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Introduction Notes Introduction 1 Labour History Archive and Study Centre: Labour Party National Executive Committee Minutes, 1 March 1934. 2 See N. Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 2000), p. 76. 3 See J. Bean, Many Shades of Black: Inside Britain’s Far Right (London: New Millennium, 1999). 4 See Searchlight, no. 128, Feb. 1986, p. 15. 5 See for example, C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’, New Community, vol. 20, no. 4 (1994), pp. 563–79. 6 For discussion of legitimacy as a social-scientific concept, see D. Beetham, The Legitimation of Power (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1991). 7 For earlier work on the BNP by this author, see N. Copsey, ‘Fascism: The Ideology of the British National Party’, Politics, vol. 14, no. 3 (1994), pp. 101–8 and ‘Contemporary Fascism in the Local Arena: The British National Party and “Rights for Whites”’, in M. Cronin (ed.) The Failure of British Fascism: The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (Basingstoke: Macmillan- Palgrave, 1996), pp. 118–40. For earlier work by others, see for example C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’; R. Eatwell, ‘Britain: The BNP and the Problem of Legitimacy’, in H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Estab- lished Democracies (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1998), pp. 143–55; and D. Renton, ‘Examining the Success of the British National Party, 1999–2003’, Race and Class, vol. 45, No. 2 (2003), pp. 75–85. 8 For more recent work on various aspects of the British fascist tradition, see for instance, R. Thurlow, Fascism in Britain: From Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts to the National Front (London: I.B. Tauris, 1998); R. Thurlow, Fascism in Modern Britain (Stroud: Sutton, 2000); D. Renton, Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Britain in the 1940s (Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2000); T.P. Linehan, British Fascism 1918–39: Parties, Ideology and Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000); T. Kushner and N. Valman (eds), Remembering Cable Street: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in British Society (London: Vallentine Mit- chell, 2000); J.V. Gottlieb, Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain’s Fascist Movement (London: I.B. Tauris, 2000); J.V. Gottlieb and T.P. Linehan (eds), The Culture of Fascism: Visions of the Far Right in Britain (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004); and Graham Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black: Sir Oswald Mosley and the Resurrection of British Fascism after 1945 (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007). 9 See for example, P. Norris, Radical Right: Voters and Parties in the Electoral Market (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005) which misdates the formation of the BNP (p. 71) and claims the BNP had won seats on Oldham 209 210 Notes Council (p. 71); and M.H. Williams, The Impact of Radical Right-Wing Parties in West European Democracies (New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2006) which is oblivious to the existence of the BNP. 10 See R. Eatwell, ‘The Extreme Right in Britain: The Long Road to “Modern- isation”’, in R. Eatwell and C. Mudde (eds), Western Democracies and the New Extreme Right Challenge (London: Routledge, 2004); G. Deacon, A. Keita and K. Ritchie, Burnley and the BNP and the Case for Electoral Reform (London: Electoral Reform Society, 2004); D. Renton, ‘“A Day to Make History”? The 2004 Elections and the British National Party’, Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 39, no. 1 (2005), pp. 25–45; J. Cruddas, P. John, N. Lowles, H. Margetts, D. Rowland, D. Schutt and S. Weir, The Far Right in London: A Challenge for Local Democracy? (York: Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust, 2005); C. Atton, ‘Far-Right Media on the Internet: Culture, Discourse and Power’, New Media & Society, vol. 8, no. 4 (2006), pp. 573–87; P. John, H. Margetts and S. Weir, The BNP: The Roots of Its Appeal (Essex: Democratic Audit, Human Rights Centre, University of Essex, 2006); J. Rhodes, ‘The “Local” Politics of the British National Party’, SAGE Race Relations Abstracts, vol. 31, no. 5 (2006), pp. 5–20; and M. Goodwin, ‘The Extreme Right in Britain: Still an “Ugly Duckling” but for How Long?’, Political Quarterly, vol. 78, no. 2 (2007), pp. 241–50. 1 ‘Back to Front’: John Tyndall and the Origins of the British National Party 1 J. Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour: A Call for British Rebirth, 3rd edn (Welling: Albion Press, 1998), p. 42. 2 Ibid., p. 47. 3 G. Thayer, The British Political Fringe (London: Anthony Blond, 1965), p. 56. 4 On Chesterton’s conspiracy theory see A.K. Chesterton, The New Unhappy Lords (London: Candour Publishing Co., 1965). 