Extremism and Reformation David Myatt
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Internal Brakes the British Extreme Right (Pdf
FEBRUARY 2019 The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation The British extreme right in the 1990s ANNEX B Joel Busher, Coventry University Donald Holbrook, University College London Graham Macklin, Oslo University This report is the second empirical case study, produced out of The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation: A Descriptive Typology programme, funded by CREST. You can read the other two case studies; The Trans-national and British Islamist Extremist Groups and The Animal Liberation Movement, plus the full report at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/news/internal- brakes-violent-escalation-a-descriptive-typology/ To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: www.crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/internal-brakes-violent-escalation/ About CREST The Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST) is a national hub for understanding, countering and mitigating security threats. It is an independent centre, commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and funded in part by the UK security and intelligence agencies (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). www.crestresearch.ac.uk ©2019 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................5 2. INTERNAL BRAKES ON VIOLENCE WITHIN THE BRITISH EXTREME RIGHT .................10 2.1 BRAKE 1: STRATEGIC LOGIC .......................................................................................................................................10 -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Dreaming of a National Socialist World: the World Union of National Socialists (Wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism
fascism 8 (2019) 275-306 brill.com/fasc Dreaming of a National Socialist World: The World Union of National Socialists (wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton [email protected] Abstract This article will survey the transnational dynamics of the World Union of National Socialists (wuns), from its foundation in 1962 to the present day. It will examine a wide range of materials generated by the organisation, including its foundational docu- ment, the Cotswolds Declaration, as well as membership application details, wuns bulletins, related magazines such as Stormtrooper, and its intellectual journals, Nation- al Socialist World and The National Socialist. By analysing material from affiliated organisations, it will also consider how the network was able to foster contrasting rela- tionships with sympathetic groups in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Europe, al- lowing other leading neo-Nazis, such as Colin Jordan, to develop a wider role interna- tionally. The author argues that the neo-Nazi network reached its height in the mid to late 1960s, and also highlights how, in more recent times, the wuns has taken on a new role as an evocative ‘story’ in neo-Nazi history. This process of ‘accumulative extrem- ism’, inventing a new tradition within the neo-Nazi movement, is important to recog- nise, as it helps us understand the self-mythologizing nature of neo-Nazi and wider neo-fascist cultures. Therefore, despite failing in its ambitions of creating a Nazi- inspired new global order, the lasting significance of the wuns has been its ability to inspire newer transnational aspirations among neo-Nazis and neo-fascists. -
The Barriers Come Down: Antisemitism and Coalitions of Extremes in the Uk Anti-War Movement
THE BARRIERS COME DOWN: ANTISEMITISM AND COALITIONS OF EXTREMES By Dave Rich These are strange times for the British far right. Long left alone on the political extremes where they obsessed about secret Jewish machinations behind every government policy, all of a sudden they think they have noticed the most unlikely people agreeing with them. The British National Party advised its members to read The Guardian for information about “the Zionist cabal around President Bush1”. Followers of the neo-Nazi Combat 18 have found themselves publicly supporting the President of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, while the National Front found itself in sympathy with Labour MP Tam Dalyell. No wonder John Tyndall, former leader of the British National Party, wrote gleefully that “certain things are coming out into the open which not long ago would have been tightly censored and suppressed…We are witnessing a gigantic conspiracy being unveiled2”. But are the antisemites of Britain’s far right correct in thinking that their view of a Jewish-controlled world is becoming accepted across the political spectrum? This excitement amongst Britain’s neo-Nazis has been fuelled by the widespread theory that the war in Iraq was devised and executed by pro-Israeli, mainly Jewish, neo-conservative lobbyists in Washington D.C.; that this is only one example of how American foreign policy has been hijacked by a Jewish or Zionist cabal; and that these neo-cons are pro-Israeli to the point that they did this not for the good of America, but purely for the interests of Israel and, by extension, Jews. -
Is David Myatt Still a Neo-Nazi?
