogue, wherein he has the Athenian delegation expound upon power politics in the mosr unconstrained manner: "... we recommend that you should try to get what it is possible tor you to get ... when these mutt'-rs are discussed by practical i eople, the standard of justice depends on the equality of power to compel and that in fact the strong do what they have the power to co and the weak accept what they have to accept .... Our opinion of the gods and our knowledge of men lead us to conclude that it is a general and necessary law of nature to rule wherever one can ... we know that you or anybody else with the same power would be acting in precisely the same way .... What is looked for. is n positive preponderance of power in action ibis is the safe rule - to stand up to o;; $zs equals, to behave with deference towards one's superiors, and to treat one's inferiors with moderation’ (2). Approximately twenty one centuries later, the peace settlement of Utrecht (AD 1713) announced its intention •to establish the peace and tranquility of Christendom by a just balance of power, which is the best and most solid basis of mutual friendship ..." (3). Indeed, the question of power and the need to balance it became the central issue of the modern states system following Utrecht. Frederick the Great, of Prussia, in 1736 went as far as to argue that an equilibrium of power between states was essential to the health of the European body politic (4). Treaties continually reflected this concern. Thus the anti-Bonaparte Treaty of Chaumont (1814) stipulated that it had: "for its object the maintenance of the balance of Europe, to secure the repose and independence of the powers, and to prevent the invasions which for so many years have devastated the world" (5>. In 1854 Palmerston proclaimed that: "call it what you like - 'balance of power' or any other expression, it is one which has been familiar to the minds of all mankind from the earliest ages" (6). Unsurprisingly, given the wide usage of the concept-, there is no concise, universally acceptable definition, of 'balance of power'. American theorist Inis L. Claude, for example, assembled seven different versions of the concept, grouping them into three categories, which he designated: balance of power as situation? balance of power as policy; the balance of power as a system (7). Under the first category, Claude assembled those concepts of balance of power which saw it as an objective reality, as something which exists in the states system. In this context, he advanced three meanings. Firstly, balance of power as equilibrium - a simple description indicating when states are in a rough state of equality with each other. Secondly, balance of power as disequlibrium - a balance, seen in Claude's descriptive analogy, as a bank balance, in which one seeks to deposit more than one withdraws (in terms of states, a desire to have a margin of strength ov'-r rivals). Finally, balance of power - as distribution of power - as a means to measure whether the power relationships between states are in equilibrium or disequilibrium (8 ) . The second category, balance as policy, was concern ed with the treatment of power as . \te policy or as a principle that could, or should, govern state policy. Again three concepts stand forth, equivalent to those in the first category.