5 R. Thurlow, Fascism in Modern Britain (Stroud: Sutton, 2000), p. 136. 6 It should be pointed out that Searchlight has previously maintained that Tyndall was involved with the pre-1960 British Nazi ‘underground’ at the age of 19, see Searchlight, no. 35, 1978, p. 8. According to Searchlight’s sources, this was revealed in a cassette tape that was used in the covert recruitment of new members to Column 88 – a shadowy Nazi paramilitary group formed in Britain in 1970. But if Tyndall was an undercover Nazi at the age of 19, why did it take him several years before he ‘infiltrated’ the League of Empire Loyalists? 7 See Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, p. 11 and p. 24. 8 Ibid., p. 26. 9 Transcript of Tyndall speech (June 1979) in possession of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. 10 Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, p. 51. 11 Ibid., p. 53. 12 Ibid., p. 63. 13 J. Bean, Many Shades of Black: Inside Britain’s Far Right (London: New Millen- nium, 1999), p. 116. Notes 211 14 See Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, p. 176 and Bean, Many Shades of Black, p. 119. 15 See M. Walker, The National Front, 2nd edn (London: Fontana/Collins, 1978), p. 33. Bean has subsequently denied that the NLP held any meet- ings in the area prior to the riots. See Bean, Many Shades of Black, p. 121. 16 Bean, Many Shades of Black, p. 141. 17 M. Webster, ‘Why I am a Nazi’, The National Socialist, no. 7, 1962. 18 Rosine de Bounevialle as quoted in Walker, The National Front, p. 45. 19 R. Hill with A. Bell, The Other Face of Terror: Inside Europe’s Neo-Nazi Network (London: Grafton, 1988), p. 81. 20 Walker, The National Front, p. 105. 21 Alistair Harper, a Scottish schoolteacher, and Roger Pearson, a racist anthropologist, established the Northern League in 1957. It was an inter- national society for the preservation and survival of the ‘Nordic race’. Little has been written about this organisation, but a useful summary of its activ- ities can be found in Searchlight, no. 108, June 1984, p. 9. 22 See Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, p. 96. 23 J. Tyndall, ‘The Jew in Art’, copy in possession of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. 24 See D. Baker, Ideology of Obsession: A.K. Chesterton and British Fascism (London: I.B. Tauris, 1996), pp. 184–9. 25 G. Macklin, Very Deeply Dyed in Black: Sir Oswald Mosley and the Resurrection of British Fascism after 1945 (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007), pp. 123–5. 26 See G. Gable, ‘Britain’s Nazi Underground’, in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson and M. Vaughan (eds), The Far Right in Western and Eastern Europe, 2nd edn (London: Longman, 1995), pp. 258–9. 27 See Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, pp. 177–9. 28 See Walker, The National Front, pp. 39–40. 29 Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, p. 179. 30 J. Tyndall, The Authoritarian State (London: National Socialist Movement, 1962), p. 14 and p. 15. 31 D. Edgar, ‘Racism, Fascism and the Politics of the National Front’, Race and Class, vol. 19, no. 2 (1977), p. 116. 32 Tyndall, The Authoritarian State, p. 16. 33 Ibid., pp. 18–20. 34 Ibid., p. 7. 35 See ‘Post-Fascists and Neo-Nazis in Britain Today’, Part 2, Supplement to the Institute of Race Relations Newsletter, Nov. 1962. 36 Estimated by the Daily Mail, 10 Aug. 1962. 37 Press Association Special Reporting Service: Report of the proceedings at Bow Street Magistrates Court, 20 Aug. 1962. 38 The former name of Egypt. See The Times, 3 Oct. 1962 and The Sunday Telegraph, 10 March 1963. In July 1962 Tyndall had requested the sum of £15,000 to cover production of leaflets, pamphlets, the NSM’s newspaper, stocking its bookshop, appointment of full-time workers and even the purchase of a pirate broadcasting system. 39 See N. Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2000). 40 Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, p. 180. 212 Notes 41 Ibid., p. 181. 42 At their ‘National Socialist’ wedding ceremony, a drop of mixed blood from the happy couple was allowed to drop onto a virgin copy of Mein Kampf. 43 Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, p. 191. 44 Walker, The National Front, p. 134. 45 See Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, pp. 190–1. 46 National Socialist Movement: ‘Statement on Colin Jordan’, 13 May 1964. 47 National Socialist Movement, Internal Bulletin, July 1964. 48 Official Programme of the Greater Britain Movement (n.d.), p. 3. 49 Tyndall, The Eleventh Hour, p. 192. 50 See Walker, The National Front, p. 71 and Students Against Fascism: Briefing Paper on the National Front, in possession of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. 51 Thayer, The British Political Fringe, p. 61. 52 Board of Deputies of British Jews, Defence with Responsibility (n.d.), p. 22. 53 Spearhead, no. 12, July 1966, p. 9. 54 See M.
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