Is David Myatt Still A Neo-Nazi? While the question "is David Myatt still a neo-nazi" has been asked many times over the past six or seven years - with academics such as Senholt seeming to answer in the affirmative [1] and with Myatt himself consistently denying that he is - some recent [2015-2016] items posted on a well-known 'White nationalist' internet forum by a person using the nym Dark Logos have renewed interest in the question, given that Dark Logos has been cited as an authority by academics such as Professor Monette [2] and Senholt [1]. For that question about Myatt is - or so it seems - inseparably bound up with two questions about the Occult movement that goes by the name The Order Of Nine Angles (ONA, O9A). [3] Which two questions are: (1) is the O9A a neo-nazi Occult movement?, and (2) is David Myatt really Anton Long, founder of the O9A, author of over 95% of its texts, creator of its 'Seven Fold Way' and who, as Grand Master, still operates behind the scenes despite having (apparently) retired? Furthermore, extracts from a 2015 interview purportedly with Anton Long have recently been published, which interview if it is genuine seems to confirm that the O9A, after all, is indeed a neo-nazi Occult movement and was founded on that basis, facts which a recent analysis would seem to confirm and which analysis quotes O9A texts and - unsurprisingly - some of the aforementioned posts by Dark Logos. [4] What may be of interest, in respect of interest in answering the basic question, is that the threads regarding Myatt and the O9A - to which Dark Logos contributed [5] - are among the most read in their categories, with one viewed over 8,000 times and another over 13,000 times. -
Hate Beyond Borders: the Internationalization of White Supremacy
Hate Beyond Borders: The Internationalization of White Supremacy Sections 1 Executive Summary 7 Conferences and Events 2 Introduction 8 Connections to Far-Right Political Parties 3 Summary of Country-Specific Ties Between 9 Additional White Supremacist Interaction European and American White Supremacists 10 Conclusion 4 European Influencers 11 Policy Recommendations 5 American Influencers 12 Footnotes 6 Canadian Influencers 13 Partner and Donor Recognition EXECUTIVE SUMMARY We are witnessing the internationalization of the white supremacist movement. Over the past decade, we have seen surging violence in the United States, Europe and beyond motivated by elements of white supremacy from Anders Breivik in Norway to Brenton Tarrant in New Zealand to Patrick Crusius in El Paso, Texas. These killers influence and inspire one another. European and American adherents are learning from each other, supporting each other and reaching new audiences. They feel empowered and emboldened because they perceive that they are influencing the political climate and reaching disaffected whites. 1 / 75 Global access to white supremacist ideology, and its easy dissemination across borders via various social media platforms, means many of the ideas promoted by the white supremacist movement — curtailing of non-white immigration, attacks on globalization and the accompanying conspiracies about elitist globalists — are increasingly part of mainstream political and social rhetoric. Exposing and understanding the connections among white supremacists and the paths by which they spread their hate are the first steps toward countering them. This report lays that groundwork, but continued vigilance and urgent action are necessary. Political leaders, law enforcement, social media companies, and educators have important roles to play and responsibilities to uphold. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1 Labour History Archive and Study Centre: Labour Party National Executive Committee Minutes, 1 March 1934. 2 See N. Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 2000), p. 76. 3 See J. Bean, Many Shades of Black: Inside Britain’s Far Right (London: New Millennium, 1999). 4 See Searchlight, no. 128, Feb. 1986, p. 15. 5 See for example, C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’, New Community, vol. 20, no. 4 (1994), pp. 563–79. 6 For discussion of legitimacy as a social-scientific concept, see D. Beetham, The Legitimation of Power (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1991). 7 For earlier work on the BNP by this author, see N. Copsey, ‘Fascism: The Ideology of the British National Party’, Politics, vol. 14, no. 3 (1994), pp. 101–8 and ‘Contemporary Fascism in the Local Arena: The British National Party and “Rights for Whites”’, in M. Cronin (ed.) The Failure of British Fascism: The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (Basingstoke: Macmillan- Palgrave, 1996), pp. 118–40. For earlier work by others, see for example C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’; R. Eatwell, ‘Britain: The BNP and the Problem of Legitimacy’, in H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Estab- lished Democracies (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1998), pp. 143–55; and D. Renton, ‘Examining the Success of the British National Party, 1999–2003’, Race and Class, vol. -
The Memory of Rudolf Hess in Skinhead Culture Ryan Shaffer
ISSN: 2196-8136 Special Issue: Music and Radicalism Ausgabe: 3/2014 From Outcast to Martyr: The Memory of Rudolf Hess in Skinhead Culture Ryan Shaffer 1 Abstract: This article explores neo-Nazi skinhead culture by reviewing how the memory of Rudolf Hess is employed by extremists as a transnational icon. It highlights how Hess, an outcast in the Nazi party and imprisoned by the British, became a “martyr” to post-war fascists in Britain and Germany. This article reviews skinhead music, video and rare literature to show how diverse skinhead groups in many different countries emulated skinhead leaders in resurrecting Hess’ memory and propagating conspiracy. In offering a rare glimpse into skinhead culture, it draws from magazines that were illegally produced and circulated in Europe, which violate race relations laws, deny the Holocaust or contain fascist images or symbols that are banned. The illegal and clandestine nature of the fascist songs and literature reinforced the power of icons like Hess, which in turn fostered a special bond between skinheads in other countries. 1 Ryan Shaffer is currently a postdoctoral fellow at the Institute for Global Studies at Stony Brook University in New York. Ryan Shaffer: From Outcast to Martyr: The Memory of Rudolf Hess in Skinhead Culture 111 ISSN: 2196-8136 Special Issue: Music and Radicalism Ausgabe: 3/2014 Skinhead music developed connections between young extremists throughout Europe in the 1980s and 1990s. 2 The music gave youth a common language to develop transnational icons and build friendships between movements in other countries. No longer isolated in their countries, youth found support beyond their own borders, which reinforced their beliefs and saw the establishment of international concerts where bands drew “nationalists” from neighbouring countries. -
The Far Right, Punk and British Youth Culture
White youth: the Far Right, Punk and British youth culture Article Published Version Creative Commons: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 Open Access Worley, M. and Copsey, N. (2016) White youth: the Far Right, Punk and British youth culture. JOMEC Journal, 9. pp. 27-47. ISSN 2049-2340 doi: https://doi.org/10.18573/j.2016.10041 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/57694/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . Published version at: http://www.cardiff.ac.uk/jomec/research/journalsandpublications/jomecjournal/callforpapers/index.html Identification Number/DOI: https://doi.org/10.18573/j.2016.10041 <https://doi.org/10.18573/j.2016.10041> Publisher: Cardiff University: Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online JOMEC Journal Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies Published by Cardiff University Press White Youth: The Far Right, Punk and British Youth Culture, 1977–87 Matthew Worley and Nigel Copsey Teesside University (Nigel Copsey) Email: [email protected] University of Reading (Matthew Worley) Email: [email protected] Keywords Punk Fascism Youth Culture Britain Abstract ‘White Youth’ recovers and explains the relationship between far-right organisations and British youth culture in the period between 1977 and 1987. -
Backlash, Conspiracies & Confrontation
STATE OF HATE 2021 BACKLASH, CONSPIRACIES & CONFRONTATION HOPE ACTION FUND We take on and defeat nazis. Will you step up with a donation to ensure we can keep fighting the far right? Setting up a Direct Debit to support our work is a quick, easy, and secure pro- cess – and it will mean you’re directly impacting our success. You just need your bank account number and sort code to get started. donate.hopenothate.org.uk/hope-action-fund STATE OF HATE 2021 Editor: Nick Lowles Deputy Editor: Nick Ryan Contributors: Rosie Carter Afrida Chowdhury Matthew Collins Gregory Davis Patrik Hermansson Roxana Khan-Williams David Lawrence Jemma Levene Nick Lowles Matthew McGregor Joe Mulhall Nick Ryan Liron Velleman HOPE not hate Ltd PO Box 61382 London N19 9EQ Registered office: Suite 1, 3rd Floor, 11-12 St. James’s Square, London SW1Y 4LB United Kingdom Tel.: +44 (207) 9521181 www.hopenothate.org.uk @hope.n.hate @hopenothate HOPE not hate @hopenothate HOPE not hate | 3 STATE OF HATE 2021 CONTENTS SECTION 1 – OVERVIEW P6 SECTION 3 – COVID AND CONSPIRACIES P36 38 COVID-19, Conspiracy Theories And The Far Right 44 Conspiracy Theory Scene 48 Life After Q? 6 Editorial 52 UNMASKED: The QAnon ‘Messiah’ 7 Executive Summary 54 The Qanon Scene 8 Overview: Backlash, Conspiracies & Confrontation 56 From Climate Denial To Blood and Soil SECTION 2 – RACISM P14 16 Hate Crimes Summary: 2020 20 The Hostile Environment That Never Went Away 22 How BLM Changed The Conversation On Race 28 Whitelash: Reaction To BLM And Statue Protests 31 Livestream Against The Mainstream -
An Inquiry Into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right
THE OTHER RADICALISM: AN INQUIRY INTO CONTEMPORARY AUSTRALIAN EXTREME RIGHT IDEOLOGY, POLITICS AND ORGANIZATION 1975-1995 JAMES SALEAM A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor Of Philosophy Department Of Government And Public Administration University of Sydney Australia December 1999 INTRODUCTION Nothing, except being understood by intelligent people, gives greater pleasure, than being misunderstood by blunderheads. Georges Sorel. _______________________ This Thesis was conceived under singular circumstances. The author was in custody, convicted of offences arising from a 1989 shotgun attack upon the home of Eddie Funde, Representative to Australia of the African National Congress. On October 6 1994, I appeared for Sentence on another charge in the District Court at Parramatta. I had been convicted of participation in an unsuccessful attempt to damage a vehicle belonging to a neo-nazi informer. My Thesis -proposal was tendered as evidence of my prospects for rehabilitation and I was cross-examined about that document. The Judge (whose Sentence was inconsequential) said: … Mr Saleam said in evidence that his doctorate [sic] of philosophy will engage his attention for the foreseeable future; that he has no intention of using these exertions to incite violence.1 I pondered how it was possible to use a Thesis to incite violence. This exercise in courtroom dialectics suggested that my thoughts, a product of my experiences in right-wing politics, were considered acts of subversion. I concluded that the Extreme Right was ‘The Other Radicalism’, understood by State agents as odorous as yesteryear’s Communist Party. My interest in Extreme Right politics derived from a quarter-century involvement therein, at different levels of participation. -
1 European Ethno-Nationalist and White Supremacy Groups Key
European Ethno-Nationalist and White Supremacy Groups Key Findings • European far-right ethno-nationalist groups have cast immigrants as a scapegoat for economic hardship faced by young Europeans. Rather than promote overt white supremacy, these groups denigrate minorities—particularly Muslim immigrants—as detrimental to European culture. • Far-right political parties like Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland and Italy’s Lega Nord have been able to generate substantial popular support by promising to defend their respective countries against the cultural attacks of immigrants and foreign influences, and have consequently made gains in domestic parliamentary elections. • Groups like Les Identitaires and its youth wing, Generation Identity, have renounced violence in favor of utilizing social media and public demonstrations to portray themselves as legitimate, mainstream movements protecting European culture. These groups have directly targeted Europe’s youth through social media and public demonstrations. • Some U.S. neo-Nazi groups have created a European presence. Atomwaffen Division and other U.S.-based groups have inspired European offshoots such as the Feuerkrieg Division. The Nationalist Social Club has established a following in countries such as Germany and Bulgaria. • Groups including Combat 18 and the Nordic Resistance Movement, which openly embrace neo-Nazi ideology and violent tactics, are still able to recruit for violent activities, despite the rise of non-violent, populist groups. Executive Summary More than 70 years after the defeat of Nazi Germany, ethno-nationalist and white supremacist movements in Europe continue to thrive. They include far-right political parties, neo-Nazi movements, and apolitical protest groups. Some groups openly espouse violent white supremacy, while others have propagated their radical stances under the guise of populism.